Suchergebnisse

The end of the Soviet Union was accompanied by the collapse of the centrally planned economy. This set off a massive migration of people, especially from the peripheral regions of Russia. Since 1991, the far north has lost almost a fifth of its population. Some 59 percent has left the Magadan region; almost three-fourths of the inhabitants have left the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug. This has grave consequences for the socio-economic situation of those who remain and for infrastructure, settlement, and the job market. Adapted from the source document.

T.A.T.u. is the most successful Russian pop band of all time. This success is no coincidence; it is based on the skillful adaptation of the band's lesbian image to different cultural environments. T.A.T.u. was conceived as a way to provoke Russian society; by kissing in public, the duo succeeded in being banned twice in Western Europe and the United States, which drew considerable publicity. The pop duo's history shows how structures of the Western consumer industry are applied to Russian conditions, undergo change there and then influence the West's perception of Russia. Adapted from the source document.

The history of commemorating the victims of Stalinist repression is a short one. In 1988, the first memorial stone was erected in Vorkuta. In terms of typology, memorials to the victims of repression lean on war memorials. In the choice of the materials & the design of the memorials, there are recurrent elements. Cracks & cavities express the victims' disappearance. But one tradition of commemoration has yet to establish itself. To this day, there is no central monument in Russia which could serve as a symbol for reassessing the Stalinist terror & the Gulag. Adapted from the source document.

This paper addresses the issue of economic voting in transitional democracies using data from the Russian federal elections. It argues that the shock of inflation that followed the fundamental economic reform has a lasting influence on voters. Specifically, it shows that in Russia, where inflationary policy led to hyperinflation & the widespread loss of personal savings, the magnitude of savings lost at that time continues to explain a significant portion of the variation in the regional support for the communist party in parliamentary & presidential elections. 9 Tables, 8 Figures, 70 References. Adapted from the source document.

Intro -- Contents -- Notes on Contributors -- International Order and the Bolshevik: Challenge in the Aftermath of World War I -- Diplomacy and Security: The Bolshevik Threat -- Italian Reaction to the Bolshevik Revolution (1917-1918) -- Liberal Italy and Tsarist Russia: A Weak Relationship? -- Russia and Italy: Uneasy Allies in the First World War Until the Outbreak of the October Revolution -- Italy's Early Reactions to the October Revolution -- Tomasi della Torretta and the Bolshevik Government Until the Brest-Litovsk Peace -- Italy and Russia from Brest-Litovsk to the End of the War -- Conclusions -- Rome and Moscow Seek a Closer Alliance in the 1920s -- Precedents -- Italy Seen from Moscow -- Can More Be Done? -- Bucharest or Moscow -- Conclusions -- The Other Thermopylae of Europe: Greater Romania and the Red Menace -- Hungarian Communists in Italy: Under the Surveillance of Italian and Hungarian Authorities -- The Empire Under Attack: Anglo-Soviet Relations and Bolshevik Infiltration in India in the Early 1920s -- Britain and the October Revolution -7133 https://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/maxweberstiftung-ebooks/detail.action?docID=6039474- 'The Achilles Heel of British Imperialism': Comintern, the Colonial Question and India -- Economic Rapprochement: The Trade Agreement -- Communism in India: The Tashkent Experiment -- Violation of the Agreement and the Curzon Ultimatum -- Conclusion: The Attack on the Jewel of the Crown -- Perceptions of Bolshevism: People, Networks and Ideas -- From Mistrust to Hostility: Perceptions of the Russian Revolutions Among French Political Circles (1917-1919) -- Introduction -- First Hopes Generated by the February Revolution: A Social and Patriotic Revolution? -- The October Revolution and Policy Towards Russia -- Allied Intervention in the Russian Civil War and "Sanitary Cord": Bolshevism Through the Prism of Domestic Policy -- Conclusion.

Intro -- Contents -- Author Biography -- Joint Development of Offshore Oil and Gas Resources in the Arctic Ocean Region and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea -- Abstract -- Keywords -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Arctic Legal Framework and Governance -- 2.1 The Law of the Sea - The General Framework -- 2.2 Dispute Resolution and Maritime Boundary Delimitation -- 2.3 The Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf -- 2.4 The International Seabed Authority (ISBA) and the Arctic Ocean Region -- 2.5 The Arctic Council -- 3 Maritime Disputes in the Arctic and Areas Suitable for JDZs -- 3.1 Boundary Claims and Arctic State Submissions to the CLCS -- 3.2 State Boundary Claims and Agreements -- 3.2.1 United States/Russia (Bering Sea and Chukchi Sea) -- 3.2.2 United States Arctic Coast - Alaska -- 3.2.3 United States/Canada - Beaufort Sea -- 3.2.4 Canadian Arctic Coast - Lomonosov and Alpha Ridges -- 3.2.5 Canada/Denmark (Greenland) - Lincoln Sea -- 3.2.6 Danish Arctic Coast (Greenland) - Lomonosov Ridge -- 3.2.7 Denmark (Greenland)/Norway (Jan Mayen and Svalbard) -- 3.2.8 Denmark (Greenland and Faroes)/Iceland -- 3.2.9 Norway (Jan Mayen)/Iceland - Current Arctic JDZ -- 3.2.10 Norwegian Arctic Coast and Svalbard Treaty Area -- 3.2.11 Norway/Russia (Barents Sea) - Resolved by the 2010 Treaty -- 3.2.12 Russian Arctic Coast - Lomonosov and Mendeleev Ridges -- 3.2.13 The Area - UNCLOS Part XI Regime -- 3.3 Areas Suitable for JDZs -- 3.3.1 United States and Russia - Bering Sea -- 3.3.2 United States and Canada - Beaufort Sea -- 3.3.3 Svalbard -- 3.3.4 Central Arctic - Canada, Denmark (Greenland) and Russia -- 3.3.5 Central Arctic and Norwegian Sea - Three Zones under the Area Regime, UNCLOS Part XI -- 4 Joint Development Zones -- 4.1 General Structure of JDZs and the BIICL Model Agreement -- 4.2 JDZ Selected Examples

This monograph is a translation from the Russian language of the book "Relationships Between the Turkic-Muslims of the Russian and Ottoman Empires at the Turn of XX Cent." (Moscow, 2010). The first part of the study examines the organization conditions of the Muslim pilgrimage from Russia to Hijaz: routes, quarantines and epidemics, the main problems connected with staying on the territory of the Ottoman Empire, relations between the Muslims and Turkish religious leaders, Sufi sheikhs and government officials. The second part of the monograph is devoted to the arrival of the Ottoman intellectuals in Russia, who set out to examine the economic, cultural and educational situation of the Muslims in the Volga region. The First World War was a great ordeal for Russian Muslims: remaining faithful to the Russian Empire, they nevertheless rendered assistance to the Ottoman prisoners of war in Russia. Relying on the memoirs of the Turkish officers, who were in Russian captivity, the author examines their view of Russia as a whole, and of the state of the Tatars-Muslims in particular. --- Rusya ve Osmanlı İmparatorlukları tarihi-coğrafi kaderin komşu yaptığı çok milletli, çok dinli ve çok dilli iki devlettir. İçlerinde barındırdıkları Rus-Hristiyan-Müslüman-Türk ile diğer taraftan Türk-Müslüman-Hristiyan unsuru, bu iki devletin vasfı olduğu kadar aynı zamanda bir iç çelişkisi olarak birbirlerine benzer. 19.yy sonlarında İmparatorlukların tarihten çekilme aşamasında çekilmeyi veya yıkılmayı belirleyen en önemli husus bu imparatorlukların iç çelişkilerinde ortaya çıkar. Bu çelişkilerin ortaya çıkardığı savaşlar, göçler, fikir hareketleri ve inançlar bir yandan ayrışmayı derinleştirirken, diğer yandan da kendi anti tezini yaratarak yeni olgu ve oluşumlara yol açar ... (Tanıtım Bülteninden)

"Why Don't Electoral Rules Have the Same Effects in ALL Countries? In the early 1990s, Japan and Russia each adopted a very similar version of a "mixed-member" electoral system. In the form used in Japan and Russia, in elections to a single house of the legislature each voter cast two ballots: one for a candidate in a single-member district (SMD) and one for a party under proportional representation (PR). In the SMD races, both countries used first-past-the-post (FPTP) rules, meaning that the candidate winning the largest number of votes in the district wins the race, even if tallying under a majority of all the SMD ballots cast. In PR, parties win shares of seats roughly in proportion to their share of the party vote. In both Japan and Russia, the PR systems used closed-list rules, meaning that prior to each election central party leaders put together a rank-ordered list of candidates to determine which individuals would win seats if the party won representation in PR. In PR in both countries, voters were only given the chance to choose a single pre-set party list. Both countries used mixed-member-majoritarian (MMM) electoral systems, meaning that the SMD and PR components of the system were "unlinked"--Seats won by parties in one tier (e.g., SMDs) did not affect the number of seats allocated to the party in the other tier (e.g., PR). In short, both Russia and Japan adopted very similar forms of mixed-member electoral systems. In both countries, it was widely expected that the different rules would promote particular outcomes:"--

Intro -- Half-title page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Illustrations -- Notes on contributors -- 1. By Way of Introduction: British Reception, Perception and Recognition of Russian Culture Anthony Cross -- 2. Byron, Don Juan, and Russia Peter Cochran -- 3. William Henry Leeds and Early British Responses to Russian Literature Anthony Cross -- 4. Russian Icons through British Eyes, c. 1830-1930 Richard Marks -- 5. The Crystal Palace Exhibition and Britain's Encounter with Russia Scott Ruby -- 6. An 'Extraordinary Engagement': A Russian Opera Company in Victorian Britain Tamsin Alexander -- 7. Russian Folk Tales for English Readers: Two Personalities and Two Strategies in British Translations of the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries Tatiana Bogrdanova -- 8. 'Wilful Melancholy' or 'a Vigorous and Manly Optimism'?: Rosa Newmarch and the Struggle against Decadence in the British Reception of Russian Music, 1897-1917 Philip Ross Bullock -- 9. 'Infantine Smudges of Paint... Infantine Rudeness of Soul': British Reception of Russian Art at the Exhibitions of the Allied Artists' Association, 1908-1911 Louise Hardiman -- 10. Crime and Publishing: How Dostoevskii Changed the British Murder Muireann Maguire -- 11. Stephen Graham and Russian Spirituality: The Pilgrim in Search of Salvation Michael Hughes -- 12. Jane Harrison as an Interpreter of Russian Culture in the 1910s-1920s Alexandra Smith -- 13. Aleksei Remizov's English-language Translators: New Material Marilyn Schwinn Smith -- 14. Chekhov and the Buried Life of Katherine Mansfield Rachel Polonsky -- 15. 'A Gaul Who has Chosen Impeccable Russian as his Medium': Ivan Bunin and the British Myth of Russia in the Early 20th Century Svetlana Klimova -- 16. Russia and Russian Culture in The Criterion, 1922-1939 Olga Ushakova.

The article presents the results of testing the hypothesis, according to which ballot stuffing in favor of the "party in power", while causing minor distortions to the structure of electoral cleavages, does not fundamentally change it. The author tested the hypothesis on the data from the 2016 and 2021 elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation held via proportional system rules. He used the following method: in the regions where ballot stuffing was allegedly used in favor of the United Russia party, a certain number of votes were subtracted from the United Russia electoral results in accordance with the difference between the maximum and effective ranges of the electoral cleavage related to the confrontation between of the United Russia and the rest of elections' participants. The author employed two models to run calculations: in the first model the threshold for deduction was a difference of 50% between the maximum and effective range, in the second model the difference was 5%. For 2016 elections, the first model took away more than 6.1 million votes from the United Russia, the second model subtracted more than 12.5 million votes; for 2021 elections — more than 5 and more than 10 million votes, respectively. Nevertheless, there was no radical change in the structure of electoral cleavages, let alone its elimination. The study showed that although ballot stuffing in favor of the "party in power" artificially overemphasizes the role of the authoritarian-democratic confrontation, sidelining other confrontations, the structure of electoral cleavages per se is largely preserved. Mathematical methods, especially factor analysis, can be efficiently used to detect this structure.

The article makes a contribution to academic discussion about the actual global problem of providing world's population with the food. The paper focuses on cooperation between Russia and China in the context of economic development of Russian border regions and food security in China which is both largest food producer and food consumer. The main research question is how the situation with the food security in China influences cooperation between Russia in China in agriculture production and trade (especially grain trade) and could Russia benefit from it. And otherwise, what makes it difficult to cope with China in this aspect: alarmist sentiments, bureaucratic troubles or lack of food in Russia itself. On the basis of the analysis of sources about Russian production, Chinese consumption and the flow of goods via Russo-Chinese border the author concludes that import of Russian products (especially soybeans) has important but not crucial role for China's food security while the demand for Russian production would maintain in the future. It is becoming more profitable for Russian agriculture business to produce food for Chinese market in recent years so now large-scale Russian corporations displace small-scale Chinese farmers from the Russian Far East soil but involvement of Chinese trade companies maintains crucial. There are good prospects for development of agriculture in the eastern regions of Russian (not only Far East but Siberia as well) while increasing of export to China could be provided only after the construction of special port terminal in the Russian Far East. Author proposes several variants for location of such a port terminal and analyzes actual situation in this sphere.

Abstract
This paper contributes to the ongoing debate on the nature of Sino-Russian relations by applying a multi-vector framework to examine the tenability of the so-called strategic partnership between Russia and China in the Russian Far East (RFE). Addressing a growing body of literature that seeks to move beyond single-factor evaluations of the dyadic relationship, I embrace the principles of analytic eclecticism, borrowing from Voskressenki's (Alexei D. Voskressenski, Russia and China: A Theory of Inter-State Relations [London, 2003]) multifactor framework to advance an argument for intertwining the three dominant international relations research traditions—realism, liberalism, and constructivism—to conduct a more comprehensive evaluation of the current equilibrium in the RFE, rather than assuming in advance the most pertinent lens. This in turn allows for more effective application of international relations theory to Sino-Russian studies. To accomplish my aim, I incorporate data pertaining to economic, geopolitical, and ideational factors. From these data, I find that the relationship in the RFE is in a state of stable equilibrium, with the most important vectors contributing to the balance for each side at present, geopolitical considerations for Moscow and ideational concerns for Beijing, being conducive to cooperation. The short-term potential for conflict is thus minimal, but a shock in the form of increasing Chinese nationalist hostility toward Russia or continued territorial belligerence by Russia internationally would severely endanger the status quo. By applying a similar approach to other dimensions of the Sino-Russian relationship, scholars can gain greater traction in assessing the robustness of the continually evolving bilateral partnership between these two large and important neighbors.

The Treaty on Open Skies has been an important legal instrument contributing to global arms control in recent years. Signed in 1992, the Treaty on Open Skies allows the monitoring and collection of data on military potential through observation flights over one another's territories, thus becoming a confidence-building and transparency measure among its signatories. The recent decisions by the US and Russia to withdraw from this agreement impact the security situation globally and regionally. They reflect a gradual erosion of the architecture of arms control that has been introduced since the end of the Cold War. Georgia remains the only state in the South Caucasus to be a signatory to this Treaty. It is also the only state in the region to remain (since 2008) in a conflict with Russia. While striving to join the EU and NATO, it lies on the land of strategic importance to Russia and other regional and global players. The main objective of this publication is to discuss the importance of the Treaty on Open Skies, considering its specificity from a regional perspective, and to assess the implications of the withdrawals of the US and Russia from the Treaty on security in Georgia and in the South Caucasus. Using a descriptive approach and legal-political analysis, the author discusses the creation, functioning, and causes of the breakdown of this legal-institutional system, while looking at its importance for global arms control and security related consequences it may trigger for the region. A closer look at the South Caucasus highlights the author's belief in the Treaty's critical role in the region and the importance of preserving its existence.