Suchergebnisse

The defensive systems of fortified bunkers built during the twentieth century have become, especially since the end of the Cold War, objects of troubled fascination for artists, architects, and archaeologists. Images of bunkers proliferate in contemporary art and photography, and the heritage business has become increasingly interested in exploiting public curiosity towards the remains of recent conflict. This article positions current work about bunkers within the context of postwar debates surrounding modernist aesthetics – minimalism in art, brutalism in architecture – and the latent connection between modernist concerns regarding shape, form, and materials and military construction. Recent interest in bunkers is linked, it is argued, to the ongoing reappraisal of postwar modernist art and architecture and its relationship not only to the violence of World War Two but to the secrecy and passive aggression of the Cold War. As such, the bunker as a site of power in much of the work discussed is approached not merely as an historical artifact but as a deeply ambivalent structure that speaks to contemporary anxieties regarding the location and accountability of the systems of authority and control the bunker represents.

AbstractThe forceful pursuit of inner‐city renewal in Shanghai since the early 1990s has to a great extent achieved spatial modernization, but at the same time it has given rise to increasing conflicts over residential relocation. Using law as a prism through which to examine the dialectic relationship between renewal practices and disputed relocation, this article argues that the series of unprecedented enactments in law that have taken place during this period have both paved the way for real estate market expansion and been a significant source of relocation disputes in Shanghai. Rather than viewing law as simply given and determinate, the article traces the regulatory regime's codification of property practices as a means of actively responding to the requirements of the real estate market. Under large‐scale renewal practices, residents' legal rights of 'return settlement' (huiban) in inner‐city areas were largely denied in the early 1990s, before being effectively abolished by the adoption of monetary compensation for displacement in the 2000s. The evolving law on property practices has greatly shaped the process of disputed relocation while simultaneously posing a potential challenge to China's use of law for market‐oriented development.Résumé Depuis le début des années 1990, la rénovation énergique du centre‐ville de Shanghai a largement réussi à moderniser l'espace mais, en même temps, elle a suscité des conflits grandissants à propos des transferts de logement. Utilisant la loi comme prisme d'examen de la relation dialectique entre les pratiques de rénovation et le relogement mis en cause, l'article préconise qu'à Shanghai, la série sans précédent de lois promulguées durant cette période a à la fois ouvert la voie à l'essor du marché immobilier et nourri une source de différends liés au relogement. Plutôt que de voir la loi comme simplement fixe et définitive, ce travail révèle dans la codification de la réglementation sur les pratiques de propriété, un moyen de répondre concrètement aux exigences du marché immobilier. En vertu de pratiques de rénovation à grande échelle, les droits juridiques des résidents à'un relogement sur place' (huiban) dans un quartier du centre‐ville ont été très souvent refusés au début des années 1990, avant d'être supprimés dans les faits via l'adoption d'une indemnisation financière de déménagement dans les années 2000. La loi évolutive sur les pratiques de propriété a considérablement modelé le processus de relogement mis en cause, tout en interrogeant l'usage fait de la loi chinoise au bénéfice d'une orientation vers le marché.

Examines implications of Berber demands in North African states, internationalization of the Berber question, and radicalization of the Berber movement in Algeria's Kabylia region; 1980s-2001. Summary in English p. 210.

The refugee crisis which hit the European Union and its member states during 2015–16 was just one in a series of recent crises, but perhaps the most critical for the EU's resilience. This book shows how policymakers in the EU polity have tried to come to terms with it. To explain how they reacted to the crisis domestically and jointly at the EU-level, the study relies on an original method to analyze political processes. It argues that the policy-specific institutional context and the specific crisis situation, defined in terms of asymmetrical problem and political pressure, largely shaped the crisis response. The authors suggest that the way in which the refugee crisis was managed has resulted in conflicts between member states, which have been further exacerbated in subsequent crises and will continue to haunt the EU in times to come.

In late 1988, prospects for peace in Angola appeared brighter than they had at any time since the current conflict began in 1975. Nonetheless, as of early 1990, few peace expectations have been met. The author examines the reasons why and shows the gap between MPLA and UNITA positions. (DÜI-Sen)

This overview discusses a series of themes critical to understanding the governance of clean development that cut across each of the case studies showcased in this special issue. Firstly, the question of who draws the boundaries around what is to be governed, what is not, and by whom, where each of the contributions highlight conflicts over which projects and sectors should be part of the CDM and which actors should be charged with their management. Secondly, how we define and what we mean by governance, where I argue for a broader notion of governance that adequately captures the range of governing functions exercised by the plurality of state and non-state actors in this domain. Thirdly, each of themes relates to the question of power: power to define what is and is not clean and sustainable development; the power that determines which countries are able to steer CDM investments toward sectors aligned with their overall development priorities, and the combinations of public and private power that demonstrate as well as explain the varieties of carbon governance documented in this special issue. My argument is that the observed diversity of carbon governance reflects differences in governance in general in those countries. It is impossible politically, and unhelpful conceptually, to attempt to understand carbon and clean development governance without reference to the broader political-economic context in which it is embedded and which it seeks to transform. But whether it is in the area of energy, waste, or forests, CDM governance is incorporated within and predated by political structures, institutions, conflicts, and interests that shape the amenability of a sector and country to pressures toward convergence, standardization, and universalization.

Tannam argues that despite potential pitfalls in forging a lasting peace in Northern Ireland, progress will continue to be made, because Anglo-Irish policy making is rational & consistent & has adopted the approach of a learning process. Tannam explains the concept of political learning by drawing on the work of Haas. Anglo-Irish initiatives are compared & contrasted, showing that both British & Irish policymakers demonstrate evidence of adaptation & even reassessment of assumptions as they continue to learn what might work best. The essay concludes that, although there are reasons for pessimism, policy learning may eventually lead to lasting peace. 5 Tables. J. Backman

The article examines public consent to a united Ireland in light of the peace process in Ireland, drawing on evidence from the 1998 & 1999/2000 issues of Northern Ireland Life and Times (NILT). It is argued that the principle of consent has gained a new immediacy. NILT survey results suggest considerable differences in public views of what to expect to happen in Ireland in the future. They also suggest that the consent principle has gained acceptance in both the republican & Unionist/Loyalist Irish communities, but with strong caveats. It is concluded that both factions have the power to disrupt the peace process. 7 Tables. J. Backman

While much has been written about democracy and democratization, far less attention has been paid to the institutional organization of authoritarian regimes. Scholars have focused on the causes, economic policies, societal support, intra-elite conflicts, or human-rights violations of authoritarian regimes. More recently, political scientists have also studied the role of elections and legislatures on the survival of authoritarian regimes. However, the very different ways in which authoritarian regimes, and military regimes in particular, organize the government, occupy the state apparatus, and modify the country's political institutions have largely gone under-theorized. This essay contributes to fill in this void by analyzing how the last military regimes of Argentina (1976-1983) and Brazil (1964-1985) organized power within the state and the legacies of such organization on the institutions of federalism. The essay argues that variation in the organization of the state under the military regimes accounts for the divergent origins of post-developmental decentralization, which in turn explains the contrasting evolution of intergovernmental relations in each country. The article contributes to the recent literature on electoral authoritarian regimes by showing that elections and legislatures matter not only to regime survival but also to policy outcomes. Adapted from the source document.

Much of the quantitative literature on civil wars and ethnic conflict ignores the role of the state or treats it as a mere arena for political competition among ethnic groups. Other studies analyze how the state grants or withholds minority rights and faces ethnic protest and rebellion accordingly, while largely overlooking the ethnic power configurations at the state's center. Drawing on a new data set on Ethnic Power Relations (EPR) that identifies all politically relevant ethnic groups and their access to central state power around the world from 1946 through 2005, the authors analyze outbreaks of armed conflict as the result of competing ethnonationalist claims to state power. The findings indicate that representatives of ethnic groups are more likely to initiate conflict with the government (1) the more excluded from state power they are, especially if they have recently lost power, (2) the higher their mobilizational capacity, and (3) the more they have experienced conflict in the past.

Цель данной работы дать оценку роли инструмента служебных разоблачений в управлении конфликтами интересов на государственной гражданской службе. Научная новизна работы заключается в том, что на основании зарубежного опыта функционирования служебных разоблачений впервые дается оценка их роли как эффективного инструмента управления различными видами конфликтов интересов в системе государственной службе на разных этапах: предупреждения, выявления, разрешения и ликвидации. Результатом работы является вывод об особой ценности практики служебных разоблачений, с помощью которой возможна ранняя идентификация ситуации возникновения конфликта интересов, и, соответственно, предупреждение ущерба, который могут нанести обществу и государству отклонения в профессиональной деятельности служащих. Подчеркивается, что выявление мнимых, потенциальных и реальных конфликтов интересов, а также разрешение и ликвидация реальных конфликтов интересов являются более эффективными в том случае, если существует юридическая защита лиц, совершающих служебное разоблачение, что актуализирует вопрос о необходимости внесения в российское законодательство соответствующих изменений на основании накопленного международного опыта. ; The purpose of this paper is evaluating of the whistleblowing role as a tool in the management of conflicts of interest in the civil service. The novelty of the article consists in providing, for the first time, an assessment of the whistleblowing role, based on the international experience of its functioning, as an effective instrument in managing of different types of conflicts of interest in the system of civil service at different stages: prevention, detection, settlement and elimination. The result of the paper consists in the conclusion of the special values of the practice of public disclosures, by means of that it is possible the early identification of situations of conflicts of interest, and, accordingly, the prevention of damage that may be caused to the society and the public deviations in the professional activity of employees. It is underlined that the identification of perceived, potential and actual conflicts of interest and the settlement and elimination of actual conflicts could be more effective if a legal whistleblower protection exists. This statement brings forth the question of the necessity to introduce in the Russian legislation of the relevant amendments on the ground of the accumulated international experience.

Intro -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- Chapter 2: Pakistan and nuclear weapons -- Chapter 3: India as a Nuclear Power and Regional Security -- Chapter 4: Conceptualising Nuclear Deterrence in South Asia -- Chapter 5: Nuclear Weapons and Protracted Conflict -- Chapter 6: Nuclear Signalling and Deterrence in Crisis Situa-tions -- Chapter 7: Conclusion -- Bibliography