Suchergebnisse

Máster Universitario en Ingeniería Industrial ; Los deportes extremos, cada día más comunes en la dedicación lúdica del usuario medio, generalmente se caracterizan por aprovechar distintos tipos de energía – como la potencial almacenada en cotas altas de montaña o la energía de las olas – en energía cinética para el disfrute de la sensación de velocidad y adrenalina que, por norma general, transmiten. La necesidad del estudio hacia la innovación de este proyecto surge de las limitaciones actuales de los medios empleados en deportes de deslizamiento como el esquí – similares como el surf, wakeboard, kitesurf, sandboard -. En el caso concreto del esquí, seleccionado como dedicación especial de este estudio el 99,6% la de esquí internacional se distribuye tan solo en 56 países. España se sitúa muy cerca de uno de los principales núcleos de este deporte con más del 45% de afluencia, los Alpes, y además cuenta común importante mercado interior, sin embargo, la cifre de visitantes media en los últimos años a las estaciones españolas no ha superado los 5,5 millones de usuarios – muy lejos de los 56 de Francia o los 28 de Italia -. Tras adquirir los conocimientos sobre patentes, vías para adquirir la protección, su legislación y el procedimiento de solicitud; el estudio se encamina a lograr un salto creativo en la técnica del campo de interés. Este proceso contempla distintas fases de estudio y diseño. Las fases – definidas en el Capítulo 3 de la memoria – siguen el principio de la ingeniería concurrente empleando la sinergia entre metodologías tradicionales de estudio de patentes TRIZ, la valoración cuantitativa de diseños funcionales mediante QFD y el empleo de técnicas modernas de la industria para la síntesis de conceptos a partir de la patentometría (Método de los Escenarios Ponderados). La primera fase, la vigilancia tecnológica, elaborará una base de conocimiento con 367 patentes relacionadas con el campo de la técnica que se pretende desarrollar – en concreto los campos A63C10/11 y A63C5/08 dentro de la clasificación IPC- que son los medios de asistencia motorizados al deporte del esquí. Las patentes se clasificaron de manera cronológica de manera que el proceso permite adquirir una noción de los saltos evolutivos de las soluciones propuestas lo largo de la historia. Se pueden identificar de los estudios extraídos una tendencia creciente en este campo. La reciente influencia de las cámaras de acción y las redes sociales ha generado un boom por la práctica de nuevas actividades y deportes extremos; como consecuencia la acción inventiva recibe un gran impulso. También se analiza los datos geopolíticos de las patentes. determinar el ámbito de protección es un hito clave de la fase de vigilancia. Los resultados del análisis muestran que los principales países donde se busca proteger este tipo de invenciones son EEUU, Alemania, Francia, Japón y en una proporción no tan comparable Canadá y el resto de países europeos. Es cierto que gran parte de las patentes apuntan a un marco mundial o europeo desde un principio, lo que indica que es un mercado muy extenso en cuanto a geografía. Un 15% de las solicitudes proviene de fabricantes mientras que el 85% restante ha sido explotado por el propio inventor o probablemente licenciado a posteriori al mejor postor. Los fabricantes con más solicitudes son Atomic Gmbh, Saroy Engineering, Bibollet SA, Yamaha y Head Sport. Todos ellos son fabricantes con un gran catálogo de productos dedicados al deporte del esquí o similares, y que probablemente puedan verse interesados en la adquisición de una patente como la que se propone en caso de suponer un éxito de mercado. Esto enmarca el proyecto en un escenario ideal para buscar la inversión particular en este tipo de invención. Además, el análisis particular de los productos de estos fabricantes no lleva a ver la magnitud que realizan en I+D, la clase de productos que buscan y las posibilidades de mejora que se pueden incluir en el diseño. Todas las patentes se clasifican en problemas y sub-problemas. El objetivo es centrarse en uno de ellos para el diseño enfocado. Los problemas identificados como principales son: medios de propulsión, maniobrabilidad, versatilidad, seguridad y entrenamiento, estructura y forma y reducción del coste. La conclusión del análisis muestra que un campo que aún presenta capacidad de mejora, la versatilidad de las invenciones en distintos medios – agua, nieve, tierra -. Una vez focalizado el problema se pasa al diseño funcional. Este inicio ya parte de la opinión de usuarios potenciales en cuanto a qué conceptos entienden como funcionalidades necesarias en la invención y su importancia relativa. En base a esto, se construye un modelo de calidad con evaluaciones cuantitativas (QFD) para proponer la mejor estructura funcional. Mediante los métodos TRIZ de descomponen los elementos esenciales de las soluciones. De la descomposición de las soluciones, empleando el Métodos de Escenarios Ponderados para una síntesis de elementos a modo de rompecabezas, se conforman varias soluciones que mejoran las patentes existentes hasta la fecha. La valoración cuantitativa de estas soluciones nos lleva a la toma de decisión por una de ellas. La invención será un sistema de tracción formado por un elemento tractor dron multirrotor, de seis o más rotores accionados por motores de DC; una línea de arrastre y un sistema de control. Dicho sistema de control está conformado por un manillar de dirección, donde se alojan los controles electrónicos a distancia del vuelo del dron y los dispositivos de visualización digital del estatus de la marcha; y por un arnés, unido a la línea de arrastre principal mediante un sistema de liberación rápida en caso de caída o peligro. La línea principal pasa a través de un orificio en el manillar y está anclada a otros dos puntos en los extremos de la barra mediante un sistema regulable en longitud. El paso posterior es adecuar el diseño a un concepto visualmente atractivo y convincente para el usuario. En concreto el elemento de mayor influencia es el mencionado manillar de control. Se emplea el método Kansei para validar un diseño visual a través de síntesis de propiedades físicas y emociones del usuario. Los datos se toman mediante una encuesta en formato electrónico y sobre un set de muestras conceptuales compuesto de bocetos digitales y fotografías. a. Los resultados indican que la inclusión del arnés en el sistema es fundamental para garantizar seguridad. Asimismo, un manillar amplio y horizontal proporciona al usuario sensación de maniobrabilidad y comodidad que otras configuraciones no aportan. El contorneado del agarre, la inclusión de muchos materiales y un acabado cuidado presentan un diseño más atractivo a todos los públicos. Dicha invención fue dimensionada y validada en el Capítulo 7 de la memoria. En éste se calculó la potencia necesaria a desarrollar por un multirrotor de arrastre para tirar de un esquiador en el ascenso de una pendiente a velocidad constante. EL planteamiento estático del problema permite un primer dimensionamiento de los principales componentes del multirrotor, así como una especificación de sus capacidades de carga. En concreto, para el arrastre de un esquiador a una velocidad constante de 5 m/s y en unas condiciones de pendiente y viento desfavorables el empuje necesario en los impulsores se sitúa en torno a los 16kg de fuerza por rotor – con un número mínimo de 8 rotores para aportar redundancia – y una potencia total de 26 KW. El multirrotor tendrá una envergadura aproximada de 2,2m y sus rotores, un diámetro de 85 cm (23 pulgadas). Todo ello teniendo en cuenta un factor de sobredimensionamiento para efectos dinámicos transitorios. La selección de componentes permite elaborar el presupuesto para el prototipo inicial a construir. El prototipo inicial se sitúa en un intervalo de coste entre los 20.000€ y los 30.000€. Valor razonable al compararlo con productos de aplicación similar y prototipos de competidores directos. El cliente al que se enfoca la invención queda muy por encima del gasto medio del usuario (español) en ocio y deporte. El nicho de mercado por tanto deberán ser las grandes corporaciones que gestionan los resorts de esquí y sus actividades, de manera que la innovación pueda introducirse como valor añadido en su modelo de negocio y éstos saquen rentabilidad de la patente a través de su alquiler al usuario final como actividad. Al conocer los costes y el enfoque de ventas, junto con la inversión en la propiedad industrial se puede elaborar un estudio de viabilidad económica para la inversión en el desarrollo de esta patente. En el capítulo 8 se detalla el marco económico propicio para el desarrollo de esta inversión. El método de valoración escogido es un descuento de flujos libres de caja. Los resultados, para la estimación de crecimiento y ventas, ofrecen un VAN por encima de los 100.000 €, una tasa de rentabilidad del 17% superior al retorno exigido por el mercado (11,5%). Teniendo en cuenta que la inversión se realiza hasta el fin de la protección industrial (20 años) el periodo de retorno son 13 años. Con todo ello la solicitud de patente se realizó el día 27 de Enero de 2017se realizó siguiendo las pautas establecidas por la Ley, como se puede observar en el Documento 2 de este proyecto. Se obtuvo el número de solicitud P201700061 para la patente "Sistema de remolque por multirrotor para deportes de deslizamiento". ; Extreme sports, more and more common in the leisure time of the average user, are usually characterized by taking advantage of different types of energy - such as the potential energy stored at high mountain heights or wave energy - in kinetic energy to enjoy the sensation of speed and adrenaline that, as a general rule, these kind of sports transmit. The need for study towards innovation of this project arises from the current limitations of the means employed in sliding sports such as skiing - similar to surfing, wakeboarding, kitesurfing, sandboarding. In the specific case of skiing, selected as the special dedication of this study, 99.6% of international skiing is distributed in only 56 countries. Spain is situated very close to one of the main centers of this sport with more than 45% of influx, the Alps, and also counts with an important domestic market, however the average number of visitors in recent years to the Spanish resorts has not exceeded 5.5 million users - far from the 56 in France or 28 in Italy. After gaining knowledge about patents, ways to acquire protection, its legislation and the application procedure; the study aims to achieve a creative leap in the technique on the field of interest. This process contemplates different phases of study and design. The phases - defined in Chapter 3 of the report - follow the principle of concurrent engineering using the synergy between traditional patent study methodologies TRIZ, the quantitative valuation of functional designs using QFD and the use of modern industry techniques for synthesis of concepts from the patentometry (Method of Weighted Scenarios). The first phase, technological surveillance, will develop a knowledge base with 367 patents related to the field of the technology that is intended to be developed - specifically fields A63C10/11 and A63C5/08 within the IPC classification - which are the means of motorized assistance to skiing. The patents were classified in a chronological way so that the process allows acquiring a notion of the evolution of the solutions proposed throughout the history. A growing trend in this field can be identified from the studies extracted. The recent influence of action cameras and social networks has generated a boom for the practice of new activities and extreme sports; as a result the inventive action receives a great impulse. The geopolitical data of patents is also analyzed. Determining the scope of protection is a key milestone of the monitoring phase. The results of the analysis show that the main countries who seek to protect this type of inventions are the USA, Germany, France, Japan and in a proportion not so comparable Canada and the rest of European countries. It's true that most patents point to a global or European framework from the outset, indicating that it's a very extensive market, geographically. 15% of the applications come from manufacturers while the remaining 85% has been exploited by the inventor himself or probably licensed after the highest bidder. Manufacturers with more applications are Atomic Gmbh, Saroy Engineering, Bibollet SA, Yamaha and Head Sport. All of them are manufacturers with a large catalog of products dedicated to the sport of skiing or similar, and may probably be interested in acquiring a patent like the one proposed, in the case of a market success. This frames the project in an ideal scenario to look for the particular investment in this type of invention. In addition, the particular analysis of the products of these manufacturers does not lead to seeing the magnitude they invest in R&D, the kind of products they are looking for and the possibilities of improvement that can be included in the design. All patents are classified into problems and sub-problems. The goal is to focus on one of them for the focused design. The problems identified as main are: means of propulsion, maneuverability, versatility, safety and training, structure and shape and cost reduction. The conclusion of the analysis shows that a field that still presents capacity for improvement, the versatility of inventions in different media - water, snow, earth. Once focused the problem we move on to functional design. This beginning already derives from part of the opinion of potential users as to what concepts they understand as necessary functionalities in the invention and its relative importance. Based on this, a quality model is constructed with quantitative evaluations (QFD) to propose the best functional structure. Through the TRIZ methods the essential elements of the solutions are decomposed. From the decomposition of the solutions, using the Weighted Scenario Methods for a synthesis of elements as a puzzle, several solutions are formed that improve the existing patents to date. The quantitative evaluation of these solutions leads us to the decision-making of one of them. The invention will be a traction system formed by a multi-rotor driving element, of six or more rotors driven by DC motors; a drag line and a control system. This control system is made up of a steering handle, which houses the remote electronic controls of the flight of the drone and the devices of digital display of the status of the march; and by a harness, attached to the main drag line by means of a quick release system in case of fall or danger. The main line passes through a hole in the handlebar and is anchored to two other points at the ends of the bar by a system adjustable in length. The next step is to adapt the design to a visually attractive and convincing concept for the user. In particular, the most influential element is the mentioned control handlebar. The Kansei method is used to validate a visual design through the synthesis of physical properties and emotions of the user. The data are taken through a survey in electronic format and on a set of conceptual samples composed of digital sketches and photographs. The results indicate that the inclusion of the harness in the system is fundamental to guarantee safety. Also, a wide horizontal handlebar gives the user a feeling of maneuverability and comfort that other configurations do not provide. The contouring of the grip, the inclusion of many materials and a careful finish present a design more attractive to all audiences. The mentioned invention was dimensioned and validated in Chapter 7 of the report. Here was calculated the power the dragging multi-rotor has to develop to pull a skier in the ascent of a slope at constant speed. The static approach of the problem allows a first dimensioning of the main components of the multi-rotor as well as a specification of its load capacities. Specifically, to drag a skier at a constant speed of 5 m/s and under unfavorable slope and wind conditions, the necessary thrust in the impellers is around 16 kg of force per rotor - with a minimum number of 8 Rotors to provide redundancy - and a total power of 26 KW. The multi-rotor will have an approximate span of 2.2m and its rotors, a diameter of 85cm (23 inches). All this taking into account an oversizing factor for transient dynamic effects. The selection of components allows the budget for the initial prototype to be constructed. The initial prototype is in a cost range between €20,000 and €30,000. Fair value when compared to products of similar application and prototypes of direct competitors. The customer to whom the invention is focused is well above the average expenditure of the user (Spanish) in leisure and sports. The market niche should therefore be the large corporations that manage the ski resorts and their activities, so that the innovation can be introduced as added value for their business model and these will make profitability of the patent through their rent to the final user as an activity. By knowing the costs and the approach of sales, together with the investment in the industrial property an economic feasibility study for the investment in the development of this patent can be elaborated. Chapter 8 details the economic framework conducive to the development of this investment. The valuation method chosen is a discount of free cash flows. The results, for the estimation of growth and sales, offer a NPV above 100,000 €, a rate of return of 17% higher than the return demanded by the market (11.5%). Considering that the investment is made until the end of industrial protection (20 years) the return period is 13 years. With all of this, the patent application was made on the 27th of January 2017, and was done following the guidelines established by the Law, as can be seen in Document 2 of this project. Application number P201700061 was obtained for the patent "Sistema de remolque por multirrotor para deportes de deslizamiento".

Die Nachfrage nach Holz wird im Zeitraum der nächsten 15 Jahre bis 2030 sowohl in der EU als auch global zunehmen. Bedarfsabschätzungen zeigen Nachfrageüberhänge in der EU von jährlich 300 Mio. m³, eine Prognose spricht sogar von Holzfehlmengen von 430 Mio. m³. Der Anstieg der Weltbevölkerung bei wachsender Wirtschaft wird den Holzbedarf erhöhen, auch wenn derzeit weltweit in etwa ein Gleichgewicht zwischen Angebot und Nachfrage besteht. Die Nachfrage nach Holz unterliegt vielen Treibern. Die Langfrist-Prognosen bis zum Jahre 2030 sagen vor allem bei der energetischen Holznutzung eine permanente, über den Verbrauch von Holz zur stofflichen Nutzung liegende, hohe Nachfragesteigerung voraus. Der Trend der Bioökonomie mit der sukzessiven Reduktion des Anteils der fossilen Energieträger beim Primärenergieverbrauch zur Reduktion der Emissionen von Treibhausgasen wurde durch das Paris-Abkommen, das 2015 durch die internationale Gemeinschaft mit dem Ziel des Klimaschutzes verabschiedet wurde, noch verstärkt. Auch die Tendenz zur dezentralen Energieversorgung vor allem in den Kommunen, die besonders die Nachfrage nach Energieholz und schwachen Sortimenten wachsen lässt, das Bestreben zur Verringerung von nationalen Abhängigkeiten zu Russland als Lieferant bei Erdgas und Erdöl haben auf eine steigende zukünftige Nachfrage ebenso einen bedeutenden Einfluss wie die Substitution des Rohstoffes Erdöl durch Holz bei der Herstellung von Chemikalien und Treibstoffen. In den Wäldern der Mitgliedstaaten sind nach Einschätzung der EU größere stehende Holzvorräte vorhanden, die mobilisiert werden müssten, um das Ziel der EU, 20 % der Primärenergie aus erneuerbaren Energien bis zum Jahre 2020, zu erreichen. Die Produktion und die Nutzung von Holz im Rahmen einer nachhaltigen Forstwirtschaft hat über den gesamten Lebenszyklus eine ausgeglichene CO2 Bilanz. Durch die erhöhte Nutzung von Holz im Energiemix vermindert sich die CO2 Belastung der Atmosphäre. Wald-Inventuren, wie z.B. die in Deutschland vorliegenden Ergebnisse der 3. Bundeswaldinventur, bestätigen die Einschätzung der EU über die bestehenden Ressourcen. Die Verwendbarkeit dieser Ressourcen wird allerdings in zunehmendem Maße durch die Herausnahme von Wäldern aus der Produktion aus ökologischen oder sozioökonomischen Gründen beeinträchtigt. Unternehmer, deren Geschäftsmodell die Produktion von Holz auf landwirtschaftlichen Flächen ist, evaluieren mögliche Standorte zur Produktion von Holz im Kurzumtrieb nach der politisch-rechtlichen Sicherheit, nach der Verfügbarkeit von Ressourcen und den Faktorpreisen. Günstige Voraussetzungen für die Anlage von Baumplantagen für die Produktion von Holz bestehen im Baltikum. In den drei Staaten sind die wesentlichen Parameter für den Holzanbau in Plantagen auf landwirtschaftlichen Flächen gegeben: Gesichertes Rechtssystem mit dem Schutz des Eigentums, barrierefreier Zugang zu den Märkten innerhalb der EU, keine Währungsrisiken, günstige klimatischen Bedingungen mit ausreichend Niederschlag und freie Ressourcen bei Arbeit und Boden. Die EU-rechtliche Klassifizierung einer KUP als landwirtschaftliche Tätigkeit auf landwirtschaftlicher Fläche und als landwirtschaftliche Dauerkultur eröffnet die grundsätzliche Möglichkeit der Teilnahme der Kurzumtriebswirtschaft an den EU-Förderprogrammen der Direktförderung, der 1. Säule, und der Förderung der Entwicklung des ländlichen Raumes, der 2. Säule. KUP ist in das Ziele-Cluster Europa 2020/GAP 2020 der EU einbezogen. Für die KUP-Bauern sind auf nationaler Ebene die in das jeweilige Recht der baltischen Staaten transformierten EU Bestimmungen und die jeweils dazu gehörende Verwaltungsauffassung maßgebend. Der Umweltleistung der Dauerkultur "Niederwald im Kurzumtrieb" wurde in den rechtlichen Bestimmungen der EU grundsätzlich Rechnung getragen. KUP sind von der Greening-Verpflichtung befreit. Es überrascht allerdings, dass KUP als "gleichwertige Methode zur Flächennutzung im Umweltinteresse" bei der Anrechnung auf eine ökologischen Vorrangfläche nur mit Faktor 0,3, hingegen die Agroforstsysteme mit Faktor 1,0 Berücksichtigung fanden. Der KUP-Landwirt kann nur, wenn er Abweichungen beim Verwaltungshandeln zu den übergeordneten nationalen Gesetzen oder EU-Regeln zu seinem Nachteil erkennt, sein Recht im Widerspruchsverfahren suchen. Sowohl bei der Direktförderung wie auch bei der Strukturförderung wurden in allen drei baltischen Staaten Verwaltungsauffassungen identifiziert, die KUP im Vergleich zur Förderung der herkömmlichen Landwirtschaft mit annuellen Feldfrüchten benachteiligen oder weitgehend von der Förderung ausschließen. Im Bereich der Direktförderung gilt dies im besonderen Maße bei meliorierten Flächen. Die Detailanalyse zeigt, dass die Etablierung von KUP auf solchen Böden entweder, wie in Lettland, zur Versagung der Direktförderung führt, oder, wie in Estland und Litauen mit Auflagen verbunden ist, die die Bereitschaft der Landwirte für die Anlage einer KUP stark hemmen. Bedeutend ist dies vor dem Hintergrund, dass in Estland rund 54 %., in Lettland rund 62 % und in Litauen rund 78 % der landwirtschaftlich nutzbaren Flächen mit Drainagen versehen sind. Im Bereich der Förderung nach der 2. Säule, insbesondere die Gewährung von Zuschüssen bei Auf- und Ausbau der Hofstelle sowie beim Ankauf von Maschinen und anderen Ausrüstungen, ist der KUP-Landwirt von der Förderung ausgeschlossen. Die Festlegung der Rotationszeiten verursacht ein weiteres Hemmnis. Die Produktion von Holz in KUP wird dadurch in den baltischen Staaten in Richtung bestimmter Holzsortimente, nämlich hauptsächlich Energieholz und schwache Sortimente, gelenkt. Die Bestimmungen legen in der Regel fünf Jahre als Umtriebszeit fest. Versuche, diese restriktiven Vorgaben aufzuweichen, waren bisher erfolglos. Zusätzliche Lenkungsimpulse in Richtung bestimmter anderer, stärkerer Holzsortimente gehen auch durch die Förderung der Aufforstung im Rahmen der Strukturförderung aus. Auf den baltischen Faktormärkten stehen für die Holzproduktion auf landwirtschaftlichen Flächen im Kurzumtrieb Boden und Arbeitskräfte zu günstigen Preisen in ausreichendem Umfang zur Verfügung. Restriktionen beim Bodenerwerb in den ab dem Jahre 2014 geltenden nationalstaatlichen Bodenverkehrsrechtssystemen können für die Neu-Etablierung eines KUP-Betriebes hinderlich sein. Zu den realen Holzerträgen liegen für die baltischen Staaten noch keine Ernteergebnisse aus KUP auf größeren Flächen vor. Abschätzungen der Erntemengen waren deshalb anhand von Vergleichszahlen für KUP in klimatisch ähnlichen Regionen, anhand von Wuchsleistungen gängiger Klone und unter Einbeziehungen von Messungen auf Versuchsplantagen in Estland, Lettland und Litauen vorzunehmen. Die so taxierten realen Holzerträge liegen bei einem Durchschnitt von 10,00 tatro ha-1 a-1. Das Niveau der Marktpreise für das im Kurzumtrieb produzierte Hauptsortiment Hackschnitzel deutet auf einen aufnahmebereiten Markt mit für die Wirtschaftlichkeit der Produktion ausreichenden Preisen hin. Vergleiche mit längeren Zeitreihen, bei denen aktuelle Preisschwankungen geglättet sind, für Estland zwischen 2003 bis 2013, für Lettland zwischen 2009 bis 2014 und für Litauen zwischen 2008 bis 2014, bestätigen diese Aussage. Durch die Ermittlung der Annuitäten wird die Wirtschaftlichkeit einer KUP am Beispiel eines Betriebes in Lettland untersucht. Auf der Aufwandsseite konnten tatsächliche Kosten-Größen für eine Fläche von 100 ha in die Berechnungen einbezogen werden. Damit steht für eine Wirtschaftlichkeitsberechnung eine Datenbasis zu den Kosten zur Verfügung, die nicht ausschließlich für kleine Versuchsflächen in Estland, Lettland und Litauen erhoben wurde. Auf der Marktseite kann auf aktuelle Marktpreise für Hackschnitzel, bestätigt durch langfristige Zeitreihen, zurückgegriffen werden. In dieser, mit realen Zahlen fundierten Berechnung sind die Zahlungsströme dargestellt. Nicht in diese Kalkulation wurden wegen der Unsicherheit eines positiven Bescheides durch den LAD die Fördergelder einbezogen. Die Berechnungen zeigen positive Annuitäten, dem Indikator für den profitablen Betrieb einer KUP. Eine Sensitivitätsanalyse mit Veränderungen aller Kosten- und Ertragsfaktoren um jeweils 10 % bestätigt die Ertragsstabilität. Schließlich wird durch den Vergleich des Ergebnisses der Annuitätenberechnung mit einem landwirtschaftlichen Betrieb, der als Hauptkultur Weizen produziert, aufgezeigt, dass die Produktion von Holz auf landwirtschaftlichen Flächen mittels KUP die wirtschaftlich sinnvollere Alternative ist. Als agrarpolitischer Ausblick für die EU lässt sich aus der Gesamtanalyse resümieren, dass eine "Arbeitsteilung", Feldfrüchte in den Mitgliedsländern zu erzeugen, in denen die Produktionsbedingungen aufgrund von klimatischen Aspekten und Standortparametern optimal sind, nicht gefördert, sondern eher gebremst wird. Wenn die Betriebsergebnisse aus der Produktion von Holz in KUP weiter zunehmen, wird der Markt durch die Aussicht auf höhere monetäre Erträge die Strukturanpassung, auch gegen die restriktive nationale Auslegung der EU-Förderrichtlinien in Estland, Lettland und Litauen bewirken.:Danksagung I Inhaltsverzeichnis III Abbildungsverzeichnis VII Tabellenverzeichnis VIII Abkürzungsverzeichnis XII 1 Einleitung 1 1.1 Diskrepanz bei der Abschätzung der zukünftigen Holznachfrage und der tatsächlichen Entwicklung 1 1.2 Tendenzen bei der Nachfrage und dem Angebot von Holz in der Europäischen Union 4 1.3 Positive Voraussetzungen für die Produktion von Holz in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 7 2 Zielstellung der Arbeit 11 3 Vorgehensweise 14 4 Stand des Wissens 17 4.1 Europarechtliche Bestimmungen für die Holzproduktion auf landwirtschaftlichen Flächen 17 4.1.1 Begriffsabgrenzungen 18 4.1.1.1 Abgrenzungen des Begriffs der Kurzumtriebsplantage von Wald 18 4.1.1.2 Waldbegriff der Europäischen Union 19 4.1.2 Kurzumtriebswirtschaft als landwirtschaftliche Tätigkeit 19 4.1.2.1 Erlaubte Baumarten für den Kurzumtrieb in der Europäischen Union 20 4.1.2.2 Agroforstsysteme im Vergleich zu Kurzumtriebsplantagen in der Terminologie der Europäischen Union 20 4.1.3 Gemeinsame Agrarpolitik 2020 21 4.1.3.1 Organe der Gemeinsamen Agrarpolitik auf Ebene der Europäischen Union und der Verwaltungsunterbau in den Mitgliedstaaten 21 4.1.3.2 Ziele der Gemeinsamen Agrarpolitik 2020 im Rahmen des Zielsystems Europa 2020 24 4.1.3.3 Instrumentarien der Gemeinsamen Agrarpolitik 2020 26 4.1.3.4 Finanzmittel zur Agrarstrukturförderung im Rahmen der Gemeinsamen Agrarpolitik 2020 36 4.2 Kurzumtriebsplantagen auf landwirtschaftlichen Flächen in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 37 4.2.1 Derzeitiger Bestand und Betrieb von Kurzumtriebsplantagen in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 37 4.2.2 Entwicklung der Plantagenflächen zur Produktion von Holz im Kurzumtrieb in Estland, Lettland und Litauen bis 2014 40 4.2.2.1 Estland 40 4.2.2.2 Lettland 41 4.2.2.3 Litauen 41 5 Analyse der rechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen in Estland, Lettland und Litauen zur Holzproduktion in Kurzumtriebsplantagen 43 5.1 Begriffs-Präzisierungen als Ausdruck der nationalen Verständnisse der Vorschriften der Europäischen Union 43 5.1.1 Waldbegriff in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 43 5.1.1.1 Waldbegriff in Estland 43 5.1.1.2 Waldbegriff in Lettland mit der Besonderheit der Forstplantage nach dem lettischen Waldgesetz 44 5.1.1.3 Waldbegriff in Litauen 50 5.1.2 Umtriebszeiten bei Kurzumtriebsplantagen in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 51 5.1.3 Zugelassene Baumarten für Kurzumtriebsplantagen in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 52 5.1.4 Unbestimmte Rechtsbegriffe für Nachhaltigkeit in den Waldgesetzen von Estland, Lettland und Litauen 53 5.2 Umsetzung der Förderbestimmungen nach der Gemeinsamen Agrarpolitik 2020 in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 55 5.2.1 Direktförderung (Säule 1) in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 56 5.2.1.1 Ausgestaltungen der Voraussetzungen für die Direktförderung 57 5.2.1.2 Instrumentarien der Direktförderung 60 5.2.2 Strukturförderung (Säule 2) in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 69 6 Wirtschaftliche Rahmenbedingungen für die Produktion von Holz in Kurzumtriebsplantagen auf landwirtschaftlichen Flächen in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 74 6.1 Parameter zur Definition der Angebotsseite: Verfügbare Produktionsfaktoren 74 6.1.1 Verfügbarkeit der Ressource Arbeit 74 6.1.2 Verfügbarkeit der Ressource Boden 77 6.1.2.1 Eignung von Flächen in Estland, Lettland und Litauen zur Produktion von Holz in Kurzumtriebsplantagen 77 6.1.2.2 Möglichkeit des Bodenerwerbs 79 6.1.2.3 Maßnahmen zur Erhöhung des Flächenangebotes auf den Bodenmärkten in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 82 6.1.2.4 Entwicklung der Preise für landwirtschaftliche Flächen in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 84 6.1.3 Verfügbarkeit der Ressource Kapital 85 6.1.3.1 Infrastruktur als maßgebliche Größe des volkswirtschaftlichen Sozialkapitals 85 6.1.3.2 Betriebliches Privatkapital als Investitionsvoraussetzung 86 6.2 Marktsegment für in Kurzumtriebsplantagen erzeugtem Holz in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 87 6.2.1 Potenzialabschätzungen für die Holzmärkte in Estland, Lettland, Litauen und für die Europäische Union 87 6.2.2 Nachfrage nach Holz in der Zielplanung für die Energiebedarfsdeckung in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 91 6.2.2.1 Planerische Ansätze zur Energieversorgung in Estland 94 6.2.2.2 Planerische Ansätze zur Energieversorgung in Lettland 95 6.2.2.3 Planerische Ansätze zur Energieversorgung in Litauen 96 6.3 Business Case für ein reales Unternehmen in Lettland 97 6.3.1 Naturale und monetäre Erträge von Weidenplantagen 98 6.3.1.1 Mengenerträge in Kurzumtriebsplantagen 99 6.3.1.2 Preisniveaus auf dem Markt für Hackschnitzel in Lettland 104 6.3.1.3 Preisniveauvergleich für Litauen und Estland 107 6.3.2 Kosten der Bewirtschaftung von Kurzumtriebsplantagen 108 6.3.3 Ermittlung der Annuitäten als Entscheidungsgrundlage 113 6.3.4 Betrachtung von Veränderungen von Parametern anhand einer Sensitivitätsanalyse 118 6.3.5 Betrachtung des Ergebnisses der Business Case-Berechnung 120 7 Diskussion der Ergebnisse 126 7.1 Hypothese: Das Regelwerk und die darin enthaltenen Fördermaßnahmen der Gemeinsamen Agrarpolitik 2020/Europa 2020 begünstigen die Produktion von Holz in Kurzumtriebsplantagen in Estland, Lettland und Litauen. 126 7.2 Hypothese: Die nationalen Ausgestaltungen der Bestimmungen der EU favorisieren nicht die Anlage und Nutzung von Kurzumtriebsplantagen in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 135 7.3 Hypothese: Die Produktionsfaktoren Arbeit, Boden und Kapital stehen in Estland, Lettland und Litauen in ausreichendem Maße zur Verfügung. 143 7.4 Hypothese: Die Märkte für in Kurzumtriebsplantagen erzeugtem Holz sind zu Preisen aufnahmefähig, die einen rentablen Betrieb von Kurzumtriebsplantagen in Estland, Lettland und Litauen erlauben. 145 7.5 Hypothese: Die Holzproduktion auf Kurzumtriebsplantagen führt zu höheren monetären Erträgen als der Anbau von annuellen Feldfrüchten in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 149 8 Zusammenfassung 152 9 Abstract 157 10 Literaturverzeichnis 161 10.1 Quellennachweis nach Autoren 161 10.2 Rechtsquellen 194 10.2.1 Völkerrechtliche Verträge 194 10.2.2 Rechtsquellen der Europäischen Union 194 10.2.2.1 Grundlagen für die Europäische Union 194 10.2.2.2 Verordnungen der Europäischen Union in chronologisch-numerischer Reihenfolge 194 10.2.2.3 Richtlinien der Europäischen Union in chronologisch-numerischer Reihenfolge 197 10.2.2.4 Delegierte Verordnungen der Europäischen Union in chronologisch-numerischer Reihenfolge und Entscheidungen 197 10.2.3 Rechtsquellen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 199 10.2.4 Rechtsquellen der Republik Estland 199 10.2.5 Rechtsquellen der Republik Lettland 200 10.2.6 Rechtsquellen der Republik Litauen 201 ; The demand for timber will rise over the prognosis timeframe of the next 15 years until 2030. For Europe, demand forecast shows a deficit of supply of 300 mio. m³ per year; one study even states the amount at 430 mio. m³. The growth of the world population in combination with a growing economy will further increase the demand for wood, despite the current situation of equilibrium between demand and supply as shown by figures regarding the actual wood production. The demand is driven by many factors. Long-term prognoses to the year 2030 predict a permanent rise in demand for energetic use, which is above the rise of wood for material use. The bio economic trend, including the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions through the gradual reduction of fossil energy sources as a primary energy supply, has been reinforced through the Paris Agreement, adopted by the international community in 2015 with the aim of climate protection. Also other factors will strengthen future demand: the tendency towards decentralised energy production, especially within municipalities, which will particularly grow the demand for fuel wood and weak assortments; the tendency towards reducing dependence on Russia as a supplier of natural gas and oil; and the substitution of fossil energy sources for wood in the production of chemicals and fuel. The EU sees in the forests of its member states a large standing wood supply, which would need to be activated to reach the goal of substituting 20% of primary energy with renewable energy sources by 2020. Wood production and use has a neutral CO2 footprint throughout its lifecycle; if produced sustainably, it only emits as much CO2 as it had previously bound within itself through photosynthesis. Increasing the use of timber in the energy mix reduces the pollution of the atmosphere with CO2 Forest-inventories like the recently published 3rd German National Forest Inventory underline this assumption of the EU regarding the reserves. However, not all of the stock in the forests can be activated, as some forests are taken out of production due to ecological and socio-economic reasons. Entrepreneurs whose business model is determined by the production of wood on agricultural land evaluate possible locations for the production of wood in short rotation according the political and legal security, the availability of resources and the factor prices. The Baltic States offer favorable preconditions. All three states fulfill the major parameters for wood production on coppices on agricultural land: protection of the liberal order; secured legal system with the protection of property; barrier-free access to the markets within the EU; no currency risks; favorable climatic conditions with sufficient precipitation; and large amounts of resources in land and labor. The classification as agricultural activity on agricultural land and as an agricultural permanent crop makes SRC principally entitled to EU funding programs through direct support, the so-called 1st pillar, as well as though the funding of the agricultural structures, the so-called 2nd pillar. SRC are included in the goal cluster of Europe2020/CAP2020. For the SRC farmers on a national level, the applicable legislation derived from the EU-regulations and their administrative interpretations are crucial. The environmental performance of SRC was especially recognised, while excluding them from the Greening-Commitment. Surprisingly however, SRC is recognised with the factor 0.3 as a substitute for the compulsory creation of ecological compensation conservation areas, whereas argoforest systems with a lower soil regeneration period are recognised with the factor 1. The SRC agriculturist can request an appeal proceeding only if he feels there are discrepancies between the administrative acting and the superior national laws or EU rules. In comparison to the funding of traditional agriculture with annual crops, interpretations were identified in both pillars which discriminate against SRC by diminishing it or excluding it all together. In the direct funding sector this is especially applicable to meliorated land. A detailed analysis has shown that the establishment of SRC on such land leads to the complete denial of direct funding, like in Latvia, or subjection to strict conditions which hinder any SRC, like in Estonia and Lithuania. This is significant because in Estonia roughly 54%, in Latvia roughly 62% and in Lithuania roughly 78% of agricultural land has a drainage system. Within the 2nd pillar, the SRC farmer is excluded from support, especially in granting subsidies for building construction, acquisition of machines and other equipment. The definition of the rotation periods is causing another hurdle. The production of wood on SRC is steered towards certain market segments, mainly fuel wood and weak assortments, through the predefined rotation periods within the different Baltic States. These are generally set to five years. Efforts to soften this restrictive rule have so far been unsuccessful. Further stimulus guiding towards certain segments comes from the subsidies provided for reforestation by the structural funding. In the Baltic factor market, land and labour for wood production in SRC on agricultural land are available for reasonable prices and in sufficient quantities.Restrictions in purchasing land could arise from the "land-mobilisation" legal systems valid from 2014 for the new establishment of SRC. There are no authoritative figures available for the harvest yields on large scale SRC in the Baltic States. Estimations of the crop volume had to be made in comparison to regions with similar climatic conditions and the growth performance of common clones, taking into account measures from test facilities in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. Assessed like this, the average wood production lies at 10.00 tovd ha-1 a-1. The price levels for the wood sales in the market segment of SRC wood is robust for the internal market, as is the export demand. This is confirmed by a time-series analysis in which price fluctuations are evened out, for Estonia between 2003 and 2013, for Latvia between 2009 and 2014 and for Lithuania between 2008 and 2014. By calculating the annuity, the profitability of a SRC is evaluated using the example of an enterprise in Latvia. On the expenses side, real cost-figures for an area of 100ha could be used for the calculation, thus providing a data base which does not derive from only small experimental areas in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. On the market side, actual current market prices, backed up with long-term data series regarding the price level of wood chips, could be resorted to. In this calculation based on real figures, the cash-flow was illustrated. Money from the 1st and 2nd pillar was not added into the calculation due to the uncertainty of a positive decision by the LAD. The calculations show a positive result, indicating that a profitable management of a KUP is possible. A sensitivity analysis in which all cost and dendromass production figures where changed by 10% shows the stability of the calculation. Finally, a comparison of the annuity results to the income of a large company which produces annual field crops in crop rotation shows that the production of wood on agricultural land with SRC is the more economically sound alternative. Considering the agricultural outlook for the EU, one can draw from the overall analysis that a "division of labor" in which field crops are produced in the member states in which the climate aspects and the soil parameters are optimal is not supported, but rather inhibited. When the profits from the production of wood on agricultural land rise further, the market will, driven by the higher return of investment, cause that structural adjustment, despite EU subsidies.:Danksagung I Inhaltsverzeichnis III Abbildungsverzeichnis VII Tabellenverzeichnis VIII Abkürzungsverzeichnis XII 1 Einleitung 1 1.1 Diskrepanz bei der Abschätzung der zukünftigen Holznachfrage und der tatsächlichen Entwicklung 1 1.2 Tendenzen bei der Nachfrage und dem Angebot von Holz in der Europäischen Union 4 1.3 Positive Voraussetzungen für die Produktion von Holz in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 7 2 Zielstellung der Arbeit 11 3 Vorgehensweise 14 4 Stand des Wissens 17 4.1 Europarechtliche Bestimmungen für die Holzproduktion auf landwirtschaftlichen Flächen 17 4.1.1 Begriffsabgrenzungen 18 4.1.1.1 Abgrenzungen des Begriffs der Kurzumtriebsplantage von Wald 18 4.1.1.2 Waldbegriff der Europäischen Union 19 4.1.2 Kurzumtriebswirtschaft als landwirtschaftliche Tätigkeit 19 4.1.2.1 Erlaubte Baumarten für den Kurzumtrieb in der Europäischen Union 20 4.1.2.2 Agroforstsysteme im Vergleich zu Kurzumtriebsplantagen in der Terminologie der Europäischen Union 20 4.1.3 Gemeinsame Agrarpolitik 2020 21 4.1.3.1 Organe der Gemeinsamen Agrarpolitik auf Ebene der Europäischen Union und der Verwaltungsunterbau in den Mitgliedstaaten 21 4.1.3.2 Ziele der Gemeinsamen Agrarpolitik 2020 im Rahmen des Zielsystems Europa 2020 24 4.1.3.3 Instrumentarien der Gemeinsamen Agrarpolitik 2020 26 4.1.3.4 Finanzmittel zur Agrarstrukturförderung im Rahmen der Gemeinsamen Agrarpolitik 2020 36 4.2 Kurzumtriebsplantagen auf landwirtschaftlichen Flächen in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 37 4.2.1 Derzeitiger Bestand und Betrieb von Kurzumtriebsplantagen in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 37 4.2.2 Entwicklung der Plantagenflächen zur Produktion von Holz im Kurzumtrieb in Estland, Lettland und Litauen bis 2014 40 4.2.2.1 Estland 40 4.2.2.2 Lettland 41 4.2.2.3 Litauen 41 5 Analyse der rechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen in Estland, Lettland und Litauen zur Holzproduktion in Kurzumtriebsplantagen 43 5.1 Begriffs-Präzisierungen als Ausdruck der nationalen Verständnisse der Vorschriften der Europäischen Union 43 5.1.1 Waldbegriff in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 43 5.1.1.1 Waldbegriff in Estland 43 5.1.1.2 Waldbegriff in Lettland mit der Besonderheit der Forstplantage nach dem lettischen Waldgesetz 44 5.1.1.3 Waldbegriff in Litauen 50 5.1.2 Umtriebszeiten bei Kurzumtriebsplantagen in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 51 5.1.3 Zugelassene Baumarten für Kurzumtriebsplantagen in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 52 5.1.4 Unbestimmte Rechtsbegriffe für Nachhaltigkeit in den Waldgesetzen von Estland, Lettland und Litauen 53 5.2 Umsetzung der Förderbestimmungen nach der Gemeinsamen Agrarpolitik 2020 in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 55 5.2.1 Direktförderung (Säule 1) in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 56 5.2.1.1 Ausgestaltungen der Voraussetzungen für die Direktförderung 57 5.2.1.2 Instrumentarien der Direktförderung 60 5.2.2 Strukturförderung (Säule 2) in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 69 6 Wirtschaftliche Rahmenbedingungen für die Produktion von Holz in Kurzumtriebsplantagen auf landwirtschaftlichen Flächen in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 74 6.1 Parameter zur Definition der Angebotsseite: Verfügbare Produktionsfaktoren 74 6.1.1 Verfügbarkeit der Ressource Arbeit 74 6.1.2 Verfügbarkeit der Ressource Boden 77 6.1.2.1 Eignung von Flächen in Estland, Lettland und Litauen zur Produktion von Holz in Kurzumtriebsplantagen 77 6.1.2.2 Möglichkeit des Bodenerwerbs 79 6.1.2.3 Maßnahmen zur Erhöhung des Flächenangebotes auf den Bodenmärkten in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 82 6.1.2.4 Entwicklung der Preise für landwirtschaftliche Flächen in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 84 6.1.3 Verfügbarkeit der Ressource Kapital 85 6.1.3.1 Infrastruktur als maßgebliche Größe des volkswirtschaftlichen Sozialkapitals 85 6.1.3.2 Betriebliches Privatkapital als Investitionsvoraussetzung 86 6.2 Marktsegment für in Kurzumtriebsplantagen erzeugtem Holz in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 87 6.2.1 Potenzialabschätzungen für die Holzmärkte in Estland, Lettland, Litauen und für die Europäische Union 87 6.2.2 Nachfrage nach Holz in der Zielplanung für die Energiebedarfsdeckung in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 91 6.2.2.1 Planerische Ansätze zur Energieversorgung in Estland 94 6.2.2.2 Planerische Ansätze zur Energieversorgung in Lettland 95 6.2.2.3 Planerische Ansätze zur Energieversorgung in Litauen 96 6.3 Business Case für ein reales Unternehmen in Lettland 97 6.3.1 Naturale und monetäre Erträge von Weidenplantagen 98 6.3.1.1 Mengenerträge in Kurzumtriebsplantagen 99 6.3.1.2 Preisniveaus auf dem Markt für Hackschnitzel in Lettland 104 6.3.1.3 Preisniveauvergleich für Litauen und Estland 107 6.3.2 Kosten der Bewirtschaftung von Kurzumtriebsplantagen 108 6.3.3 Ermittlung der Annuitäten als Entscheidungsgrundlage 113 6.3.4 Betrachtung von Veränderungen von Parametern anhand einer Sensitivitätsanalyse 118 6.3.5 Betrachtung des Ergebnisses der Business Case-Berechnung 120 7 Diskussion der Ergebnisse 126 7.1 Hypothese: Das Regelwerk und die darin enthaltenen Fördermaßnahmen der Gemeinsamen Agrarpolitik 2020/Europa 2020 begünstigen die Produktion von Holz in Kurzumtriebsplantagen in Estland, Lettland und Litauen. 126 7.2 Hypothese: Die nationalen Ausgestaltungen der Bestimmungen der EU favorisieren nicht die Anlage und Nutzung von Kurzumtriebsplantagen in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 135 7.3 Hypothese: Die Produktionsfaktoren Arbeit, Boden und Kapital stehen in Estland, Lettland und Litauen in ausreichendem Maße zur Verfügung. 143 7.4 Hypothese: Die Märkte für in Kurzumtriebsplantagen erzeugtem Holz sind zu Preisen aufnahmefähig, die einen rentablen Betrieb von Kurzumtriebsplantagen in Estland, Lettland und Litauen erlauben. 145 7.5 Hypothese: Die Holzproduktion auf Kurzumtriebsplantagen führt zu höheren monetären Erträgen als der Anbau von annuellen Feldfrüchten in Estland, Lettland und Litauen 149 8 Zusammenfassung 152 9 Abstract 157 10 Literaturverzeichnis 161 10.1 Quellennachweis nach Autoren 161 10.2 Rechtsquellen 194 10.2.1 Völkerrechtliche Verträge 194 10.2.2 Rechtsquellen der Europäischen Union 194 10.2.2.1 Grundlagen für die Europäische Union 194 10.2.2.2 Verordnungen der Europäischen Union in chronologisch-numerischer Reihenfolge 194 10.2.2.3 Richtlinien der Europäischen Union in chronologisch-numerischer Reihenfolge 197 10.2.2.4 Delegierte Verordnungen der Europäischen Union in chronologisch-numerischer Reihenfolge und Entscheidungen 197 10.2.3 Rechtsquellen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 199 10.2.4 Rechtsquellen der Republik Estland 199 10.2.5 Rechtsquellen der Republik Lettland 200 10.2.6 Rechtsquellen der Republik Litauen 201

Authors' introductionWe present an overview of research about racial residential segregation. The first part of the article reviews major debates and findings drawn primarily from the sociological literature. The second part of the article identifies new areas of research that in some cases cross into other disciplines such as geography and urban studies. We show the enduring persistence of racial residential segregation as well as its causes and consequences. We also highlight the ways in which residential segregation can be better understood by including discussions about the varied social and spatial expressions of, and responses to, segregation. The social scientific examination of the patterns and everyday experiences of racial residential segregation remains prolific.Authors recommendKrysan, Maria 2002. 'Community Undesirability in Black and White: Examining Racial Residential Preferences through Community Perceptions.'Social Problems 49: 521–43.The author presents an empirical critique of research which examines the role that residential preferences play in perpetuating racially segregated residential settlement patterns. The data are drawn from the Multi‐City Study of Urban Inequality. The author analyzes black and white participants' responses to open‐ended questions about community undesirability in 23 communities spread across four US metropolitan areas. Rather than examine residential preferences in relation to hypothetical communities of varying relative racial compositions, the author uses respondents' subjective perceptions of actual communities, and the reasons they give for their perceptions, as measures of residential preference. The major finding of the article is that preferences are mediated by class‐ and race‐based considerations, such as perceived community crime rates or a community's reputation as a hotbed of racial animosity and hostility.Logan, John R., Brian J. Stults, and Reynolds Farley 2004. 'Segregation of Minorities in the Metropolis: Two Decades of Change.'Demography 41: 1–22.The authors report on national‐ and metropolitan‐level residential segregation trends for white, black, Hispanic, and Asian groups using a cross‐sectional analysis of 2000 Census data. They also present findings from a longitudinal analysis of changing residential segregation trends for the period 1980 to 2000. During this time black–white segregation levels, measured by the Index of Dissimilarity, steadily declined nationally and in most major metropolitan areas. However, Hispanic–white and Asian–white segregation levels increased slightly at both the national and metropolitan levels since 1980. The authors estimate regression models to test prevailing hypotheses that seek to account for these changes. Notably, they conclude that black–white segregation remains high especially in older manufacturing centers in the Northeast and Midwest. Levels of Hispanic–white and Asian–white segregation meanwhile are increasing in regions where these minority groups are most heavily concentrated and where they continue to grow due to high levels of foreign‐born in‐migration.Massey, Douglas S., and Nancy A. Denton 1993. American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.This book is a seminal contribution to the scholarly debate about the causes and consequences of black urban poverty in the US. The authors argue that racial residential segregation is the key social process which explains the conditions under which a black urban underclass forms and is maintained. Segregation creates a 'structural niche' of concentrated black socioeconomic deprivation wherein, for instance, conditions of welfare dependency become normative and oppositional cultures emerge in reaction to the contradictory values of dominant groups. Massey and Denton claim that segregation is perpetuated by, but also compounds, the effects of institutional racism and white prejudice. To support their claim the authors point to historical trends in levels of racial residential segregation they attribute to public policy as well as private decision‐making. The book makes a methodological statement as well in relation to the conceptualization and measurement of residential segregation.Williams, Richard, Reynold Nesiba, and Eileen Diaz McConnell 2005. 'The Changing Face of Inequality in Home Mortgage Lending.'Social Problems 52: 181–208.The authors develop a theoretical framework to account for an emerging 'new inequality' in home mortgage lending and home‐ownership that has contributed to contemporary patterns of residential segregation. The 'old inequality', which was characterized by individual‐ and neighborhood‐level race‐ and class‐based discrimination, gave way in the early 1990s to a new form of inequality based on access to high‐cost loans and exposure to predatory lending practices. The authors rely on descriptive metropolitan‐level data on home mortgage lending to document rising rates of home‐ownership and loan origination among African American and low‐income borrowers, and within minority neighborhoods, since the early 1990s. Their interpretation of these data, however, leads them to conclude that despite these gains, the residential segregation generated by the old inequality creates the conditions for the emergence of the new inequality and similar patterns of residential segregation.Wyly, Elvin K., and Daniel J. Hammel 2004. 'Gentrification, Segregation, and Discrimination in the American Urban System.'Environment and Planning A 36: 1215–41.This article is a nice companion to the article by Williams et al. (2005) (see above). The authors examine racial and economic inequalities, such as residential segregation and racial discrimination, related to mortgage reinvestment and gentrification in major US central cities since the early 1990s. Using regression models to analyze home mortgage lending data and credit market characteristics across 30 US cities, the authors find that both early‐ ('peripheral') and late‐stage ('core') gentrification reproduce familiar patterns of race‐ and class‐based segregation, and are associated with more intensified forms of racial discrimination by property developers, realtors, and lenders.Online materials

Federal Financial Institutions Examination Council (FFIEC) –Home Mortgage Disclosure Act http://www.ffiec.gov/hmda/ This website provides access to publicly reported loan data under the provisions of the federal Home Mortgage Disclosure Act. The site allows users to view descriptive information on consumer lending institutions as well as borrower and loan characteristics that can be geocoded by census tract. The site is fairly user‐friendly yet provides access to powerful aggregate loan data. Researchers have used these publicly available data to compile profiles of consumer finance and investment trends across metropolitan areas or to begin to document patterns of disinvestment, redlining, and subprime lending.
Racial Residential Segregation Measurement Project (Reynolds Farley, University of Michigan) http://enceladus.isr.umich.edu/race/racestart.aspQuoted from the website:This website provides you with indexes of racial residential segregation for all states, for all counties, for all metropolitan areas and for all cities of 100,000 or more using information from the Census of 2000. Indexes of dissimilarity, exposure indexes and interracial contact measures are available for five single races and for the three most frequently reported combinations of two races. Segregation measures are provided using three different levels of local area geography: census tracts, block groups, and blocks. The links on this page provide you with access to the calculation of measures, descriptions of their meaning, information about the census data and the measures as well as to a bibliography of major studies of the extent, causes, and consequences of racial residential segregation in the United States.
Windows on Urban Poverty (Paul Jargowsky) http://www.urbanpoverty.net/ This website provides interactive features that examine the 'spatial context' of urban poverty; that is, the ways in which poor and segregated neighborhoods shape the life chances of impoverished individuals and families. The site has links to reports and policy briefs as well as a mapping tool which allows users to view the spatial expression of concentrated poverty neighborhoods and related demographic information.
Lewis Mumford Center for Comparative Urban and Regional Research (University at Albany, State University of New York) http://www.albany.edu/mumford/ The site allows users to access a wide range of social and economic indicators that document conditions of racial residential segregation across the US. The Mumford Center is a leader in reporting on national‐ and metropolitan‐level demographic trends compiled from publicly available US Census data.
The U.S. Census Bureau http://www.census.gov/ This is the official US government website where users can access US Census data. The site includes a range of interactive mapping tools that can be used to generate profiles of key demographic, social, and economic indicators at varying geographic scales, such as the neighborhood and metropolitan levels. The site also links users to relevant census‐based government reports, news releases, and even multimedia content (e.g., video, radio, photography).

Sample syllabusCourse outline and reading assignments Section 1: Segregation Trends and Patterns Residential Segregation in Black and White 'Census 2000 Basics' (http://www.census.gov/mso/www/c2000basics/00Basics.pdf)For an updated and extended discussion of measurement issues see: http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/housing/housing_patterns/housing_patterns.htmlMassey, Douglas S., and Nancy A. Denton. 1993. American Apartheid: Chapter 1: 'The Missing Link'; Chapter 2: 'The Construction of the Ghetto'; Chapter 3: 'The Persistence of the Ghetto'Massey, Douglas S., and Nancy A. Denton. 1988. 'The Dimensions of Residential Segregation.'Social Forces 67: 281–315.Adelman, Robert M., and James Clarke Gocker. 2007. 'Racial Residential Segregation in Urban America.'Sociology Compass 1: 404–23. Moving Beyond the Black/White Dichotomy Logan, John R., Brian J. Stults, and Reynolds Farley. 2004. 'Segregation of Minorities in the Metropolis: Two Decades of Change.'Demography 41: 1–22.Fischer, Claude S., Gretchen Stockmayer, Jon Stiles, and Michael Hout. 2004. 'Distinguishing the Geographic Levels and Social Dimensions of U.S. Metropolitan Segregation, 1960–2000.'Demography 41: 37–59.White, Michael J., Eric Fong, and Qian Cai. 2003. 'The Segregation of Asian‐origin Groups in the United States and Canada.'Social Science Research 32: 148–67.Crowder, Kyle D. 1999. 'Residential Segregation of West Indians in the New York/New Jersey Metropolitan Area: The Roles of Race and Ethnicity.'International Migration Review 33: 79–113. Section 2: Causes of Residential Segregation Institutions and Actors Charles, Camille Zubrinsky. 2003. 'The Dynamics of Racial Residential Segregation.'Annual Review of Sociology 29: 167–207.Briggs, Xavier de Souza. 2005. Chapter 1 ('Introduction') and Chapter 2 ('More Pluribus, Less Unum? The Changing Geography of Race and Opportunity').Tegeler, Phillip. 2005. Chapter 9 (Briggs): 'The Persistence of Segregation in Government Housing Programs'.Jackson, Kenneth.1985. Crabgrass Frontier. Chapter 11: 'Federal Subsidy and the Suburban Dream: How Washington Changed the American Housing Market'. Group Differences in Socioeconomic Status and Neighborhood Preferences Logan, John R., Richard D. Alba, Thomas McNulty, and Brian Fischer. 1996. 'Making a Place in the Metropolis: Locational Attainment in Cities and Suburbs.'Demography 33: 443–53.Alba, Richard D., John R. Logan, Brian J. Stults, Gilbert Marzan, and Wenquan Zhang. 1999. 'Immigrant Groups in the Suburbs: A Reexamination of Suburbanization and Spatial Assimilation.'American Sociological Review 64: 446–60.Harris, David R. 2001. 'Why are Whites and Blacks Averse to Black Neighbors?'Social Science Research 30: 100–16.Krysan, Maria, and Reynolds Farley. 2002. 'The Residential Preferences of Blacks: Do they Explain Persistent Segregation?'Social Forces 80: 937–80.Emerson, Michael O., George Yancey, and Karen J. Chai. 2001. 'Does Race Matter in Residential Segregation? Exploring the Preferences of White Americans.'American Sociological Review 66: 922–35. Mortgage Lending Discrimination Yinger, John. 1995. Closed Doors, Opportunities Lost: The Continuing Costs of Housing Discrimination. Chapter 2 ('The Housing Discrimination Study'); Chapter 3 ('Discrimination in Housing'); Chapter 7 ('The Impact of Housing Discrimination on Housing Quality, Racial Segregation, and Neighborhood Change').Ross, Stephen L., and Margery Austin Turner. 2005. 'Housing Discrimination in Metropolitan America: Explaining Changes between 1989 and 2000.'Social Problems 52: 152–80.Williams, Richard, Reynold Nesiba, and Eileen Diaz McConnell. 2005. 'The Changing Face of Inequality in Home Mortgage Lending.'Social Problems 52: 181–208.Freidman, Samantha, and Gregory D. Squires. 2005. 'Does the Community Reinvestment Act Help Minorities Access Traditionally Inaccessible Neighborhoods?'Social Problems 52: 209–31. The Search for Housing Turner, Margery, and Stephen Ross. 2005. Chapter 4 (Briggs): 'How Racial Discrimination Affects the Search for Housing.'Farley, Reynolds. 1996. 'Racial Differences in the Search for Housing: Do Whites and Blacks Use the Same Techniques to Find Housing?'Housing Policy Debate 7: 367–85.Massey, Douglas S., and Garvey Lundy. 2001. 'Use of Black English and Racial Discrimination in Urban Housing Markets: New Methods and Findings.'Urban Affairs Review 36: 452–69.Feagin, Joe. 1994. Living with Racism: The Black Middle‐Class Experience. Chapter 6: 'Seeking a Good Home and Neighborhood.' Section 3: Consequences of Residential Segregation Poverty Concentration and Hypersegregation Massey, Douglas S., and Nancy A. Denton. 1993. Chapter 5: 'The Creation of Underclass Communities'; Chapter 6: 'The Perpetuation of the Underclass'.Jargowsky, Paul A. 1997. Poverty and Place: Ghettos, Barrios, and the American City. Chapter 5: 'Theory and Evidence on Inner‐City Poverty.'Wilkes, Rima, and John Iceland. 2004. 'Hypersegregation in the Twenty‐First Century: An Update and Analysis.'Demography 41: 23–36.Roy, Kevin. 2004. 'Three‐Block Fathers: Spatial Perceptions and Kin‐Work in Low‐Income African American Neighborhoods.'Social Problems 51: 528–48. Neighborhood Effects Sampson, Robert J., Jeffrey D. Morenoff, and Thomas Gannon‐Rowley. 2002. 'Assessing "Neighborhood Effects": Social Processes and New Directions in Research.'Annual Review of Sociology 28: 443–78.LaVeist, Thomas A. 1993. 'Segregation, Poverty, and Empowerment: Health Consequences for African Americans.'The Milbank Quarterly 71: 41–64.Rosenbaum, Emily, and Laura E. Harris. 2001. 'Low‐Income Families in Their New Neighborhoods: The Short‐Term Effects of Moving from Chicago's Public Housing.'Journal of Family Issues 22: 183–210.Wagmiller, Robert L. 2007. 'Race and the Spatial Segregation of Jobless Men in Urban America.'Demography 44: 539–62. Crime and Neighborhoods Anderson, Elijah. 1999. Code of the Street: Decency, Violence, and the Moral Life of the Inner City. Preface, Introduction ('Down Germantown Avenue') and Chapter 1 ('Decent and Street Families').Pattillo‐McCoy, Mary. 1999. Black Picket Fences: Privilege and Peril among the Black Middle Class. Chapter 4: 'Neighborhood Networks and Crime'.Massey, Douglas S. 2001. 'Segregation and Violent Crime in Urban America.' Pp. 317–44 in Problem of the Century: Racial Stratification in the United States edited by Elijah Anderson and Douglas S. Massey.Logan, John R., and Brian J. Stults. 1999. 'Racial Differences in Exposure to Crime: The City and Suburbs of Cleveland in 1990.'Criminology 37: 251–76. Section 4: Mobility, Class, and Public Policy Residential Mobility Lee, Barrett A., R.S. Oropesa, and James W. Kanan. 1994. 'Neighborhood Context and Residential Mobility.'Demography 31: 249–70.South, Scott J., and Kyle D. Crowder. 1998. 'Leaving the 'Hood: Residential Mobility between Black, White, and Integrated Neighborhoods.'American Sociological Review 63: 17–26.Crowder, Kyle D., Scott J. South, and Erick Chavez. 2006. 'Wealth, Race, and Inter‐Neighborhood Migration.'American Sociological Review 71: 72–94.Pattillo‐McCoy, Mary. 2000. 'The Limits of Out‐Migration for the Black Middle Class.'Journal of Urban Affairs 22: 225–41. Intersection of Race and Class: The Black Middle Class Pattillo, Mary. 2005. 'Black Middle‐Class Neighborhoods.'Annual Review of Sociology 31: 305–29.Cashin, Sheryll D. 2001. 'Middle‐Class Black Suburbs and the State of Integration: A Post‐Integrationist Vision for Metropolitan America.'Cornell Law Review 86: 729–76.Adelman, Robert M. 2004. 'Neighborhood Opportunities, Race, and Class: The Black Middle Class and Residential Segregation.'City and Community 3: 43–63.Lacy, Karyn. 2004. 'Black Spaces, Black Places: Strategic Assimilation and Identity Construction in Middle‐Class Suburbia.'Ethnic and Racial Studies 27: 908–30. Public Policy and Politics Rubinowitz, Leonard S., and James E. Rosenbaum. 2000. Crossing the Class and Color Lines: From Public Housing to White Suburbia.Briggs, Xavier de Souza. 2005. Chapter 14: 'Politics and Policy: Changing the Geography of Opportunity'.Massey, Douglas S., and Nancy A. Denton. 1993. Chapter 8: 'The Future of the Ghetto'.Project ideas US Census Data Assignment (Adapted from an assignment developed by Nancy Denton, University at Albany, State University of New York)Your task for this assignment is to compare one US metropolitan area to another one. Your focus of the comparison should be on key sociodemographic variables including, but not limited to, the overall population size of the areas, the racial and ethnic composition of the areas, the socioeconomic standing of the areas, the housing quality, what types of occupational opportunities exist, the level of immigration in the areas, the level of residential segregation between groups in the areas, among others.You can choose any two metropolitan areas but they must be defined as such by the Census Bureau (i.e., make sure you obtain information at the metropolitan level). There should be some component of change; that is, identify how these variables have changed over time (an ideal strategy would be to focus on 1980 to 2000 changes, but there could be other strategies). In the end, you want a five‐page report comparing the two places. Which one would be better to live in? Why? From whose perspective?Potential data sources include:

The US Census: go to http://www.census.gov and click on 'American Factfinder' or another census tool
The Lewis Mumford Center: go to http://www.albany.edu/mumford and click on 'Census 2000' and use one of the tools to obtain data

Urban Ethnography Assignment (Adapted from an assignment developed by Charles Gallagher, Georgia State University)Write a short ethnography about an urban, public space. Your task is to choose a public space (broadly defined) and examine who uses the space, how the space is used, and the interactions that occur between people in that space. Pay close attention to issues like (but others too) the racial and ethnic background of the people using the space, the socioeconomic reasons which explain the location of the site (e.g., exchange versus use values; urban development), and the extent to which the space is actually 'public' (i.e., are there restrictions to the space like bars separating benches in half?).You can observe any public space. For example, the extent to which a park is actually public is continually and consistently contested and negotiated. What about transportation nodes? Malls? Restaurants? Comparative Urban Assignment Your task for this assignment is to review three scholarly articles about a city outside of the US. Your focus can be on any aspect of the city but you should include some general information about the area including, but not limited to, the geographic and demographic size of the area, the socioeconomic standing of the area, the residential segregation of groups in the area, among other issues.You can choose any city or metropolitan area as long as it is outside of the US. In the end, you want a five‐page report reviewing the three articles with a brief introduction about the city (this information could be gleaned from one of the articles).The main international urban journal, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, will be very useful for this assignment, but you can obtain articles from any peer‐reviewed journal. Make sure to use only scholarly journals rather than popular magazines, newspaper articles, or the internet. Rely on the social science literature.

The Great Depression in Weber County, Utah, is an Oral History Project by Mack S. Taft for completion of his Master's Thesis at Utah State University during the summer of 1969. The interviews address the Great Depression through the eyes of individuals in several different occupations including: Bankers, Laborers, Railroad Workers, Attorneys, Farmers, Educators, Businessmen, Community and Church Leaders, Housewives, Children and Physicians. All of these individuals lived in Weber County from 1929 to 1941. The interviews were based on what they remembered about the depression, how they felt about those events and how it affected their life then and now. ; This is an oral history interview with Dr. Wesley H. Anderson. Dr. Anderson recalls his education as a physician and beginning a private practice during the Depression. He practiced for the Union Pacific and Southern Pacific Railroads, the Magna smelters, and also covered local doctors' practices. He discusses taking produce for pay, paying house calls, and compares early medical practice to modern practice, including the threat of malpractice lawsuits. ; 13p.; 29cm.; 2 bound transcripts; 4 file folders. 1 sound disc: digital; 4 3/4 in. ; Oral History Program Wesley H. Anderson Interviewed by Mack S. Taft circa 1960s Oral History Program Weber State University Stewart Library Ogden, Utah Wesley H. Anderson Interviewed by Mack S. Taft circa 1960s Copyright © 2016 by Weber State University, Stewart Library iii Mission Statement The Oral History Program of the Stewart Library was created to preserve the institutional history of Weber State University and the Davis, Ogden and Weber County communities. By conducting carefully researched, recorded, and transcribed interviews, the Oral History Program creates archival oral histories intended for the widest possible use. Interviews are conducted with the goal of eliciting from each participant a full and accurate account of events. The interviews are transcribed, edited for accuracy and clarity, and reviewed by the interviewees (as available), who are encouraged to augment or correct their spoken words. The reviewed and corrected transcripts are indexed, printed, and bound with photographs and illustrative materials as available. The working files, original recording, and archival copies are housed in the University Archives. Project Description The Great Depression in Weber County, Utah, is an Oral History Project by Mack S. Taft for completion of his Master's Thesis at Utah State University during the summer of 1969. The forty-five interviews address the Great Depression through the eyes of individuals in several different occupations including: Bankers, Laborers, Railroad Workers, Attorneys, Farmers, Educators, Businessmen, Community and Church Leaders, Housewives, Children and Physicians. All of these individuals lived in Weber County from 1929 to 1941. The interviews were based on what they remembered about the depression, how they felt about those events and how it affected their life then and now. ____________________________________ Oral history is a method of collecting historical information through recorded interviews between a narrator with firsthand knowledge of historically significant events and a well-informed interviewer, with the goal of preserving substantive additions to the historical record. Because it is primary material, oral history is not intended to present the final, verified, or complete narrative of events. It is a spoken account. It reflects personal opinion offered by the interviewee in response to questioning, and as such it is partisan, deeply involved, and irreplaceable. ____________________________________ Rights Management This work is the property of the Weber State University, Stewart Library Oral History Program. It may be used freely by individuals for research, teaching and personal use as long as this statement of availability is included in the text. It is recommended that this oral history be cited as follows: Anderson, Wesley H., an oral history by Mack S. Taft, circa 1960s, WSU Stewart Library Oral History Program, University Archives, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, UT. 1 Abstract: This is an oral history interview with Dr. Wesley H. Anderson. Dr. Anderson recalls his education as a physician and beginning a private practice during the Depression. He practiced for the Union Pacific and Southern Pacific Railroads, the Magna smelters, and also covered local doctors' practices. He discusses taking produce for pay, paying house calls, and compares early medical practice to modern practice, including the threat of malpractice lawsuits. The interviewer is Mack Taft. MT: Where did you live during the Depression, from 1929-39? WA: I was at the University of Utah from 1929, graduated from there in 1933, and then went back to the University of Pennsylvania, and graduated there in 1935. Then I came to Ogden and interned at the Dee Hospital in 1935-36 and started to practice. I practiced with the railroad, was the physician for both the Union Pacific and the Southern Pacific Railroad, and was head physician for Weber College. I also carried on a private practice covering most everybody's practice in town when they were on vacation. This was in the Depression years, so a lot of the doctors went on vacation. And then, in 1937, after practicing for one year, I left for Chicago. I did a residency at the University of Chicago in pediatrics. And I spent 1937 until late 1939 in residency at the University of Chicago, and then returned to Ogden in late 1939. MT: What were the problems confronted by a young doctor starting out at that time as opposed to a young doctor starting out now? WA: Well, the problem, I suppose then, as now, we had actually too much to do, especially in my case. We started out, got married shortly after I finished my 2 internship and started out on our honeymoon, and got as far as a ranch up in Kamas Valley. We were going up through the northwest, and I was called there by a doctor in Magna who was head of the smelter operations for Kennecott - for the Magna smelters, so we didn't go on a honeymoon. After practicing there for six weeks, I came to Ogden and went into practice with Dr. Morrell and worked there for years. So I really didn't have any problems starting off. I was so busy. It almost killed me off that first year. I worked day and night. I worked for everyone that went on vacation. I was quite well known here because, of our group of interns, I was the only one who stayed in Ogden, and I had a lot of friends. Dr. Bartlett and some of the leading doctors took vacations. I delivered more babies in Ogden that year than any other doctor, and got paid practically nothing because I left on a residency as it was Depression times. In those days a delivery fee was $35, and I didn't average $5 or $10. I'd deliver both in the home and in the hospital. Very often we'd deliver four babies per night. I remember we joined a couple of clubs here. We tried to go to a movie, and having that railroad work - Dr. Morrell's mother was dying in Logan and he was out of town most of the time - I didn't get to see one movie through that year. We didn't get to one party where I could stay through completely. So I was very happy to get out of town after one year. However, I believe after we left - I left Mrs. Anderson to clean up our debts - I think we landed in Chicago with about $9,000, which was pretty good in Depression times, for one year and just starting out. 3 MT: You would have done exceptionally well then, if your collections would have been good. WA: Well, it was pretty good then. But I didn't collect for a third of the work I did. MT: Was there anything particular about the economy, or anything of this nature, that induced you to go back for further training? WA: Well, it was mainly the massive amount of work, of day and night work that I wanted to get away from. I thought that it would be easier to specialize. I learned in my residency that I loved working with the children. I didn't mind working with them all day long. Surgery sort of upset me. Obstetrics I despised after delivering that many babies. So I just loved to work with children. So when I got the chance that came mainly through Dr. Morrell, who was a classmate of the head of the American Academy of Pediatrics, he lined me up with a residency. I learned an awful lot from both he and Dr. Bartlett. I worked with them both. I worked in both their offices. As a matter of fact, I worked in Dr. Morrell's office. That was my main office. I worked in Dr. Bartlett's office, Dr. Bill Brown's office, Dr. Sideman's office, and quite a lot of work for Dr. Jensen, so I covered about five of the six busiest doctors in Ogden. As I mentioned, the obstetrics charge for a patient at the hospital was about $15 at that time, and now it's between $200 -300. The doctor's fee was $35, and now it's between $200 and $300. House calls would be $3-5, office calls were $3. There was an awful lot of work, always very enjoyable, of course. Then, when we came back to Ogden, and I went back with Dr. Bartlett after that, and was expecting to go in the army. They kept turning me down about 4 every year because I had a little [heart] murmur. So I practiced with him for five years rather than set up an office, thinking that I would be going in the army. They'd call me up every six months, and then tell me to come back in another six months. So when things started to get a little better, after they invaded Europe, I had always wanted to go into pediatrics, and so I set up my office down in the First Security Bank Building. MT: Were there any lessons taught by the Depression years that you feel you learned, or that were learned by others around you? WA: Well, we've always lived quite conservatively. I'm sure all the doctors that went through that Depression are very conservative, no big boats, etc. We did build a little swimming pool, the first one in Ogden, a private pool. It was supposed to cost us $1,500 and it ended up costing us $3,500. But other than that, we drive our cars longer, and try to buy better cars than most of these young fellows. I don't know, I imagine most of the doctors know how to manage their affairs, and I don't think any of them had any financial problems that I remember around that time. MT: Are you aware of anything through that time involved with the script, and the farmers using their produce to pay their bills? WA: No, I think that came before my time. I don't remember anything about that. Oh, we had a lot of vegetables and things brought to us, but of course we still get them from the people out on the farms. From this time of the year on, we get all the vegetables and fruits that we can eat from patients. We used to have our own garden out here that we raised, but it got a little too much for us, and so we put it 5 all into grass and trees. I never remember [being] financially pinched during that time. Of course, when I was in school, I always had a job during that time, never ever got paid more than 50 cents an hour. I was on a scholarship, a football scholarship, and got paid 50 cents an hour as the janitor at the medical school. I got back in Pennsylvania in the microbiology lab and got paid 50 cents an hour. At that time, back in Philadelphia, we were very fortunate, of course, because we got board and room for $25 a month, and excellent board and room. During those years we always had plenty to eat and plenty to wear. I never had a car, like some of those fellows did. Some of the boys' fathers would buy them a new car every year. MT: Were you affected at all by the crash of the stock market in 1929? WA: No, we didn't. The banks closed, but that was the only thing. I didn't have much money in the bank. My folks had a little money in bank stock, and I think that they had to pay double for that bank stock. It practically broke my folks. Fortunately my mother was a school teacher, too, which helped. I probably wouldn't have gotten through medical school because it practically broke them. That was the Grantsville Deseret Bank. At that time, when the banks closed, of course we didn't have any money. I moved in with a doctor's family in Salt Lake. He was an internist down there at the Salt Lake Clinic, also president of the board of regents. I just moved in with their family, and they bought me clothes and furnished me free board and room. And then I worked at the medical school as a janitor, so I had practically no expenses, so I made my way all right. When I went 6 back East, I had to borrow money at 5 percent. I think I got some money from the university and an unknown donor. I think it came from the people I lived with, but they didn't want me to know. But I paid it back to the president of the university, so I didn't know who it was, but I'm almost sure. MT: Do you think of anything else that happened to you in your travels at that time, or any other experiences that might be of interest? WA: Well, I used to on Saturday afternoon - Dr. Bartlett had a lot of old patients, old people, and a lot of them were in for heart failure. And they'd fill up with fluid in their abdomen and chest and have to be tapped, drained once a week. Well, it would be unheard of to do in the home in this day and age, but then they had no antibiotics, practically. I would start out about 2 p.m., and I'd make about seven taps. I'd put needles in their abdomen and chest and drain off a gallon of fluid, and give them a shot of salagin, which would stimulate their kidneys, and then they could breathe for a week. Nowadays, if you asked one of these young doctors to do it in the home, they would think that was the craziest thing they could do. think they would sure get infection, but they didn't get any infection. But that's where I spent from 2 every Saturday afternoon. These people would just, for a year or more than a year. In most cases, they had practically no emergency room. These people couldn't get to an emergency room. A lot of them didn't have transportation. MT: What problems do you see now that are different from the problems you had then? Is it more common now for people to sue for malpractice? 7 WA: Well, I'm sure it is, and I don't know exactly why this has been brought on. We, as physicians, have always said that there are too many hungry lawyers around, you know. And I don't quite ever remember [hearing] of very few malpractice suits in those days. I remember once I heard of a doctor that I was working with, an attorney called him up and said a client wanted to sue him for some fracture or something. And the doctor said, "Well, if you do, I'll fight you for as long as I live." They were supposed to be good friends. In all my younger days, that's the only thing I heard on malpractice. And he didn't ever sue this guy. He was a leading attorney here in Ogden. And whether it was justified or not, I'm sure it wasn't, because the woman kept coming into the office, who had the injured arm. Our malpractice insurance in those days was about $15 and then it went up to $40 for quite a number of years, and mine jumped to $450 last year. This year it will be $520 some odd dollars, and I've never had anyone ever threaten, but you still have the insurance. MT: Do you feel in the medical profession that there are more precautions taken that maybe wouldn't need to be taken except for this reason? WA: Oh, I'm sure there are 100 percent more than are necessary, probably, just because of malpractice. And that's one thing that I think has run the medical costs up so high, the medical insurance, doctors' insurance, they just pass it on. That's the only thing they can do and survive. So I think it's just an awful situation. Malpractice has gone for some of these plastic surgeons - Dr. Jarrett told me his malpractice insurance rate is $1,000 this year. And malpractice in Seattle for a neurosurgeon is $7,000 to $10,000 a year. And across the border, 8 over in Victoria, it is $70 a year. So you can tell - and all these fellows are trained in the same universities - so you can tell that it - they're all trained in the same way and treat their patients in the same way, and on one side of the border they pay $70 and on the other side, they pay $7,000 to $10,000. So it's a treacherous thing. I think the government ought to do something about it. I don't know why this has been brought on like that. Oh, I'm sure that with all this high cost of medicine. a lot of people are hurt because the expenses are so great. It makes them kind of want to sue, I suppose, and then it just rises all the time. Personally, I think that the government will do something; they'll have to.

The Great Depression in Weber County, Utah, is an Oral History Project by Mack S. Taft for completion of his Master's Thesis at Utah State University during the summer of 1969. The interviews address the Great Depression through the eyes of individuals in several different occupations including: Bankers, Laborers, Railroad Workers, Attorneys, Farmers, Educators, Businessmen, Community and Church Leaders, Housewives, Children and Physicians. All of these individuals lived in Weber County from 1929 to 1941. The interviews were based on what they remembered about the depression, how they felt about those events and how it affected their life then and now. ; This is an oral history interview with J. Levi Beus. Mr. and Mrs. Beus share their memories of the Depression years, what they did to get by and the lessons they learned from their experiences, especially focusing on how they provided for their family. ; 14p.; 29cm.; 2 bound transcripts; 4 file folders. 1 sound disc: digital; 4 3/4 in. ; Oral History Program J. Levi Beus Interviewed by Mack S. Taft circa 1960s Oral History Program Weber State University Stewart Library Ogden, Utah J. Levi Beus Interviewed by Mack S. Taft circa 1960s Copyright © 2016 by Weber State University, Stewart Library iii Mission Statement The Oral History Program of the Stewart Library was created to preserve the institutional history of Weber State University and the Davis, Ogden and Weber County communities. By conducting carefully researched, recorded, and transcribed interviews, the Oral History Program creates archival oral histories intended for the widest possible use. Interviews are conducted with the goal of eliciting from each participant a full and accurate account of events. The interviews are transcribed, edited for accuracy and clarity, and reviewed by the interviewees (as available), who are encouraged to augment or correct their spoken words. The reviewed and corrected transcripts are indexed, printed, and bound with photographs and illustrative materials as available. The working files, original recording, and archival copies are housed in the University Archives. Project Description The Great Depression in Weber County, Utah, is an Oral History Project by Mack S. Taft for completion of his Master's Thesis at Utah State University during the summer of 1969. The forty-five interviews address the Great Depression through the eyes of individuals in several different occupations including: Bankers, Laborers, Railroad Workers, Attorneys, Farmers, Educators, Businessmen, Community and Church Leaders, Housewives, Children and Physicians. All of these individuals lived in Weber County from 1929 to 1941. The interviews were based on what they remembered about the depression, how they felt about those events and how it affected their life then and now. ____________________________________ Oral history is a method of collecting historical information through recorded interviews between a narrator with firsthand knowledge of historically significant events and a well-informed interviewer, with the goal of preserving substantive additions to the historical record. Because it is primary material, oral history is not intended to present the final, verified, or complete narrative of events. It is a spoken account. It reflects personal opinion offered by the interviewee in response to questioning, and as such it is partisan, deeply involved, and irreplaceable. ____________________________________ Rights Management This work is the property of the Weber State University, Stewart Library Oral History Program. It may be used freely by individuals for research, teaching and personal use as long as this statement of availability is included in the text. It is recommended that this oral history be cited as follows: Beus, J. Levi, an oral history by Mack S. Taft, circa 1960s, WSU Stewart Library Oral History Program, University Archives, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, UT. 1 Abstract: This is an oral history interview with J. Levi Beus. Mr. and Mrs. Beus share their memories of the Depression years, what they did to get by and the lessons they learned from their experiences, especially focusing on how they provided for their family. The interviewer is Mack Taft. MT: Were you living in Weber County during the years from 1929 to '39? LB: I was, yes. MT: Where did you live then? LB: Lived right here. MT: Right in this home. LB: That's right. MT: When were you made Bishop of the ward? LB: In June of 1937. MT: Oh yes. Did you notice any particular difference between members of the Church and how they got along and people who weren't members of the Church in the community? With the coming of the Welfare plan, I think that was invented in 1936, were there any differences there that you noted? LB: No – there really had been very few non-members of the Church here to experiment with or to watch, and they mainly joined us in whatever program was inaugurated to benefit the community or the people. They were good neighbors and friends. MT: How long were you Bishop here? LB: Four years – a little over four years. MT: Who was your predecessor as Bishop? 2 LB: John D. Hooper. MT: Since that time, you've been a member of the Stake Presidency, and you're currently the Patriarch in the stake. LB: That's correct, yes. MT: What do you remember most about the Depression? LB: Well, our trouble was to get cash, to market our crops. Our potatoes just stayed in the pit – one year we had a crop of potatoes, and those that we sold we sold for eighteen cents a hundred-pound sack. Many of them were not sold. The price of sheep and cattle – we purchased, at the beginning of the Depression, about 1929 or '30, a hundred-head of ewes. Everyone thought that they'd be a good investment. Sheep were on the farm then. The price of sheep went down and down until they were very cheap. In fact, the by-products [collectors] wouldn't come and get them hardly. An overproduction of about everything that was produced on the farm, and a very scarcity of cash for the trouble. MT: Did you have problems with food or clothing, or things along this line? LB: No, we had an abundance of food, and pretty well fixed up for clothing. Patched and worked over and got by, but clothing. It was to pay taxes, pay mortgage payments, interest payments; that was the difficulty. MT: Did the government come through with some help along through those years that you were able to participate in? LB: Yes – they attempted to help us in a number of ways. I remember they made wheat available. Of course, we had plenty of wheat, but some people didn't, city people didn't. That was made available, and they attempted to peg the price of 3 wheat too, to stop it from going too low. I forget the names of the programs they inaugurated in, but they had some programs. MT: The AAA came in that period of time, the Agricultural Adjustment Act, as I recall. LB: Yes. MT: In your marketing process, particularly for your dairy products and things along this line, were there methods that you developed through those years that were helpful to you in marketing? LB: Yes, I think cooperative marketing had its birth in that time. MT: What particularly did you do in this line, to market your crops? LB: We were principally in the dairy business, of course, and the Weber Central Dairy was created a little before that. They played a big part in growth and helped the farmers who were dairymen during that time. MT: Did you do anything cooperatively that you recall in the other crops and so forth? LB: Not in a big way. Various groups of farmers cooperated, I remember, in helping one another in their harvesting, and anything to save cash. MT: In Southern Utah, where I lived during that period of time, people just didn't have money to hire a man to come and help them on the farm, so they used to go with a neighbor and put up his crops, and then exchange. Did you have a similar…? LB: Yes. We went around in various ways and helped with a harvest, and planting of the crops. People were very good to help and cooperate. MT: Do you think of things now that – let's back around a little bit – do you think of things that you did then that you think now were very desirable, that we have somewhat forgotten today? 4 LB: Well, we got along very well with much less than they think they have to have today. Of course, we still do. Canned and preserved and did all we could do to get along with what we had without buying any more. MT: What about the community and activities in the community? How would you compare the activities of the community during those years with those of today? LB: Well, they were more plain and simple in those days. A lot of people with creativity produced shows and activities and amusement with very little to do with. More so then than we do today. MT: You provided most of your activity and most of your own entertainment during that period of time. LB: That's right. The horse and wagon, and bobsled; they provided a means of travel. We were seven years without a car during that period, and we gave everything to pay our debts. MT: Do you recall any – I don't know whether I should call it a habit, or a trait, or a characteristic – that you have carried over as a result of your experience in those times? LB: I think that some people became more thrifty and were benefitted by it. Others became bitter and felt that they should be assisted in their recovery. Perhaps the recovery did them more damage than the Depression. MT: Do you recall anything now, in your experience as a Bishop through those years, that – of course I wouldn't want you to mention names or anything of this nature, but – do you recall any experiences that you had that might be interesting? 5 LB: Well, we distributed our surplus commodities around the community to see that – I don't think that anyone went hungry, or anyone went particularly cold. There was plenty to eat, and plenty to keep warm. That sort of thing. It was a Depression of cash. MT: How would you rank the spirituality of the community as compared to it today? I know that's a tough question, but I'd really appreciate it. LB: I think it compared well with the spirituality we enjoy today. In this community, there's always been a high standard of spirituality and helpfulness. It's a good community in that respect, you know, always has been from the beginning. MT: Are there any incidences, amusing or otherwise, that you can think of that might be of interest? LB: Well, to think of on the spur of the moment – I don't think of any coming to mind. There were interesting times, and challenging times; and those who lived through them with honor, and were true to their obligations and responsibilities, have come through very well. I don't think they have any regrets. I think there were others that became bitter, and perhaps their home attitude wasn't good during that time, and it may be reflected in their children and in their grandchildren today. It may have something to do with the campus riots, the unrest and the feeling of the world that the government should do something for them and help them that they can't do. MT: I think that's a very interesting observation. Very interesting. I surely appreciate your sitting with me, and talking on this subject. In this study, I'm getting a real 6 bang out of going around and talking with different people, because it is a really interesting thing. I very much appreciate your help with it. LB: Well, I haven't done much – my feeling is often they've created something to cure – the cure has been more damaging than the Depression. MT: Do you think of a specific thing along this line, or just more in general? LB: Well, I think the agricultural program is really a mistake. MT: I think a lot of good farmers share that feeling. LB: I'll be glad when it can be moved off of the program. MT: Just go on to a competitive type economy in agriculture. LB: That's right. MT: Very interesting. Well, thank you very much, President Beus. Sure appreciate it. LB: You're welcome. [Tape is stopped, then restarted.] LB: At Christmas time they'd notice other children that were – had gotten much more than ours, and they mentioned it, and they felt the Depression somewhat – like we weren't treating them fair and right. Mrs. Beus: I don't think they felt too much that way. They noticed other children getting more things sometimes, all right, but… MT: Well, you see that even today – you know, in our family, I guess I was raised enough in that Depression era that I'm still kind of conservative too on my savings. LB: I imagine. 7 MT: I still can't see – a lot of people go in debt for their next year's Christmas, or for this year's Christmas they'll be paying for it until next Christmas. I can't go with that. Mrs. Beus: Actually, things don't make you so happy after all. It's the way you live, and the things you do with what you have to do the best you can. I think that's where you achieve and accomplish more, more satisfied really. MT: Yes, there's no question about that. Mrs. Beus: Children maybe feel a little hurt right at the time, but as they get a little older and understand, I think they appreciate the fact that what we did, we did on our own, and we didn't expect other people to pick up the things and do for us that we could do for ourselves. I think as they get older they appreciate that fact. LB: If people just knew that there isn't anything free in this world, everything's got its' price tag, somebody pays for it along the line, you know. If certain groups get by without paying, why some other group has to pay for it. MT: Yes. Mrs Beus: People that go ahead and spend and get into condition, they're going to have to take out bankruptcy or do something, you know – someone has to pay for that, and I kind of like to pay my own way, I don't like people to be obligated. MT: That certainly is right and commendable. Sister Beus, you mentioned after we had turned off our recording on your part there, that probably shoes were the most difficult. Would you like to comment on that a little bit? Mrs. Beus: Well, when children are small, of course they're hard on shoes. That used to be a problem – we'd get them a pair of shoes each, and then they'd have to 8 wear them for every day and for best too. I was just thinking about how on Saturday night, we'd have to wash those shoes out and dry them and polish them and get them ready for Sunday, you know? It was a problem, because we couldn't go buy shoes like – so they could have two pair each or something like that. Tough time. LB: Our children didn't cost us much. You didn't tell them about that time when the doctor didn't get here. Of course, the doctor come to our home, and they were willing to do it, and rendered good service, and I appreciated it too. Appreciated having them come in our home. The children were born here, and just got along very well, with the help of some neighbors who were experienced. Mrs. Beus: Our second child, Ulna, was born on the sixth of January. It was a winter that it was so cold, and the snow had been plowed up so you couldn't see over the top of it in the roads, you know. It was really just a big furrow of snow. The night that she was born, it dropped down to about fifteen below zero. Dr. Merrill, who made the trip out here, he didn't get here in time for the baby. She was born before he got here. But he came, and I tell you, that would be quite a hard drive. I guess he had a car, an old car that he drove out here in, but he came, but it was cold. Of course, we just had three rooms when we first came here, and we had a coal heater here and a coal range in the kitchen. It got so cold that night that even though we closed up the bedroom and moved my bed in the living room here, the windows froze right to the top, and they didn't thaw down for two weeks, it stayed so cold that the ice – the steam on the inside of the house, they froze right to the top. Of course, this was a coal stove in each one of these 9 rooms, to keep the house warm. It didn't stay too warm, and of course the houses weren't built insulated like they are today, and it was quite a cold night that he came out. Very good of him to come. Doctors wouldn't do that today. MT: Dr. Merrill was quite an old gentleman. It hasn't been long since he passed away, has it? LB: You may be thinking about two. There's Merrill and Morell. Morell lived quite a while – Dr. Merrill didn't live too long. MT: I am, I'm confusing the names. Mrs. Beus: Dr. Merrill. But he died several years ago, but he wasn't really very old when he passed away. MT: Well, I certainly appreciate your time, and the information that you've given me here. Thank you very much. LB: You're welcome, very welcome.

The Great Depression in Weber County, Utah, is an Oral History Project by Mack S. Taft for completion of his Master's Thesis at Utah State University during the summer of 1969. The interviews address the Great Depression through the eyes of individuals in several different occupations including: Bankers, Laborers, Railroad Workers, Attorneys, Farmers, Educators, Businessmen, Community and Church Leaders, Housewives, Children and Physicians. All of these individuals lived in Weber County from 1929 to 1941. The interviews were based on what they remembered about the depression, how they felt about those events and how it affected their life then and now. ; This is an oral history interview with Wilford G. Fowers. Mr. Fowers discusses his education at the Weber College, working for Cal Pack, and later for the Tanner Clothing Company. He talks about the low wages and hardships of the Depression, entering the military, and so on. ; 14p.; 29cm.; 2 bound transcripts; 4 file folders. 1 sound disc: digital; 4 3/4 in. ; Oral History Program Wilford G. Fowers Interviewed by Mack S. Taft circa 1960s Oral History Program Weber State University Stewart Library Ogden, Utah Wilford G. Fowers Interviewed by Mack S. Taft circa 1960s Copyright © 2016 by Weber State University, Stewart Library iii Mission Statement The Oral History Program of the Stewart Library was created to preserve the institutional history of Weber State University and the Davis, Ogden and Weber County communities. By conducting carefully researched, recorded, and transcribed interviews, the Oral History Program creates archival oral histories intended for the widest possible use. Interviews are conducted with the goal of eliciting from each participant a full and accurate account of events. The interviews are transcribed, edited for accuracy and clarity, and reviewed by the interviewees (as available), who are encouraged to augment or correct their spoken words. The reviewed and corrected transcripts are indexed, printed, and bound with photographs and illustrative materials as available. The working files, original recording, and archival copies are housed in the University Archives. Project Description The Great Depression in Weber County, Utah, is an Oral History Project by Mack S. Taft for completion of his Master's Thesis at Utah State University during the summer of 1969. The forty-five interviews address the Great Depression through the eyes of individuals in several different occupations including: Bankers, Laborers, Railroad Workers, Attorneys, Farmers, Educators, Businessmen, Community and Church Leaders, Housewives, Children and Physicians. All of these individuals lived in Weber County from 1929 to 1941. The interviews were based on what they remembered about the depression, how they felt about those events and how it affected their life then and now. ____________________________________ Oral history is a method of collecting historical information through recorded interviews between a narrator with firsthand knowledge of historically significant events and a well-informed interviewer, with the goal of preserving substantive additions to the historical record. Because it is primary material, oral history is not intended to present the final, verified, or complete narrative of events. It is a spoken account. It reflects personal opinion offered by the interviewee in response to questioning, and as such it is partisan, deeply involved, and irreplaceable. ____________________________________ Rights Management This work is the property of the Weber State University, Stewart Library Oral History Program. It may be used freely by individuals for research, teaching and personal use as long as this statement of availability is included in the text. It is recommended that this oral history be cited as follows: Fowers, Wilford G., an oral history by Mack S. Taft, circa 1960s, WSU Stewart Library Oral History Program, University Archives, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, UT. 1 Abstract: This is an oral history interview with Wilford G. Fowers. Mr. Fowers discusses his education at the Weber College, working for Cal Pack, and later for the Tanner Clothing Company. He talks about the low wages and hardships of the Depression, entering the military, and so on. The interviewer is Mack Taft. WF: I'm Wilford G. Fowers, manager of the Tanner Clothing Company here in Ogden. MT: What were you doing during the years from 1929 to 1939? WF: Well, for most of those years, I was in school. In 1929, I was in junior high. In 1936 I graduated from Weber College with a scholarship to the Utah State University. But because of the Depression times, I was unable to use that scholarship. I never got back to finish my education. Things were pretty rough. I remember all during my high school days and during the times when I was at Weber College, there just wasn't much money floating around. I worked in the summertime, mostly for my board and a little extra that I used to buy what few clothes I had. When I see how the young fellows dress these days, going even to junior high and elementary and high school, let alone college, it amazes me. Because in those days we felt lucky if we had one or two pair of overalls or trousers, or what have you, and maybe a little sweater to wear, and maybe a shirt or two, and that was it. MT: What work did you go into after Weber College? WF: I worked during the summer that year for the California Pack Corporation, and then I worked during the Christmas rush down at the Shupe Williams candy company to get some extra money during their Christmas rush. Then, following that, I think I worked for one week with the Kress Company, and at that time, I 2 think I was getting $15 a week. At the end of the week I decided I didn't want to work for the Kress Company, and they probably decided that they didn't want me to work for them, I don't know. Maybe it was mutual. But we parted ways, and right after that, in February 1937, I commenced working for the Tanner Clothing Company, and I've been here ever since. MT: What part of the community did you live in? WF: Well, up until the years of about 1931, along there, I lived in Hooper. And then the family moved to Ogden, and we have lived in Ogden ever since. I'm living now, of course, in a suburb of Ogden, Riverdale, serving on the city council there. MT: How many children were there in your father's family? WF: There were the four of us. MT: Do you remember anything particularly about what your problems were? Did you have more difficulty securing food or clothing, or what would have been your major problems? WF: Well, of course while we lived on the farm we had a garden and we lived reasonably good, not fancy by any means. But we did manage to eat reasonably well. But I remember recreation was something that you didn't have too much of. An automobile – we had one in the family. As far as clothing went, as I mentioned earlier, you just didn't have many clothes in those days. It was rough. I remember after my father moved to Ogden here, and was working for wages, that the paycheck just barely paid the rent and bought some food, and that was about it. Clothes had to come as you got them. You had just a little extra and 3 bought some clothes, and maybe you went without – just did with what you had. MT: Who did your father work for when you moved here to town? WF: For a while he worked for the Jewel Tea Company as a salesman on the road with his truck. Then later he commenced working for the sanitary laundry. He worked for them pretty much until he died. MT: What can you think of as lasting impressions or attitudes or values that you. attribute to your experiences during the Depression? WF: Well, I think those of us who really went through the Depression learned to appreciate a dollar more. We probably are a little more conservative on spending money than maybe some of the people who haven't been. And [we] appreciate more some of the things we do have now in the way of finer automobiles and a nicer home, and being able to buy what food you'd like to have, and the clothes, and so on. I'm certain that all this present generation dresses much better than I did as a boy. And I know that I dress and have nicer things now than I ever had when I was younger. I think probably it does temper your outlook on life a little bit. You maybe appreciate what you have more and you certainly don't waste as much as a lot of people who don't have to go through this. MT: Do you notice any difference in the employer/employee relationship now to what you remember as a young man? WF: I think possibly so. When jobs are real scarce, you don't maybe take advantage of your employer as much. You appreciate your job, you're more anxious to hold it, you're more anxious to put in a good day's work and do the things you're asked to do. Your attitude, I think, is a little different because you need the job 4 badly and you know you can't get another one so easy. So you take a little more interest in holding on to it, for that reason. Of course right now, some people say jobs are hard to find, and I guess maybe they are, but they're not nearly so hard as they were when I was a boy. MT: Do you remember anything particularly amusing, which would have been related closely to the Depression? WF: Oh I can probably think of more serious ones than humorous ones. But I always remember when I was going to Weber College, my father couldn't afford to dig up the money for the tuition, really. So I worked my way through Weber College, washing windows and sweeping floors, mopping floors. One quarter I remember I was able to do some extra work over at the Forest Service building. I was interested in going out in forestry at that time. But I worked my way through, and I remember one quarter that the treasurer had asked me for my tuition and I didn't have it all. Dad didn't have it to give to me, and I remember I was lacking about $10 of having all my tuition. I was really worried because I didn't know where I was going to get that because I had tried in every way possible. And the treasurer had told me that I had to have it by the next day. I remember I was walking up the sidewalk there by the old Weber Gym at the top of 25th Street, and as I walked along, I glanced down. There was a $10 bill lying there on the sidewalk. That seemed almost like more than a coincidence because that was just the amount I needed. MT: How much would you have to see on the sidewalk today to be equivalent to that? WF: It would be worth a whole lot more than $10, I would say. 5 MT: What were some of the more serious things that you recall happening during that time, either in your family or job or anywhere that would give something of a feeling of the time? WF: Oh, I remember another thing that really kind of hit me when I was in high school. I was a sophomore, and with things as tight as they were, we didn't have any extra money to spend and no money to buy clothes much, or anything like that. I remember sitting behind a fellow in one of my classes, and without thinking, I just kind of took my pen and scribbled a little design on the back of his shirt. When he found out what I had done, he told me I had to pay for his shirt, and boy, that was serious in those days. I didn't know where I was going to get the money to pay for a shirt. I couldn't even afford to buy one myself. But little things like that you remember. I remember when I started working here at Tanners that the wages were so low and the jobs were all scarce. The boss said, "Well, we need somebody but we can't afford to pay you very much." I remember that when I started, I worked for $45 a month. And when I got married, I was making $65 a month. We got married in 1938, so things were pretty tight up until then. I remember we didn't have a car after we were married for about three years. MT: When did you have a feeling in your mind that we had finally ended the Depression? WF: Well, along about 1943, I went into the service, and of course when I went into the service, we had the OPS fixed on us then. And prices were fixed, and we had to comply with our prices here in the store. When I left to go in the service from 6 the store here, things were pretty tight that way and prices were held down. Merchandise was scarce, and got even scarcer while I was in the service. When I came back and went to work for the store again in 1945, it was almost impossible to furnish suits for the customers. Sometimes a customer would come in, and you'd just have to tell him that you didn't have a suit in the house that would fit him, and that was kind of hard to live with. But then production increased and we got merchandise back on the market, and of course prices began to climb. Then there were a series of raises and where prices had been held down, they started to climb, and you felt that the Depression was really lifting. Of course during the war and right after that, a lot of people found money becoming a lot more plentiful, and some people made pretty good money during the war. But it was during the war and right after that we began to feel that the ceiling was lifting, and it was pretty well over. Wages are up; of course prices reflect the difference, but when I was working out at old Cal Pack, I worked for 32 ½ cents an hour. I finally got up to 35 cents an hour and I thought I was doing pretty good. MT: What type of work did you do out there? WF: I shot cans for several summers, and then the last summer I was out there, I got a job as a tester. I used to take cans and run them through the cappers empty and cut them apart, and measure them with a micrometer and make sure that they were all right. I ran a capper there one year, too. MT: Do you think back on anything you feel was an advantage to you over what you have now? 7 WF: Oh, I'm sure there are. I think to be raised in a rural community like Hooper, and to not have transportation such so that you could just take off for long distances any time you pleased, or come to town even for entertainment any time you pleased had some advantages. I remember when I was a boy we used to thoroughly enjoy going up to the old recreation hall there and seeing plays that they put on. That was one of the big events, when the ward used to put on a play and so on. And your ward reunions and so on, you just felt that those were very important in your life in those days. I think it kind of kept families a little closer together maybe, a little more family unity in a sense, and community spirit. MT: Do you remember the old Hooper Band? WF: Yes, I remember the Fourth of July, early in the morning. Old George Parker used to go up to the park and shoot off some dynamite and wake the town up, and then the old band would get on the bandwagon and go around the town serenading the people, reminding them that there was going to be a big celebration up at the park. Certainly those Fourth of July celebrations were something that the kids never forgot in those days. Of course, money not being very plentiful then either, if we had a dollar or a dollar and a half, we thought we had the world by the tail. If I had it to do over again, I don't believe I'd want to trade it too much. I kind of value those experiences I had during my boyhood, and the Depression days, and so on. I think it was good for me. MT: Do you know of anyone who you feel had maybe a rougher time than you and your family? 8 WF: Oh nothing comes to mind particularly, but I'm sure there were some who were worse off than we were. MT: Would you say that those in the rural areas had an easier time than those in the city? WF: I was trying to contrast the times when we lived there on the farm with when we lived in Ogden here. I think that we probably ate a little better while we were on the farm, but we didn't have any more money to spend to buy extras like clothes or entertainment or nice things that you wanted. It wasn't much different that way, as I see it. I think the main difference was where you had some of your own meat and vegetables and produce on the farm, why it did help out a bit that way. MT: What about your mother's life as compared to your wife's life now, by way of modern conveniences and so forth? When did your mother first get her refrigerator and washer and so forth? WF: Well, of course I never knew my mother. My own mother died when I was just six weeks old. But the one I called mother, she never ever did. The last few years of her life, she may have had an electric refrigerator. I remember we used to have the old coal stove, and to heat water, we had a reservoir on the side of it, and you just put water in that and that heated the water for you. And on Saturday night, we used to put the old wash tub in the middle of the kitchen floor, take water out of this wet reservoir on the stove, and put the water in the tub and take a bath. It was kind of primitive, not too convenient. As far as an electric stove and so on, I don't know – again, maybe the last few years of her life she may have had some of that, but certainly not much. I remember one of the things I missed 9 most, of course after you've experienced it, and that's having an inside bathroom. We didn't have an inside bathroom for years, and I think that was the thing I hated the worst. MT: What year did you graduate from high school? WF: 1934. Weber College, 1936.

Job creation and productivity growth are at the forefront of the global development agenda. The central challenge today for the government of Georgia is to find sources of long-term economic growth, particularly through private sector development. This study seeks to identify determinants of high-growth entrepreneurial activity. The stusy uses data from the new 2012 World Bank Entrepreneurship Survey conducted to gauge new firm growth in the formal sector in Georgia and data from World Bank Enterprise Surveys to analyze innovative activity in existing firms. It includes detailed case study ana

This country note is produced is part of The Pacific Catastrophe Risk Assessment andFinancing Initiative (PCRAFI). The geographic spread of the Cook Islands poses logistical problems for any necessary post-disaster relief and response efforts. The events of 2005 demonstrated that the Cook Islands is extremely vulnerable to the threat of tropical cyclones (TCs): in the two months of February and March 2005, TCs Meena, Nancy, Olaf, Percy, and Rae swept the country. The Cook Islands is expected to incur, on average, about NZ$6 million (US$4.9 million) per year in losses due to tropical cyclones. In the next 50 years, the Cook Islands has a 50 percent chance of experiencing a per-event loss exceeding NZ$97 million (US$79.5 million. The Cook Islands has a proactive approach to disaster risk financing and insurance (DRFI), which is supported by the upper echelons of government. In January 2011, the prime minister in his role as chair of the National Disaster Risk Management Council requested that the Ministry of Finance and Economic Management look at ways to become self-reliant in initial disaster response and generate new income streams for investment in a fund specifically for disaster management response and recovery. The Cook Islands has available a maximum amount of NZ$5.6 million (US$4.6 million) in the form of contingency funds and catastrophe risk insurance to facilitate disaster response. A number of options for further improving the Cook Islands financial protection against disasters are presented for consideration: (a) the development of an integrated DRFI strategy; (b) investigation of using contingent credit to access additional liquidity post-disaster; (c) development of an operations manual for post-disaster budget mobilization and execution; and (d) the identification of assets to be included in an insurance program for critical public assets.

Jamaica has experienced 30 years of low economic growth and high fiscal deficits, with a significant impact on the development of the financial sector. As part of the overall growth and competitiveness reform agenda, the authorities have embarked on ambitious financial sector legislation reforms to address weaknesses. Lack of access to credit and equity constrain Micro, Small and Medium Sized Enterprise (MSME) operations and growth, and ultimately their contribution to the economy. High interest rates and low penetration of credit to households and MSMEs can be explained by high credit risk as a result of high information asymmetries in the market, as well as limited competition in the banking sector. The authorities should complete the establishment of a regulatory and supervisory framework for deposit-taking institutions proportionate to the risks and the activities they undertake. The impact of public policies has been limited and programs on housing, MSME finance, and agriculture finance would be welcomed to address market gaps, in support of financial inclusion. The financial inclusion agenda also requires a comprehensive strategy on consumer protection regulation and supervision.

Mali is a vast, land-locked country in West Africa with a population of approximately 14.9 million, and a GDP per capita of USD480. The economy is largely rural, with over two-thirds of the population living off agriculture, notably cotton. Gold is the country's largest export, though production has been declining and the industry faces an uncertain future as proven reserves are limited. The service sector, which represents 40 percent of GDP, is dominated by trade and commerce. Mali's dependence on crops and gold makes it vulnerable to terms of trade shocks. Industry, which employs just 3 percent of the active population, consists largely of small-scale food processing and textile plants. The overwhelming majority of the population (over 90 percent) works in the informal sector. The FSAP Development Module focused on: i) the banking sector and legal framework (credit to the economy); ii) microfinance; iii) agricultural finance; iv) insurance; and v) housing finance2. The mission carried out in-depth assessments on each topic and provided recommendations aiming at mitigating financial vulnerabilities and supporting the development of the financial sector (i.e. development the credit to the economy while insuring financial stability).

This study is highly selective and organized into four thematic chapters. Specifically, chapter 1 provides a snapshot of Burundi's political and macroeconomic context, and reviews the evolution of the decentralization process to better understand how institutional, political, and bureaucratic dynamics have shaped the historical trajectory of decentralization and generated the outcomes observed today. Chapter 2 provides a systematic investigation of the status of fiscal decentralization in Burundi, and identifies key policy issues to be considered to ensure the medium-term sustainability of the reform process while at the same time addressing the short-term financial needs of communes. Chapter 3 provides an in-depth diagnostic of a key service delivery responsibility recently devolved to communes—the provision of land registration services—and discusses the challenges and opportunities related to ongoing efforts to scale up access to these land services across 116 rural communes and Bujumbura. Chapter 4 shifts the focus to the nature of statecitizen relations in an effort to better understand how citizen engagement in the decision-making process may be improved and local authorities held accountable for the provision of basic services.

This new flagship report for the eTransform Africa Project, produced by the World Bank and the African Development Bank, with the support of the African Union, identifies best practice in the use of Information and communication technologies (ICTs) in key sectors of the African economy. Under the theme transformation-ready, the growing contribution of ICTs to agriculture, climate change adaptation, education, financial services, government services, and health is explored. In addition, the report highlights the role of ICTs in enhancing African regional trade and integration as well as the need to build a competitive ICT industry to boost innovation, job creation, and the export potential of African companies.

In 2012, the Mexican Presidency of the G20 introduced inclusive green growth as a cross-cutting priority on the G20 development agenda. The second meeting of the G20 Development Working Group (DWG), hosted by the Government of the Republic of Korea, took place in Seoul the 19th and 20th of March 2012. As agreed during the first DWG meeting, this second meeting focused on the priorities for their presidency in the first half of 2012: infrastructure, food security and inclusive green growth (IGG). At its Seoul meeting, the DWG also agreed that IGG co-facilitators and relevant international organizations (IOs) should work together in 2012 to develop a nonprescriptive good practices guide/toolkit on enabling national policy frameworks for inclusive green growth to support countries who voluntarily wish to design and implement affordable and inclusive green growth policies, with the aim of achieving sustainable development and poverty alleviation. The toolkit is organized as follows. First, the necessity of applying the different tools in the context of a broad inclusive green growth strategy is stressed, and a harmonized framework combining approaches and tools identified by all four IOs is set forth. Second, the document offers an overview of key tools that can be mobilized to implement an inclusive green growth strategy. Quick technical descriptions of these tools are offered along with suggested sources for further details. Finally, capacity building and knowledge sharing initiatives are presented, with the Green Growth Knowledge Platform (GGKP) highlighted as a powerful collaborative tool to advance policies for inclusive green economies.

The Indonesia economic quarterly reports on and synthesizes the past three months' key developments in Indonesia's economy. It places them in a longer-term and global context, and assesses the implications of these developments and other changes in policy for the outlook for Indonesia's economic and social welfare. The near-term global economic outlook is fragile and emerging economies, including Indonesia, again face the risk of a potential crisis that is not of their making. The growth outlook for Indonesia's major trading partners (MTP), at 3.3 percent in 2012, remains relatively weak as increased Euro zone uncertainty adds to the ongoing drags on global growth from budget cutting and deleveraging in developed economies, and capacity constraints in some developing economies. Recent international financial market turbulence looks set to continue in the near-term and, while this baseline scenario remains the most likely outcome, capital flows to emerging economies and sentiment are likely to remain volatile. Further enhancing crisis preparedness is therefore a policy priority for economies such as Indonesia but, at the same time, it is important to push ahead with reforms and investments which can support medium-term growth in what is likely to be a weaker global economic environment. Indonesia's gross domestic product (GDP) growth remained a solid 6.3 percent year-on-year in the first quarter of 2012, down slightly from an average of 6.5 percent in 2011. Seasonally-adjusted growth overall came down off the highs of the final quarter of 2011 but consumption growth held up well. However, investment growth dipped and, reflecting the relative weakness of external demand, net exports again were a drag on growth. Inflation, although picking up somewhat, has remained relatively low and price expectations came down with the reduced likelihood of a subsidized fuel price increase in 2012, as oil prices declined. In the event of a major freezing of international financial markets which contributes to a drop in trading partner growth. In a scenario in which such a crisis was accompanied, or indeed precipitated, a severe, prolonged global downturn encompassing the major emerging economies, growth in Indonesia could drop to 3.8 percent, with the impact of the slowdown felt more sharply in domestic activity as commodity price falls reduce incomes and investment. In the event of a severe crisis, it is possible that domestic consumer and business sentiment drops sharply which, combined with any potential stresses in the financial sector, could result in further downside to the growth scenarios.

This report discusses selected issues regarding accountability in public services. The introduction discusses the accountability framework that will be used for the report. Chapter 1 assesses South Africa's progress on service access and quality, and summarizes recent policy initiatives. Chapters 2, 3, and 4 describe the international and South African experience with mechanisms that seek to improve accountability - public sector reform, citizen report cards, and others - and posits hypotheses to be explored in the following chapters. Chapter 5 applies the World Bank's accountability framework to a participatory assessment of services in six municipalities in South Africa. Chapters 6 and 7 apply the framework to the education and water and sanitation sectors. Chapter 8 explains why community-driven development does not factor in any main South African development programs. Chapter 9 explains the continuing learning practices pioneered in the manufacturing sector and addresses how these practices might be used by the South African government to effect change. Chapter 10 summarizes the conclusions, translates these into main hypotheses to be tested in future work, and formulates a number of policy recommendations for public debate.