In this article I attempt to utilise the vast efforts invested in a particularly Norwegian genre of local history, namely the farm and genealogy books (bygdebok, plural bygdebøker), to analyse aspects of migration, especially remigration from North America, in a micro-historical perspective. Such books, of which a rather large corpus exists, contain detailed longitudinal data on people and holdings within a limited region, usually a rural municipality or parish. Consulting two works from this bygdebok genre as primary sources, I identify and analyse those people who re-migrated to Norway after having been in North America prior to the commission of the 1910 census.
After sixty years, NATO is still considered one of the most successful military alliances in history, while simultaneously being a political alliance. Self-assurance regarding purpose & main duty is necessary, including defense, stabilization of Europe, & international peace missions. A common will is important for practical underpinnings through improved military capabilities. The alliance should bring specific military instruments into relevant broader international security efforts. NATO is the only security organization with military forces. NATO has a well-coordinated military command structure & possesses decades of experience in multinational military cooperation. E. Sanchez
The chapter, "Of bludgeons and ballots: political violence, municipal enfranchisement, and local governance in mid-nineteenth-century Montreal" was written by Colin Grittner (Douglas College Faculty). "This edited collection offers a broad reinterpretation of the origins of Canada. Drawing on cutting-edge research in a number of fields, Violence, Order, and Unrest explores the development of British North America from the mid-eighteenth century through the aftermath of Confederation. The chapters cover an ambitious range of topics, from Indigenous culture to municipal politics, public executions to runaway slave advertisements. Cumulatively, this book examines the diversity of Indigenous and colonial experiences across northern North America and provides fresh perspectives on the crucial roles of violence and unrest in attempts to establish British authority in Indigenous territories. Drawing on specific case studies of law and state formation in English and French Canada, Violence, Order, and Unrest brings together innovative research in different fields to reconsider the ideology, governance, and political culture that underpinned British North America. The contributors offer a unique take on Canadian culture and history, demonstrating that we cannot understand Canada today without considering its origins as a colonial project."--From publisher description. ; book chapter
Religion matters in Northern Ireland because it shapes social & personal identity & influences the very different worldviews of people within the two cultures of the province (Protestant & Catholic). Because religion matters so profoundly, no long-term solution to the political problems of the province will be possible without acknowledging its impact on values & thinking. The significance of the expressions "the Catholic community" & "the Protestant people" is explored as is the impact of religious ideas on current policy issues. A comparison of Northern Ireland & the US is offered as a way of suggesting the effect social & economic mobility will have on attempts to resolve the province's political troubles. 24 References. Adapted from the source document.
A search for an explanation for the divergence in economic development of the US/Canada vs Latin American countries, focusing on a reexamination of religious explanations. While the religious dimension was indeed crucial in the crystallization of these civilizations, its importance lies in its influence on new civilizational premises & institutional formations. American civilizations emerged through the radical transformation of civilizational premises & institutional patterns of European origins, as these crystallized with the emergence of modern societies & polities after the Reformation, the absolutist pattern of counter-Reformation Spain & Portugal, & the more constitutional patterns of England & the Netherlands, both built on prior historical bases. The primary differences between the two Americas lay in the ways in which the symbolic & institutional tensions between equality & hierarchy, between autonomy & control, were worked out. The collective identity that crystallized in the US was defined in inclusive ideological, universalistic nonhistorical terms. In Latin America, however, there were multiple components of collective consciousness & identity -- Spanish, Catholic, & local Creole & native. Modifed AA
The nature of slavery : environmental disorder and slave agency in colonial South Carolina / S. Max Edelson -- "For want of a social set" : networks and social interaction in the lower Cape Fear region of North Carolina, 1725-1775 / Bradford J. Wood -- "Almost an Englishman" : eighteenth-century Anglo-African identities / Daniel C. Littlefield -- Conservation, class, and controversy in early America / Robert M. Weir -- Beyond declension : economic adaptation and the pursuit of export markets in the Massachusetts Bay region, 1630-1700 / James E. McWilliams -- Paternalism and profits : planters and overseers in Piedmont Virginia, 1750-1825 / James M. Baird -- "The fewnesse of handicraftsmen" : artisan adaptation and innovation in the colonial Chesapeake / Jean B. Russo -- The other "Susquahannah traders" : women and exchange on the Pennsylvania frontier / James H. Merrell -- A death in the morning : the murder of Daniel Parke / Natalie Zacek -- Enjoying and defending charter privileges : corporate status and political culture in eighteenth-century Rhode Island / Edward M. Cook, Jr. -- Native Americans, the plan of 1764, and a British empire that never was / Daniel K. Richter -- Between private and public spheres : liberty as cultural property in eighteenth-century British America / Michal Jan Rozbicki
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The main tide of international relations scholarship on the first years after World War II sweeps toward Cold War accounts. These have emphasized the United States and USSR in a context of geopolitical rivalry, with concomitant attention upon the bristling security state. Historians have also extensively analyzed the creation of an economic order (Bretton Woods), mainly designed by Americans and tailored to their interests, but resisted by peoples residing outside of North America, Western Europe, and Japan. This scholarship, centered on the Cold War as vortex and a reconfigured world economy, is rife with contending schools of interpretation and, bolstered by troves of declassified archival documents, will support investigations and writing into the future. By contrast, this book examines a past that ran concurrent with the Cold War and interacted with it, but which usefully can also be read as separable: Washington in the first years after World War II, and in response to that conflagration, sought to redesign international society. That society was then, and remains, an admittedly amorphous thing. Yet it has always had a tangible aspect, drawing self-regarding states into occasional cooperation, mediated by treaties, laws, norms, diplomatic customs, and transnational institutions. The U.S.-led attempt during the first postwar years to salvage international society focused on the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration, the Acheson–Lilienthal plan to contain the atomic arms race, the Nuremberg and Tokyo tribunals to force Axis leaders to account, the 1948 Genocide Convention, the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the founding of the United Nations. None of these initiatives was transformative, not individually or collectively. Yet they had an ameliorative effect, traces of which have touched the twenty-first century – in struggles to curb the proliferation of nuclear weapons, bring war criminals to justice, create laws supportive of human rights, and maintain an aspirational United Nations, still striving to retain meaningfulness amid world hazards. Together these partially realized innovations and frameworks constitute, if nothing else, a point of moral reference, much needed as the border between war and peace has become blurred and the consequences of a return to unrestraint must be harrowing.
