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Peace and Conflict Impact Assessment (PCIA) and other conflict-sensitive analytical tools are currently high on the agenda of development and humanitarian organisations. This article asks how far these tools can actually contribute to better development and humanitarian assistance in the context of conflict. For this, it attempts to match agency expectations with the existing tools for conflict analysis and impact assessment. It discusses key methodological challenges to developing conflict-sensitive tools and looks at the lessons learned from using them within aid administrations. The paper concludes on a cautious note, calling for more realistic expectations regarding the analysis that can be provided and reminding aid agencies that tools are just one element in the complex process of mainstreaming conflict-sensitivity.

The COVID-19 pandemic has altered every industry's operation and safety requirements, including that of the construction industry. Different measures are thus required to mitigate the spread of the disease among construction site workers. This article explores the basic measures construction organisations have instituted at construction project sites to curb the spread of the virus among construction site workers. A qualitative research method was adopted for the study, while data were collected through open-ended questions. Summative content analysis was employed to analyse the qualitative data and determine the frequency of keywords that were further translated to quantitative measurements. The study determined that construction organisations have largely instituted some basic measures to curb the spread of COVID-19 on sites, whereas most organisations were lacking in the area of social distancing. COVID-19 is still new; therefore, the body of knowledge is still in the infancy stage. To date, there is no evidence of empirical studies that addressed the compliance level of Nigerian construction organisations with basic measures for curtailing the spread of COVID-19. Policymakers could adopt the interventions arising from this study to mitigate the spread of the virus.

This paper has as it main goal to socialize the research advancements with respect to the specific objectiveof the investigation "Recognize the Peace Special Jurisdiction's particularities and singularities in relationto the Justice formal administration". This, it states the relation between the Peace Special Jurisdiction andthe ordinary justice, establishing the existing differences and similarities and identifying the elementsthat make this Jurisdiction, implemented in the 1991 Political Constitution of Colombia and regulated bythe Law 497 of 1999, a particular one. The above is accomplished through a reference framework in whichthe appearance of the Peace justice in Colombia is inscribed, as well as the set up of current theoreticaldebates in relation to the pairing special jurisdiction–formal justice, in contrast with the peace judges'perceptions to finally lay out the consequences that originate theoretical disjunctives around this topic. ; Este Artículo se propone socializar los avances de investigación respecto al objetivo específico de la investigación "Reconocer la particularidad y singularidad de la Jurisdicción Especial de Paz frente a la administración formal de justicia". Así, plantea la relación de la Jurisdicción Especial de Paz (JEP) con la justicia ordinaria, estableciendo las diferencias y similitudes existentes para identificar los elementos que hacen particular a la JEP, instaurada en la Constitución Política de 1991 y regulada por la Ley 497 de 1999. Lo anterior se logra a partir de un marco referencial, en el cual se inscribe el surgimiento de la justicia de paz en Colombia, así como en el planteamiento de los debates teóricos existentes con relación al binomio jurisdicción especial–justicia formal, contrastados con las percepciones de jueces de paz, para esbozar finalmente las consecuencias que generan las disyuntivas teóricas en torno al tema.

The February Revolution marked the beginning of a complex process of social, political, and economic transformation of the Russian Empire. Already during the October Revolution and the Russian Civil War, various projects of nation-building were proposed, the struggle between the representatives of which intensified especially in the western regions of the former Empire. In Belarus, which had been partially under German occupation since mid-1915, the national movement remained rather weak and was often supported by external forces, such as the German administration, the Bolsheviks, and later the Roll Republic. Under such conditions, neither the Belarusian People's Republic (BNR), first proclaimed on March 25, 1918, nor the Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic (BSSR), formed on January 1, 1919, could claim significant support from the Belarusian population. Instead, in Ukraine, national leaders have become the fiercest advocates of self-government and state independence. Thus, the first post-revolutionary years were marked by a fierce confrontation between the Ukrainian People's Republic (UPR), formed on November 7, 1917, and the Soviet Republic of Ukraine, which had existed under different names since December 1917.

AbstractRepublican support for the 1982 Voting Rights Act (VRA) extension is a puzzle for scholars of racial policy coalitions. The extension contained provisions that were manifestly antithetical to core principles of the "color-blind" policy alliance said to dominate the GOP. Recent scholarship has explained this puzzling decision by arguing that conservatives were confident that the VRA's most objectionable provisions could be undone by the federal bureaucracy and judiciary, while absolving Republicans of the blame of being against voting rights. This article suggests that the picture is more complicated. Applying the concept of "critical junctures" to the 1982 VRA extension, the article highlights the importance of actors' contingent decisions and reveals a wider range of choices available to political entrepreneurs than has been conventionally understood. Highlighting differing views within the Reagan administration, this article also identifies a wider range of reasons why Republicans supported the act's extension, including career ambition, party-building, policy agenda advancement, and genuine commitment, rather than simply a defensive stance as implied by recent histories.

The Netherlands is positioned amidst three major powers and controls the mouths of three main European rivers. Until the First World War, its choice for armed neutrality (1840-1940) seemed to be the most fitting answer to its security problem. After 1918, the Netherlands had difficulties adjusting to modern war, having decreased its defence budget substantially, and lacked a coherent political-military answer to the interwar strategic and operational challenges. Old notions of the Netherlands as a vital element of regional peace and as a country that could influence the behaviour of its large neighbours no longer fitted reality. Neutrality ceased to provide security to the country, thereby also endangering the stability in Western Europe to which the Dutch so wholeheartedly aspired.

Women have had a subordinate position throughout history. Some evidence dates back to ancient Greece, where relations between the master and slaves, father and children, and between men and women were clearly defined in each household. All these relations were based on male domination. Considering the given inequality situation, legal rules were not necessary. Thus, men were "destined" to become rulers and have a dominant role and position in relation to women in family, love, politics or business. Women did not have significant positions in society, nor did they participate to a significant extent in the decision-making processes. In the 20th century, women started raising issues related to gender roles, woman's role and position in society, and gender equality. In recent years, one of the prominent issues is woman's role in warfares and peace-keeping activities, and in the national and international security and defense sectors. The paper provides an overview of different international and national documents that promote active and equal participation of women in peace and security activities, both worldwide and in transition countries such as Bosnia and Herzegovina. ; Žene su kroz historiju imale podređeni položaj, a dokazi o tome dolaze i iz antičke Grčke, gdje su u svakom kućanstvu odnosi bili definirani između gospodara i robova, oca i djece te specifični odnosi između muškaraca i žena. Svi ti odnosi temeljili su se na dominaciji. Zakoni vlasti nisu bili potrebni s obzirom na ove, već postojeće, situacije nejednakosti. Tako su muškarci bili "predodređeni" da postanu vladari, oni koji imaju dominantnu ulogu u odnosu na žene u svim odnosima - porodici, ljubavnoj politici ili biznisu. Tokom prošle godine pitanje položaja žene u društvo često se dovodilo u vezu sa njenom ulogom u ratu/miru, kao i ulogom u sigurnosnom i odbrambenom sektoru u svijetu, ali i u tranzicijskim zemljama kao što je Bosna i Hercegovina.

Amidst a controversial confrontation between the AK Party government and the Gülen Movement, the 2014 local elections in Turkey became part and parcel of national politics and led voters across the nation to approach local races with an eye on this election season's broader implications. Millions of citizens in Eastern Anatolia and the Southeast, where the Kurds constitute a majority of the population, arguably cast their votes with similar consideration in mind. As such, the elections of March 30, 2014 reaffirmed the dominance of the ruling AK Party and the Peace and Democracy Party (BDP), which almost exclusively shouldered the burden of the Kurdish peace process over the past 18 months. After the elections, the BDP announced that it would merge with the People's Democratic Party (HDP) as part of an outreach strategy to become Turkey's main opposition party –a quest that, despite slim chances of success, will guide the Kurdish political movement's future moves ; Türkiye, 30 Mart 2014'te sadece bir yerel seçim yapmadı. Hem Türkiye genelinde hem de Güneydoğu ve Doğu Anadolu Bölgesi özelinde 30 Mart, bir yerel seçim olmanın ötesinde anlamlar kazandı. Bu itibarla seçmenlerin oy davranışlarını etkileyen temel saik, adaylar ve yerel dinamiklerden ziyade, partilerin makro politik tercihleri oldu. Türkiye genelinde seçimin bir genel seçim hüviyetine bürünmesinde iki olay belirleyici oldu: Biri, 17 Aralık 2013'te başlayan ve hükümet ile Gülen Cemaati arasında büyük bir mücadeleye sebep veren operasyonlardı. Diğer ise, yaklaşık birbuçuk yıldır sürdürülmekte olan çözüm süreciydi. Yapılan seçimlerden, genel olarak, AKP ve BDP zafer ile çıktılar. Halk, barış sürecini yükünü omuzlarında taşıyan iki partinin arkasında durdu. Çözüm sürecine mesafeli duran CHP ile karşı bir pozisyon takınan MHP, halktan destek görmedi. Bölgede ise AKP ve BDP'nin hâkimiyeti bir kez daha ortaya çıktı. Mevcut parametreler dâhilinde bölgede siyasettin görülür bir gelecekte de AKP ve BDP üzerinden yürüyeceğini söylemek mümkün. Her seçimde diğer ...

Peace & Conflict Impact Assessment (PCIA) & other conflict-sensitive analytical tools are currently high on the agenda of development & humanitarian organisations. This article asks how far these tools can actually contribute to better development & humanitarian assistance in the context of conflict. For this, it attempts to match agency expectations with the existing tools for conflict analysis & impact assessment. It discusses key methodological challenges to developing conflict-sensitive tools & looks at the lessons learned from using them within aid administrations. The paper concludes on a cautious note, calling for more realistic expectations regarding the analysis that can be provided & reminding aid agencies that tools are just one element in the complex process of mainstreaming conflict-sensitivity. 1 Table, 4 Boxes, 39 References. Adapted from the source document.

Virtually all observers at the beginning of 2001 were pessimistic regarding the likelihood of an end to the protracted civil war afflicting the Sudan since 1955. The pessimism changed to cautious optimism when serious dialogue resumed in late 2001 between the military regime in Khartoum, hereafter the government of Sudan, or GOS, and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A). The dialogue, mediated by Kenya and under the auspices of the regional body known as the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), led to the Machakos Protocol of July 20, 2002. The protocol laid the groundwork for a peace agreement that was to be negotiated in the following years, and most specifically called for a six-year interim period ending with a referendum in southern Sudan where secession of the South would be an option.