Suchergebnisse

The EU's growth strategy (Europe 2020) and the European vision for green, circular and low-carbon economy in line with the EU 2050 (EU-roadmap 2050) give par- ticular attention to citizens' participation and engagement and therefore to Environmental Citizenship. Environmental Citizenship has been an influential con- cept in many different arenas such as economy, policy, philosophy, corporation management and marketing, which could also be better exploited and established in the field of education. Environmental Citizenship is recognized as an important aspect in addressing global environmental problems such as climate change (Stern 2011; Ockwell et al. 2009) whilst providing support to pro-environmental organisa- tions and individuals, contributing also to public pressure for political action (sign- ing petitions, writing to politicians and newspapers). Many varied definitions of Environmental Citizenship can be found within the literature. Some of them are quite similar, and important overlaps can be observed; however, others can be quite different with contradictions in their philosophy and approach. According to Dobson (2010), Environmental Citizenship refers to pro-environmental behaviour, in public and in private, driven by a belief in fairness of the distribution of environmental goods, in participation and in the co-creation of sustainability policy. It is about the active participation of citizens in moving towards sustainability. Education and especially environmental discourses in science education have a lot to contribute in adopting and promoting Environmental Citizenship. However, the conceptualisation of Environmental Citizenship in educational context remains an imperative need. The under-explored (until now) potential for pro-environmental behaviour change through Environmental Citizenship should be further emphasised (Dobson 2010) and can contribute greatly to a more sustainable world. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

While populism and technocracy have attracted enormous scientific attention in recent years, surprisingly how the two concepts relate to each other has rarely been investigated. Looking at the case of the EU, we investigate how populist parties position themselves in relation to technocracy in general and the technocratic nature of EU institutions in particular. In a first theoretical step, we identify the core elements, modes of governance, and policy output of technocratic governance and use them to derive potential responses of populist parties. In the empirical part, we investigate these aspects of technocracy by applying quantitative and qualitative approaches using the 2019 European election manifestos of 12 populist parties. We show that left- and right-wing populist parties articulate anti-technocratic positions, particularly regarding the core elements of technocratic governance. The concrete technocratic critique differs regarding the respective host ideology. However, within the group of hybrid populist parties, ANO 2011 and GERB appear not to have a critical stance towards technocracy and thus can be classified as technocratic populist parties.

Esta pesquisa visou investigar de modo exploratório, algumas experiências sobre o processo de implementação das Leis nº 10.639/03 e nº 11.645/08, que dispõem sobre a obrigatoriedade do ensino da "História e Cultura Afro-Brasileira e Indígena" no currículo da Educação Básica. O levantamento foi feito em 96 escolas das redes federais, estaduais, municipais e particulares de educação, considerando aquelas que concordaram participar da pesquisa. Neste sentido, a pesquisa buscou identificar por meio dos depoimentos, como tem sido a experiência de implementação dessas leis nos diferentes estabelecimentos de ensino e como esses conteúdos são abordados nas escolas por diretores, orientadores pedagógicos, professores e a comunidade escolar, com base na obrigatoriedade de implementação da lei. Considera-se que esta é uma contribuição relevante, na medida em que investigou a aplicação da lei em sua práxis, através de entrevistas com diferentes agentes no âmbito das escolas, sobre a amplitude e complexidade da implementação das Leis 10.639/03 e 11.654/08.

The present research covers the intersection between Descriptive Translation Studies and Children's Literature and aims to investigate the important role of the translator as mediator of marked language, more specifically by dialect and slang. This paper is based both on Santos's (2010) concluded mastering thesis which investigated the translation of the dialect of the character Rubeus Hagrid and Santos's ongoing PhD research which deals with translation into Brazilian Portuguese of slang words in the Harry Potter series. The initial hypothesis is that dialects and slang words will be translated by standard language and this translator choice is influenced by the particularities of its readership.

La comedia La Mandrágora se inserta en el rol de los escritos políticos de Nicolás Maquiavelo al mismo tiempo que mantiene una relación con los conceptos del corpus maquiavellicus, aportando elementos importantes para la completud de la obra El Príncipe. Ese entrelazamiento permite entender cómo el fraude se convierte en un expediente presente en las acciones de los personajes a fin de llevar a cabo sus proyectos personales. La necesidad de que construyan discursos virtuosos que validen sus acciones, pues, aunque algunas veces sus objetivos son considerados ignominiosos por la tradición, tales actos necesitan ser envueltos en ilusiones que deben sustituir la realidad por un montaje, que busca conquistar la aquiescencia colectiva para legitimar su anhelo de prestigio, la búsqueda de su gloria. La pieza muestra el uso del engaño para conquistar un fin y, al mismo tiempo, no herir los valores dominantes. La trama surge con el pretexto de causar lo cómico, pero muestra lo trágico de la política, siendo quizás un instrumento de reflexión para entender el modo en que los intereses particulares bien ocultos pueden ser perseguidos sin ofender los intereses colectivos. De esta forma, el presente escrito pretende demostrar que leer La Mandrágora es una forma más de conocer la reflexión política del Florentino. ; The comedy The Mandrake is inserted in the role of the political writings of Niccolò Machiavelli in that it also maintains a relationship with the concepts of the corpus maquiavellicus, mainly approaching The Prince. This interlacing allows us to understand how fraud becomes an expedient in the actions of the characters for the achievement of their private projects. However, it is imperative that they construct virtuous discourses that legitimize their actions, for, insofar as their goals can sometimes be considered ignominious by tradition, such actions must be enveloped in illusions that must replace reality by staging for an actor, who seeks to gain collective acquiescence to legitimize the pursuit of his glory. The piece shows how fraud is used to achieve an end and, at the same time, without hurting dominant values. The plot arises under the pretext of causing the comical, but showing the tragedy of politics, and being perhaps an instrument of reflection to understand how well-hidden private interests can be pursued without offending collective interests. Thus, in this way, this writing intends to demonstrate that reading The Mandrake is another way of getting to know Florentino's political thinking.

Based on the novels Nocturno de Chile (1998) and Amuleto (1999), by the Chilean writer Roberto Bolaño, this article will consider the figure of the reader thematicized by way of the two narrators as well as the manner in which their distinct codes of reading are reflected in the textual construction of the narratives. The two conceptions of reader presented in these works are practically opposites so that this article attempts, in the first instance, to understand how such antagonisms find resonance in the literary, social, historical, and political spheres. Despite their divergence, the article will then attempt to understand in what way the two discourses coincide as they configure themselves as acts of resistance, placing in perspective concepts such as authority, power, and writing, utilizing to that end some reflections from Piglia, Steiner, and Agamben. ; A partir de las novelas Nocturno de Chile (1998) y Amuleto (1999) del escritor chileno Roberto Bolaño se pretende reflexionar sobre la figura del lector tematizada a partir de los dos narradores, así como la forma como sus distintos códigos de lectura se espejan en la construcción textual de las narrativas. Las dos concepciones del lector presentadas en estas obras son prácticamente opuestas así que se busca, en un primer momento, comprender cómo dichos antagonismos encuentran resonancia en las esferas literaria, social, histórica y política. Pese a sus divergencias, se procurará enseguida comprender de qué manera los dos discursos coinciden al configurarse como actos de resistencia, al colocar en una nueva perspectiva conceptos como autoridad, poder y escritura, recurriendo para ello a algunas reflexiones de Piglia, Steiner y Agamben.

A partir de las novelas Nocturno de Chile (1998) y Amuleto (1999) del escritor chileno Roberto Bolaño se pretende reflexionar sobre la figura del lector tematizada a partir de los dos narradores, así como la forma como sus distintos códigos de lectura se espejan en la construcción textual de las narrativas. Las dos concepciones del lector presentadas en estas obras son prácticamente opuestas así que se busca, en un primer momento, comprender cómo dichos antagonismos encuentran resonancia en las esferas literaria, social, histórica y política. Pese a sus divergencias, se procurará enseguida comprender de qué manera los dos discursos coinciden al configurarse como actos de resistencia, al colocar en una nueva perspectiva conceptos como autoridad, poder y escritura, recurriendo para ello a algunas reflexiones de Piglia, Steiner y Agamben. ; Based on the novels Nocturno de Chile (1998) and Amuleto (1999), by the Chilean writer Roberto Bolaño, this article will consider the figure of the reader thematicized by way of the two narrators as well as the manner in which their distinct codes of reading are reflected in the textual construction of the narratives. The two conceptions of reader presented in these works are practically opposites so that this article attempts, in the first instance, to understand how such antagonisms find resonance in the literary, social, historical, and political spheres. Despite their divergence, the article will then attempt to understand in what way the two discourses coincide as they configure themselves as acts of resistance, placing in perspective concepts such as authority, power, and writing, utilizing to that end some reflections from Piglia, Steiner, and Agamben.

A abordagem sistêmica vem sendo cada vez mais utilizada em estudos ambientais para a compreensão das relações entre a sociedade e a natureza. Por tanto, a partir do conceito de Sistema Ambiental, o objetivo geral deste trabalho é estabelecer as relações do subsistema físico-natural (Geossistema) com o subsistema antrópico (elementos socioeconômicos), de uma área diretamente afetada (AID) pela construção de uma barragem para reservatório de água. Utilizando técnicas de geoprocessamento, as etapas metodológicas foram: organizar a base de dados na escala 1:250.000; mapear os geossistemas e os subsistemas antrópicos; fazer a caracterização dos atributos apresentados no mapeamento. Com a integração do mapa de geossistemas e o mapa de sistemas antrópicos, o resultado final foi o mapa de Unidades da Paisagem da AID da barragem Pedreira, no Estado de São Paulo, onde, com a correspondência espacial de informações distintas numa mesma localidade, obtém-se uma síntese dos sistemas ambientais. Com este mapeamento, será possível a continuidade deste estudo, servindo como base de informação para realizar a análise da fragilidade ambiental dessas unidades, e verificar se nelas, estão localizadas as AIDs das barragens Pedreira (Pedreira-SP) e Duas Pontes (Amparo-SP), podendo assim, identificar qual e como o sistema ambiental será afetado, agravando a fragilidade do estado atual. Palavras-Chave: geossistemas; antropização; sistema ambiental.

Abstract
The research to date shows conflicting results about the effect of perceived corruption on political participation by the public. Corruption perception can mobilize, demobilize, or show no impact on political participation. The Brazilian Anti-Vote-Buying Law of 1999, one of the fastest laws ever to be approved in the country, is an example of how perceived corruption can increase public engagement. Using process tracing, the author tells this story identifying two sets of factors ranked according to their causal power (distal and proximal conditions) and further test the theory. The Brazilian population, who perceived corruption as high, learned about the antidemocratic aspects of vote buying and how to curb it. This 'informed' perception of corruption led people to politically participate by signing the popular initiative.