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Here we describe modified syntheses of o-acetylbenzoic acids and o-acetylphenylacetic acids by Heck palladium-catalysed arylation of n-butyl vinyl ether with o-iodobenzoic acids or with o-iodophenylacetic acids, respectively. General syntheses of benzo[b]naphtho[2,3-b]furan-6,11-diones from o-acetylbenzoic acids and 2-benzyl3-hydroxynaphthalene-1,4-diones from o-acetylphenylacetic acids are also reported. ; This work has received financial support from the Xunta de Galicia (Centro singular de investigación de Galicia accreditation 2016–2019, ED431G/09; and Project GRC2014/040), the European Union (Europe- an Regional Development Fund-ERDF), FONDECYT (Research Grants 1161816 and 1141264) and Galchimia S.A. ; SI

The purpose of this article is to suggest that the perspective of scholars studying regional integration be broadened to include research expressly concerned with the consequences of integration and to indicate the directions that such efforts might take. To date, the students of integration have been mainly describing, analyzing, and measuring the integration process. This is true of research on the European Communities as well as of studies of integration elsewhere in Europe and on other continents. In our quest for political community we have utilized a number of different research strategies and focused on a broad range of indicators, but our primary concern has been with regional capacities for aggregating political authority.

This paper emphasized how Thomas Paine's later works, primarily Rights of Man, would be particularly helpful in teaching contemporary issues associated with globalization, economic interdependence, and democratization. This body of Paine's work seeks to export many of the foundational ideas of American liberalism to Europe. These include the virtues of free markets, human rights, and democracy. Paine also sought to spread democracy by force of arms if necessary. Questions of how to encourage free trade, democracy, and a respect for human rights have become integral to discussions of globalization. Paine's later works can be used as a means to introduce students to the prevailing concerns of living in this period of increasing globalization.

This work was supported by the Health Department PERIS-project no. SLT/002/16/00374 and AGAUR-projects no. 2017SGR1080, 2014SGR633, 2017SGR1033, and 2009SGR1315 of the Catalan Government (Generalitat de Catalunya); the Spanish Institute of Health Carlos III (ISCIII) project no. DTS16/00153, and CIBERONC CB16/12/00312 and CB16/12/00489; and Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad (MINECO) project nos. SAF2014-55000-R, BFU2014-57466-P, SAF2017-89673-R, SAF2017-86242-R, and SAF2015-70270-REDT cofinanced by the European Development Regional Fund, 'A way to achieve Europe' ERDF; the Cellex Foundation; and "la Caixa" Bank Foundation (LCF/PR/GN18/51140001). We thank Dr Thomas Graf for providing the transdifferentiation model.

Greenbelt was built during the Roosevelt Administration at the tail end of the Great Depression. This photograph shows Greenbelt in 1970 and the walkways are deteriorating and walls are covered in graffiti. Greenbelt was a new town built and owned by the federal government, and was inspired by the Garden City movement in Europe. Greenbelt was one of three American Garden Cities, and the first to be constructed. Residential applicants were put through a screening process based on income, occupation, and willingness to participate in communal activities. The screening also excluded African Americans which lasted until 1963. As of 2000 the census reports Greenbelt is 40% African American. ; https://digitalcommons.ric.edu/smolski_images/1515/thumbnail.jpg

I was born with a disease which appears gradually in the retina, therefore my eyesight grew weaker and weaker. I could not run and play like other children, and could not read except under very strong light. This is why my father photocopied books for me with large letters, and my mother kept helping me to read my lessons. My father also accompanied me on a long trip to Spain, India, China, Europe and America hoping to cure me, but to no avail. Finally, in London, my father was told the bitter truth that his daughter would lose her sight sooner or later, and that it was only a matter of time.

Fuller information confirms the estimates which we made six months ago and repeated in February that the total real national output of the industrial countries increased in 1967 by about 3 per cent and the value of world trade by 5 per cent. But, though the errors were not big in relation to the aggregate for the year, it has now become clear that our assessment of trends in the later months was not entirely accurate. The resumption of fairly rapid economic growth in North America of which we were already aware was in fact accompanied to a significantly greater extent than we previously realised by a parallel acceleration in continental Western Europe.

The decade since the formation of the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1957 has been marked by an impressive growth of theorizing about the causes of international regional integration in Europe and in other parts of the world. However, differences in approach to conceptualization and measurement of the dependent variable—integration—have led to two kinds of problems. First, it is difficult to relate the concepts of different authors to each other, and to a certain extent integration theorists have "talked past each other". In other instances where theorists have indeed confronted each other, such as in the controversy over the current condition of the EEC (described below), differences in conceptualization have made the dispute unnecessarily difficult to resolve.

On December 9, 1964, Ernesto Guevara de la Serna, Cuban Minister of Industries and the most powerful man in Cuba under the Castro brothers, flew from Havana to New York to address the United Nations. He lashed at the United States and predicted continental revolution, "That wave of heightening fury, of just demands, of rights that have been flouted, is rising throughout Latin America, and no one can stop that tide." From New York Guevara flew to Algiers, and thus began a trek that would take him to countries in Africa, Europe and Asia. For three months Guevara traveled, talking to leaders of nations, preaching revolution and communism wherever he went.

The century embracing the wars and turmoils that politically separated America from Europe coincides roughly with that great change in the economic life of the western world known as the "Industrial Revolution." Admitting that this so-called "Revolution" did not occur simultaneously everywhere, or affect all parts in a like manner, it is nonetheless clear that it had a profound effect not only on the material well-being of the American peoples, but on their social and political institutions as well, probably an effect even more important than the political revolutions and wars that accompanied it. The period thus demands careful attention and lends itself well to regional comparative study.

The intellectual and social origins of those modern movements of political and cultural assertion which are allegedly centred on peculiar African circumstances or peculiar African principles of traditional culture—movements which may be conveniently summed up as 'Africanism'1—are to be sought in a variety of directions. Factors in the historical and social traditions of the continent in distant centuries have been evoked by some inquirers; while others have listed external influences—emanating in the main from Europe or North America, affecting chiefly those few Africans who travelled overseas, and operating only since the middle decades of the last century—which have directly or indirectly encouraged expressions of Africanism within Africa.

Just as the revolution of 1848 was preceded by a 'campaign of banquets', so, a hundred years later, the European revolution was announced by a 'campaign of congresses' spread over the years 1947–1949. These congresses expressed the state of mind, and stimulated the major trends, of a heterogenous and many-sided movement – a movement curiously inefficient in its tactics, and direct in its strategy, but to which the Council of Europe owes its existence, and because of which the Community of the Six has been able to take shape and to win the acceptance of public opinion, and hence of the parliaments and governments responsible to public opinion in those days.

The actual influence of important elements of the communist ideology on the thoughts & behavior of people in communist countries is examined on the basis of interview data from a carefully selected quota sample of 70 men in Warsaw, Poland. It is found that Marxist ideology is losing its hold, that belief is strongest among the least knowledgeable, & that nat'lism rather than class is the more important determinant of PO. It is point. ed out, however, that the minute size of the sample does not permit sweeping conclusions to the effect that the communist ideal is fast dying in Eastern Europe. More extensive res is needed. M. Maxfield.

While Africa was in the throes of the decolonisation process, many of its leaders considered classical federalism an effective way of reconciling unity and diversity.1 Along with their counterparts in Europe, they reasoned that federalism would compensate for the nation-state's inability to meet modern political, economic, and strategic demands without at the same time threatening the special interests of the constituent parts. Federalism would avoid the extreme of overcentralisation seemingly implicit in unitary government as well as the risks of disintegration which continually threaten multilateral economic and military communities. Such a system had worked for political craftsmen in earlier times; now it was to be extended to the needs of Africa.

PRESIDENT DE GAULLE announced on September 9, 1965, that after 1969 France will no longer accept an integrated North Atlantic military defense system. He recognized that in many areas France has "the best reasons for associating with others," but must retain her self-determination:so long as the solidarity of the Western peoples appears to us necessary for the eventual defense of Europe, our country will remain the ally of her allies but, upon the expiration of the commitments formerly taken — that is, in 1969 by the latest — the subordination known as "integration" which is provided for by NATO and which hands our fate over to foreign authority shall cease, as far as we are concerned.