Suchergebnisse

International audience In 2003, while the United States was preparing for the overthrow of Saddam Hussein in Iraq, the US Secretary of Defense, Donald Rumsfeld, aroused a great deal of controversy, calling what he called an "old Europe". This would include France and Germany, which refuse to associate with American policy, European countries supporting it that the journalists designate by antiphrasing the "new Europe". The geodemographer may wonder whether the Secretary of State did not wish to use the qualification of "old" in the demographic sense, opposing the aged populations of Europe to others who would be young. In other words, would the geography of the population of Europe be dual? ; Un tableau, trois figures et une carte commentée, tous inédits, illustrent cet article. En 2003, alors que les Etats-Unis préparaient le renversement de Saddam Hussein en Irak, le secrétaire d'Etat américain à la Défense, Donald Rumsfeld, suscite une très forte polémique, en dénommant ce qu'il appelle une « vieille Europe ». Celle-ci serait composée notamment de la France et l'Allemagne, qui refusent de s'associer à la politique américaine, aux pays européens la soutenant que les journalistes désignent par antiphrase la « nouvelle Europe ». Le géodémographe peut se demander si le secrétaire d'Etat n'a pas souhaité utiliser la qualification de « vieille » au sens démographique, opposant des populations vieillies de l'Europe à d'autres qui seraient jeunes. Autrement dit, la géographie de la population de l'Europe serait-elle duale ?

This special issue of PORTAL constitutes an indirect, sideways reflection on the EU's move toward (re-)discovering, establishing, and promoting shared cultural values. It seeks to unveil not the official historical contexts and traditions in which contemporary inventions of cultural identity occur. Rather, its aim is to discover and listen to competing voices and alternative visions—be they cultural, social, political, literary or cinematic—that give different shape to trans-European identities and model union, commonality, and belonging, according to transregional or translocal values. The special issue, then, is an exploration of possible forms of frictions occurring across the European cultural and historical landscape. It questions the pre-eminence of formal EU discourses on values, and the branding of Europe in the global marketplace, by listening to marginalised, unheard or discordant Euro-voices. The issue demonstrates the need for more rigorous theorisations of notions such as 'value,' whether 'shared' or 'cultural,' in the European region, and posits alternative mappings and visions of European belonging and identity. The essays included in this special issue consider Europe as a locus of frictions, consensus, tension, contestation and reconciliation. This locus is capable of co-locating Scotland with the Costa Brava, crossing Swedish views of Russia with their converse, recognising a Europe of borders that continuously unfold, acknowledging the interference of historical memories, and inflecting the Houellebecquian Euro-futurescape with Greco-Australian undertones; to cite a few examples of vibrant transvaluation occurring in the issue.

This comparative report on national care pathways for people with dementia living at home has been produced as part of the 2014 Work Plan of Alzheimer Europe, which has received funding from the European Union in the framework of the Health Programme. Decisions about the broad areas to be addressed were informed by a literature review on the topic. Agreement on the specific sections to be included for each area was reached in a meeting with 16 Alzheimer Europe (AE) member associations at the beginning of 2014. Based on this, a questionnaire was drafted and later reviewed by four members of the group. The final questionnaire was sent out to all AE members. In addition, in countries where AE has no member (i.e. Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia), relevant informants were identified and invited to participate. 29 AE member associations and two external experts returned the questionnaires1. Questionnaires had been completed by the national organisation and, whenever necessary, with the aid of relevant national experts in the field of social policy, medicine and social support2. Organisations were contacted again when necessary to clarify certain issues and information was transferred into a database and analysed. The comparative report was sent to all participating organisations for final approval prior to publication. In addition to this comparative report, a national report for each country has been produced. These national reports are available to the public on the Alzheimer Europe website (http://www.alzheimer-europe.org). ; peer-reviewed

For better or worse, the future of democracy in Europe has come to depend on the democratization of Europe, i.e. on redesigning the institutions of the European Union so that they are more accountable to the citizens of Europe. While there is not yet much evidence of an awareness of this "democratic deficit" in mass publics, there are abundant Europe-wide signs of increased politicization -most of which point to growing popular resistance to the further expansion of the scope and authority of European integration. Moreover, both monetary unification and impending Eastern enlargement seem destined to exacerbate rather than attenuate tensions over the uneven distribution of benefits. Were this not enough, there is mounting evidence that EU institutions and policies are having a significant impact upon the practice of "domestic democracy" in its member states, and that, at least in some aspects, this has undermined the legitimacy and effectiveness of established national political institutions.

For better or worse, the future of democracy in Europe has come to depend on the democratization of Europe, i.e. on redesigning the institutions of the European Union so that they are more accountable to the citizens of Europe. While there is not yet much evidence of an awareness of this "democratic deficit" in mass publics, there are abundant Europe-wide signs of increased politicization -most of which point to growing popular resistance to the further expansion of the scope and authority of European integration. Moreover, both monetary unification and impending Eastern enlargement seem destined to exacerbate rather than attenuate tensions over the uneven distribution of benefits. Were this not enough, there is mounting evidence that EU institutions and policies are having a significant impact upon the practice of "domestic democracy" in its member states, and that, at least in some aspects, this has undermined the legitimacy and effectiveness of established national political institutions.

Philosophers in Central Europe are highly dependent on the Western European tradition of philosophy, while politicians in the region tend to use arguments that are often foreign to the ones used in Western Europe. The philosophical tradition of Central Europe is dependent on Western European tradition – it would be impossible to speak about any kind of distinct regional philosophical paradigm. The situation with political self‑understanding in the region is very different. The politicians in the region are aware of the various differences between the two cultural and political traditions. Today these differences have become especially clear in various disagreements between politicians from the Visegrád Group and their colleagues in Western Europe. Politicians from Central Europe propose their own understanding of the meaning of Western civilization. This phenomenon can be described as a new political Messianism. The old Messianims of the 19th century today are being replaced by new consciousness of the specific mission of the region. Conservative politicians propose an understanding of the region which is based on cultural differences from Western Europe. Various conceptions about the singular identity of the region that were developed in the ninth decade of the 20th century by Czesław Miłosz, Milan Kundera and György Konràd today are gaining a new political significance.

Philosophers in Central Europe are highly dependent on the Western European tradition of philosophy, while politicians in the region tend to use arguments that are often foreign to the ones used in Western Europe. The philosophical tradition of Central Europe is dependent on Western European tradition – it would be impossible to speak about any kind of distinct regional philosophical paradigm. The situation with political self‑understanding in the region is very different. The politicians in the region are aware of the various differences between the two cultural and political traditions. Today these differences have become especially clear in various disagreements between politicians from the Visegrád Group and their colleagues in Western Europe. Politicians from Central Europe propose their own understanding of the meaning of Western civilization. This phenomenon can be described as a new political Messianism. The old Messianims of the 19th century today are being replaced by new consciousness of the specific mission of the region. Conservative politicians propose an understanding of the region which is based on cultural differences from Western Europe. Various conceptions about the singular identity of the region that were developed in the ninth decade of the 20th century by Czesław Miłosz, Milan Kundera and György Konràd today are gaining a new political significance.