The demographic shockwaves of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in Europe produced tremendous change in the national economies and affected the political, social, and cultural development of these societies. Migration historians have begun to connect the various European migratory streams during this period with transcontinental migration to North America. This volume contains empirical studies on German in-migration, internal migration, and transatlantic emigration from the 1820s to the 1930s, placed in a comparative perspective of Polish, Swedish, and Irish migration to North America. Special emphasis is placed on the role of women in the process of migration. By looking specifically at postwar Germany, Klaus J. Bade underscores the relevance of this history in a concluding essay
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The rising tide of anti-Asian racism in Canada and the United States has been devastating. Join us for an opportunity to broaden our collective understanding of the impact of anti-Asian sentiment, the history of legislated racism in the 19th Century and associated damaging stereotypes against the East-Asian community. The main presenter with share about her foray into anti-Asian racism justice work as a result of her own experiences, atrocities happening in North America, and the need to fight racial intolerance. Sheridan faculty member, Dr. Weijing Ma, will share her experiences and observations as an Asian immigrant and engage in a discussion about anti-Asian racism in North America. ; https://source.sheridancollege.ca/cei_webinars/1013/thumbnail.jpg
In dedicating this issue to Adesanmi, we celebrate his varied academic and public intellectual disposition and practices – his multiple interests, commitments and contributions as an academic scholar, regular columnist in Nigerian (online) papers, strong mentorship activities in Africa and North America, his artistic output, an immensely busy schedule of public talks in Africa, Europe and North America, and his social media posts engaged with by tens of thousands of followers. Although not all the essays directly pay tribute to Adesanmi and his work, most of the contributors use Adesanmi's intellectual activism as a catalyst for thinking about the role of an institution builder and public intellectual and an "Africanist" scholar in the twenty-first century.
As any social phenomenon, the evolution of suburbs can be seen as at the confluence of two contradictory sets of forces. There are first forces of change, which propel suburbs in new directions. Much of the present literature on suburbs highlights suburban transitions in the form of social and economic diversification, and of new forms of development. The article attempts to rebalance the discourse on suburbs by emphasizing forces of durability. It does not deny the importance of observed suburban transitions, but argues that there is, at the heart of North American suburbs, an enduring automobility-induced transportation dynamic, which reverberates on most aspects of suburbs. The article explores the mechanisms undergirding suburban durability by linking the suburban transportation dynamic to the self-reproductive effects of a suburban lifestyle and culture and their political manifestations. These forces impede planning attempts to transform suburbs in ways that make them more environmentally sustainable. To empirically ground its argument, the article draws on two Toronto region case studies illustrating processes assuring the persistence of the durable features of North American suburbs: the layout of large suburban multifunctional centres and the themes raised by Rob Ford during his successful 2010 mayoralty electoral campaign.
This paper has examined a long - run causal nexus between export and economic growth in six regions of the world. For this purpose, the authors have applied the Granger causality test. Using annual data for the period of 1971 – 2018, the authors have tested the direction of the causality between the variables. The research has found unidirectional causality running from export to economic growth in Asia, Europe, North America and Oceania. Moreover, the research has noticed the absence of the Granger causality in Africa and Latin America & the Caribbean. The findings could be useful in implementing regional policy. In Asia, Europe, North America and Oceania policy makers should aware of the importance of trade and focus on implementing export-oriented policies to stimulate economic growth and achieve sustainable development.
This paper has examined a long-run causal nexus between export and economic growth in six regions of the world. For this purpose, the authors have applied the Granger causality test. Using annual data for the period of 1971-2018, the authors have tested the direction of the causality between the variables. The research has found unidirectional causality running from export to economic growth in Asia, Europe, North America and Oceania. Moreover, the research has noticed the absence of the Granger causality in Africa and Latin America & the Caribbean. The findings could be useful in implementing regional policy. In Asia, Europe, North America and Oceania policy makers should aware of the importance of trade and focus on implementing export-oriented policies to stimulate economic development.
Argues that the Bush administration's rhetoric about a multilateral approach to North Korea has been a diplomatic ploy rather than a sincere effort to deal with substantive issues. The US position is opposed by the other participants in the Six-Party Talks & has failed to make any progress toward North Korea's nuclear disarmament. There is a critical need for the US to "get serious about working out a strong, united strategy with its friends & allies." The need for the North to be involved in future multilateral discussions is emphasized. The first priority should be freezing & shutting down the plutonium-based program at Yongbyong, followed by efforts to substantiate & end any uranium-based programs. It is maintained that the nuclear problem cannot be settled in isolation from other issues that are important to North Korea, including conventional military forces, trade, investment, energy, humanitarian aid, & political recognition. The risks involved in the Bush administration's failure to develop a comprehensive approach are examined, along with the respective roles played by the People's Republic of China, South Korea, Russia, Japan, & the European Union. J. Lindroth
In: American anthropologist: AA, Band 9, Heft 3, S. 602-608
ISSN: 1548-1433
Book reviewed in this article:The Native Races of the British Empire. British North America. I. The Far West, the Home of the Salish and Déné. By C. Hill‐Tout.The Native Races of the British Empire. Natives of Northern India. By W. Crooke
As a presidential candidate, Barack Obama boldly promised to enhance US engagement with North Korea (Democratic People's Republic of Korea; DPRK). But in his first term as president, his administration was determined to significantly lower the foreign policy priority of North Korea and carried out a policy of concerted disengagement, an approach the administration called "strategic patience." The strategy of disengagement showed disappointing results by late 2010, and so the United States made a begrudging, tactical adjustment by starting tentative bilateral talks with the DPRK. When the preliminary result of those talks-the "Leap Day Deal"-fell apart in 2012 over the satellite launch controversy, the wrong lesson was learned: that neither sanctions nor engagement works with Pyongyang. The real lesson of Obama's North Korea policy is the failure of disengagement. (Asian Perspec/GIGA)
A thought-provoking history of slaveholders' fear of the people they enslaved and its consequencesFrom the Stono Rebellion in 1739 to the Haitian Revolution of 1791 to Nat Turner's Rebellion in 1831, slave insurrections have been understood as emblematic rejections of enslavement, the most powerful and, perhaps, the only way for slaves to successfully challenge the brutal system they endured. In The World That Fear Made, Jason T. Sharples orients the mirror to those in power who were preoccupied with their exposure to insurrection. Because enslavers in British North America and the Caribbean methodically terrorized slaves and anticipated just vengeance, colonial officials consolidated their regime around the dread of rebellion. As Sharples shows through a comprehensive data set, colonial officials launched investigations into dubious rumors of planned revolts twice as often as actual slave uprisings occurred. In most of these cases, magistrates believed they had discovered plans for insurrection, coordinated by a network of enslaved men, just in time to avert the uprising. Their crackdowns, known as conspiracy scares, could last for weeks and involve hundreds of suspects. They sometimes brought the execution or banishment of dozens of slaves at a time, and loss and heartbreak many times over.Mining archival records, Sharples shows how colonists from New York to Barbados tortured slaves to solicit confessions of baroque plots that were strikingly consistent across places and periods. Informants claimed that conspirators took direction from foreign agents; timed alleged rebellions for a holiday such as Easter; planned to set fires that would make it easier to ambush white people in the confusion; and coordinated the uprising with European or Native American invasion forces. Yet, as Sharples demonstrates, these scripted accounts rarely resembled what enslaved rebels actually did when they took up arms. Ultimately, he argues, conspiracy scares locked colonists and slaves into a cycle of terror that bound American society together through shared racial fear
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