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Despite China's much-heralded entry into the United Nations in late 1971, a comprehensive network of linkages between China and the rest of the world was not established until the 1980s, when Beijing joined practically all important international organizations. Growing participation in international organizations, made possible by the open-door policy, has created new opportunities, payoffs, and penalties. Chinese foreign policy behavior, manifest in the various domains of global politics, follows a real, if unstated, maxi/mini principle, maximizing China's rights and minimizing China's responsibilities. It also seeks to maximize state interests and minimize normative costs by making the world of international organizations safe for the drive for modernization and status. Policy pronouncements and adjustments over time on various global issues and problems show international organizations in general and economic and functional organizations in particular to have shortened the Chinese global learning curve. The prospects of post-Tiananmen Chinese global policy remain uncertain as the old limitations have been greatly increased and the new possibilities greatly reduced.

Domhoff fails to recognize that we agree the World War II mobilization contributed to the economic, political, and ideological rehabilitation of monopoly sector firms. Our dispute centers on the rise of the Pentagon within the state and the state planning of the defense industries during and after the war. Domhoff rejects C. Wright Mills' view that World War II allowed for a simultaneous victory for military and economic elites. And Domhoff is even more hostile to this positive-sum account when stated in terms of military-oriented statebuilding. Parallel to his zero-sum view of politics, Domhoff fights a holy war against his theoretical enemies in which there can only be one winner. Domhoff's approach to theoretical debate cannot be justified logically or methodologically. Moreover, Domhoff diverts attention from our more important responsibilities: analyzing U.S. militarism and contributing to its reduction. To dismantle the Cold War economy, we must learn from one another and expand our collective understanding — even when we disagree as Domhoff and I do.

This examination of the military's role in Polish politics and society between the two world wars attempts to fill a gap in our knowledge of civil-military relations across systems. Despite considerable literature on that subject in advanced industrial societies. (.ommunist states, and the less-developed or Third World countrics, an analytical treatment of civil-military relations in the so-called authoritarian svstems, of which prewar Poland is a prime example, has been conspicuously missing. This research was conducted with the help of two analytical frameworks that are frequently referred to as forming the developmental model. The purpose was not so much to test the use of Western social science methodology but mostly to investigate the possibility of making meaningful cross-systemic and longitudinal comparisons. The conclusion that emerged wxas that prewar Poland represents a textbook case of "oligarchical praetorianism" which suggests in turn the possibility of comparing it with other countries falling under similar and/or different systemic rubrics. Such systemic comparisons should add to our knowledge of civil-militarv relations in a global setting.

Palestine: national liberation or revolutionary war? by Louis-Jean Duclos
The conflict between Israel and Palestine - who claim the same land and the national rights pertaining to it - is essentially of a specific local nature. But Zionism, on which the Hebrew state is founded, is spread throughout the world and gives rise to reactions throughout the world, and the Palestinians too have their supporters. Among these latter the Arab States, linked to the Arabo-Islamic tendancy of the Palestinian resistance, have played a major historic role but an uncompleted one because they remain prisoners of their rivalry and of international politics. The progressist, maoist and leftist transnational currents, contesting state order furnish another sort of solidarity more ideological than concrete, corresponding to the Marxist elements of the Palestinian resistance. These contradictions, far from being complementary, have exposed the Palestinian resistance to internal upheaval, international isolation and tactical incoherence. [Revue française de science politique XXI (4), août 1971, pp. 892-910]

Are we in a watershed period in the world community today? It is impossible to say. In polities, particularly in international relations, there is a general tendency to speak of turning points, basic shifts, or watersheds. This is understandable. Of all forms of politics, foreign affairs is most fraught with danger and frustration. Affairs stumble from crisis to crisis; tension is the common element. Thus concerned men are constantly searching the signs of the times for a genuine turning point in foreign affairs.The basic problem in locating and defining such a turning point is the lack of perspective. It is easier to look backward and to note the fundamental shifts that occurred in foreign affairs than it is to mark a contemporary watershed. The problem is how far back one must look before there is sufficient perspective to analyze both the emergence and the consequence of a basic change in the world situation. A man who can do that in contemporary affairs is a political prophet, but there are few such prophets.

The Buchtelite is the independent student-operated newspaper of The University of Akron and its predecessors Buchtel College and The Municipal University of Akron. First published in 1889, the newspaper covers campus news and includes sections such as opinions, arts and life, sports, comics, puzzles, and classifieds. For most of its history it was published bi-weekley during the Fall and Spring semesters and weekly during the Summer session. Articles included in this issue: College Politics; Pictures and Records of the Great Foot Ball Teams; The Freshman Social; Read These; And Thank Your Lucky Stars That You Don't Teach in Prepdom; The Elephant; The Grasshopper; The Way of the World; Athletics; Why not try it on our Building?; Locals; To Be Thankful; Thanksgiving Week Notes; Foot Ball and Long Hair; Personals; The Rhymester's Lament; College World; The Modern Aegean Stables; An After Image; The Foot Ball Captain; Academy Attractions; Some of Those "Abstruse" Questions; The Last o

Social movements are builders of what are known as "grammars of democracy", that is, values, participatory experiences, political cultures, languages and structures for articulating demands. This article analyses the 15M or indignados (outraged) movement in Spain; a collective action that went beyond classical protests in response to the economic crisis and proposed changes in democratic practices. Social movements, particularly from the 1990s onwards, have focused on democracy as both a means and an end in order to address what they perceive as authoritarian globalization. The article approaches 15M mainly as a space for mobilization articulating the heterogeneity of the movement as well as its effects in Spain (anti-eviction struggles, PAH, social tides, etc.) with a direct reference to the master frame of 'radical democracy'. Methodologically, this work is based upon interviews, focus groups and participant observation conducted from May 2011 to June 2012 during the occupation of public squares and subsequent mobilizations. The text situates this phenomenon in the core of the New Global Movements, and connects it with a decade of similar collective actions in Spain and other parts of the world. Finally, aspects such as the role of the Internet as a tool for and driving force of new models of democracy and the scale of assemblies in relation to deliberative democracy are also discussed.

Citizenship is notterra incognitafor political science, but it is not home ground either. Citizenship is more art than science, more practice than theory, and in the education of citizens, political science is subject to two obvious limitations.In the first place, the basic character of citizens is formed before they become students of political science and even before they are taught civics by the schools. The first principles by which they perceive the world and relate to others already have been shaped by the family, by the laws and by early education generally. In that sense, political science influences citizens most profoundly when it teaches their teachers, although in a more superficial way political science can and does instruct citizens themselves.Second, as Aristotle taught us, civic virtue is not identical with human goodness, and citizenship is a questionable excellence. The art of citizenship is specific to and limited by the regime in which the citizen is to practice it. In the ordinary sense of the term, a good citizen accepts the laws and "works within the system," and even if we argue that citizens should pursue ends which are universal and by nature, citizenship requires them to do so inwayswhich are adapted to a particular people, place and time.

"What does a deliberative democracy look like in a divided society? What obstacles and opportunities are there for the promotion of a deliberative democracy at the institutional and citizen levels? Through case-analysis and cross-sectional assessment of nine countries, this unique and important collection provides a detailed and insightful exploration into these problematic questions. A roll call of leading experts on deliberative democracy explores some of the most deeply divided societies in the world today, ranging from Northern Ireland to Nigeria and Belgium to the Basque Country, specifying conditions under which deliberative democracies could realistically emerge in unpropitious contexts. This collection is recommended reading for students and scholars of deliberative democracy and of politics in divided societies"--

The aim of this thesis is to critically examine drug prevention as a field of problematizations – how drug prevention becomes established as a political technology within this field, how it connects to certain modes of governance, how and under which conditions it constitutes it's problematic, the questions it asks, it´s implications in terms of political participation and representation, the various bodies of knowledge through which it constitutes the reality upon which it acts, the limits it places on ways of being, questioning, and talking in the world. The main analyses have been conducted in four separate but interrelated articles. Each article addresses a specific dimension of drug prevention in order to get a grasp of how this field is organized. Article 1 examines the shift that has occurred in the Swedish context during the period 1981–2011 in how drugs have been problematized, what knowledge has grounded the specific modes of problematization and which modes of governance this has enabled. In article 2, the currently dominant scientific discipline in the field of drug prevention – prevention science – is critically examined in terms of how it constructs the "drug problem" and the underlying assumptions it carries in regard to reality and political governance. Article 3 addresses the issue of communities' democratic participation in drug prevention efforts by analyzing the theoretical foundations of the Communities That Care prevention program. The article seeks to uncover how notions of community empowerment and democratic participation are constructed, and how the "community" is established as a political entity in the program. The fourth and final article critically examines the Swedish Social and Emotional Training (SET) program and the political implications of the relationship the program establishes between the subject and emotions. The argument is made that, within the field of drug prevention, questions of political values and priorities in a problematic way are decoupled from the political field and pose a significant problem in terms of the possibilities to engage in democratic deliberation. Within this field of problematizations it becomes impossible to mobilize a politics against social injustice, poverty and inequality. At the same time, the scientific grounding of this mode of governing the drug "problem" acts to naturalize a specific – highly political – way of engaging with drugs.