Suchergebnisse

Abstract
The goal of this paper is to identify critical factors in success/failure of public policies focusing on fighting the spread of COVID-19 pandemic using a sample of three countries from Central and Eastern Europe with different results regarding COVID-19 morbidity and mortality rates, namely the Czech Republic, the Russian Federation, and the Slovak Republic. Based on comprehensive literature review, three independent variables were worked out: the scope/scale of public policy anti-pandemic interventions, the timing of public policy interventions, and the success of public policies in motivating compliance with anti-pandemic measures. Taking into account the similarity of measures introduced by national governments, the results suggest that the timing of public policy responses and success in motivating compliance may be critical factors in containing the pandemic.

This text examines the Franco-German relationship in the EU in relation to different policy sectors. It assesses the nature and importance of the relationship for the policy process.

Unfair differences in healthcare access, utilisation, quality or health outcomes exist between and within countries around the world. Improving health equity is a stated objective for many governments and international organizations. We provide an overview of the major tools that have been developed to measure, evaluate and promote health equity, along with the data required to operationalise them. Methods are organised into four key policy questions facing decision-makers: (i) what is the current level of inequity in health; (ii) does government health expenditure benefit the worst-off; (iii) can government health expenditure more effectively promote equity; and (iv) which interventions provide the best value for money in reducing inequity. Benefit incidence analysis can be used to estimate the distribution of current public health sector expenditure, with geographical resource allocation formulae and health system reform being the main government policy levers for improving equity. Techniques from the economic evaluation literature, such as extended and distributional cost-effectiveness analysis can be used to identify 'best buy' interventions from a health equity perspective. A range of inequality metrics, from gap measures and slope indices to concentration indices and regression analysis, can be applied to these approaches to evaluate changes in equity. Methods from the economics literature can provide policymakers with a toolkit for addressing multiple aspects of health equity, from outcomes to financial protection, and can be adapted to accommodate data commonly available in low- and middle-income settings.

Primarily known as a pioneer of International Relations (IR) theory, Hans Morgenthau also wrote on a series of other political themes. Especially prominent in his later career is a concern with the right and duty of a theorist to exercise academic freedom as a critic of government power and, especially in this particular case, of US foreign policy. For Morgenthau the responsibility to hold governments to account by reference to the 'higher laws' that underpin and legitimize democracy in its truest form was a key function of the theorist in society. Dissensus and healthy debate characterize genuine democracy for Morgenthau who was perturbed by what he perceived to be a worrying concern with conformity and consensus among the political and academic elites of Vietnam War era America. This article investigates the theoretical and philosophical commitments that explain why Morgenthau felt compelled to oppose the government of his adopted state and the consequences of his having done so. For all the vicissitudes he endured, Morgenthau ultimately emerged vindicated from his clash with the political elite and his experience serves as an exemplary case of the effective use of academic freedom to oppose government policy by means of balanced, judicious critique. In the final section I argue that Morgenthau's approach to theory, theorization and the role of the intellectual in society provides valuable insights into the nature of reflexivity in IR that are of relevance to contemporary debates in the discipline.

In Korea, cooperation between university and company is mainly encouraged by government policy as the Triple Helix&rsquo ; s statist model. Since 2003, the government started a variety of university financial support program, and in 2014, it reached to the point that 31 ministries conducted 408 programs in total. Most projects focused on training human resources and supporting Research and development, which is considered as the core function of universities, but some of the projects are designed to support the industry&ndash ; academia cooperation. For instance, the Ministry of Education ran &lsquo ; Leaders in University and Industry Cooperation (LINC)&rsquo ; program. LINC is a follow-up project of Human Resources Development for the Leading Industries, Industry&ndash ; Academia Cooperation-oriented University, and Focal Point Research program. Accordingly, it aimed to create university&ndash ; industry cooperative models, and nurture talents based on regional economy&rsquo ; s demand. The program provided approximately $230M per year for over 50 universities across the country. It was one of the highly influential grant programs considering the fact that there are about 200 universities nationwide and an annual budget of university is $900 billion on average. In this context, this study is to assess the influence of resources of universities capacity on the achievement of university&ndash ; industry cooperation and explore whether a government-initiated policy has a significant effect using data from government information disclosure system on education.

In Korea, cooperation between university and company is mainly encouraged by government policy as the Triple Helix's statist model. Since 2003, the government started a variety of university financial support program, and in 2014, it reached to the point that 31 ministries conducted 408 programs in total. Most projects focused on training human resources and supporting Research and development, which is considered as the core function of universities, but some of the projects are designed to support the industry-academia cooperation. For instance, the Ministry of Education ran 'Leaders in University and Industry Cooperation (LINC)' program. LINC is a follow-up project of Human Resources Development for the Leading Industries, Industry-Academia Cooperation-oriented University, and Focal Point Research program. Accordingly, it aimed to create university-industry cooperative models, and nurture talents based on regional economy's demand. The program provided approximately $230M per year for over 50 universities across the country. It was one of the highly influential grant programs considering the fact that there are about 200 universities nationwide and an annual budget of university is $900 billion on average. In this context, this study is to assess the influence of resources of universities capacity on the achievement of university-industry cooperation and explore whether a government-initiated policy has a significant effect using data from government information disclosure system on education.

This paper examines the rise to prominence of proportionality analysis in section 7 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. In recent years, the Supreme Court of Canada has affirmed that any law affecting life, liberty and security of the person must not be arbitrary, overbroad or grossly disproportionate. The expansion of section 7's substantive scope to include means-testing government action re-engages concerns about judicial capriciousness that have troubled section 7 since its early days. This paper examines this concern in light of section 7's history. It suggests that the prominence of proportionality analysis in section 7 may be understood as, in part, an effort to avoid the difficult task of setting normative boundaries on the scope of the provision. This paper argues that substantive values are inescapable as courts identify and frame these goals and scrutinize proportionality with close attention to real-world impacts of government action. Drawing on comparisons with the role played by proportionality analysis in section 1 of the Charter, the paper suggests that means-testing government policy should be guided by the Court's institutional role, but with careful attention to the substantive purpose of section 7 of the Charter as a right, a purpose that includes protection against overweening majoritarianism. Such a purposive interpretation may permit proportionality analysis to be informed by democratic deficits and political powerlessness in government law and policy-making processes.

Studies have shown that crises such as natural disasters have been a catalyst for civil society in places like Japan, Turkey and Taiwan, yet scholars have so far paid little attention to the effect of crises on civil society in China. This article fills a gap in this literature by examining the 2008 Sichuan earthquake's impact on grassroots civic associations (or NGOs for short) in China. Drawing on survey data and interviews with NGOs involved with the Sichuan earthquake response and reconstruction, it shows that the earthquake provided an important catalyst for a previously quiescent NGO community. It discusses several areas in which the earthquake impacted NGOs that may translate into long-term gains for civil society in China. First, the earthquake created an unprecedented opportunity for NGOs to participate, network and show their worth on a public stage that received the attention and appreciation of the media and government officials. Second, it led to the emergence of NGO networks that drew in other actors such as the media, international NGOs, government-organized NGOs (GONGOs) and even government officials. Finally, it has stimulated ongoing public debates over, and pressures to change, the restrictive fundraising and policy environment for NGOs. These findings show that civil society development is not simply a function of government policy or international funding, but also of large-scale crises that expand the public space and need for NGOs. (China J/GIGA)

Being easy to grow and drought tolerant, cassava is a popular crop among Thai farmers, particularly in the Northeast and East. The area planted annually is 1.28-1.60 million hectares. Because of drought and infertile soils in these areas, cassava yields average only 13-14 t/ha with about 18 percent starch. The price of fresh roots is about US$28-30/tonne. In the past only the local varieties were grown all over the country. In 1984, a better variety, Rayong 3, was introduced to the farmers. It is characterized not only by high yield but also by high starch content. Later, other new varieties have been released by the research institutes and universities. The government has therefore allocated a budget to multiply and promote new cassava varieties. This long-term program started in 1993 and will continue until 1998. Due to changes in the Common Agricultural Policy of the European Economic Community, the government policy makers expect that the cassava price in the EEC will decline. The government is therefore making an effort to reduce the cassava area by promoting the production of other perennial crops. Also, a large government budget has been provided to survey the potential area for cassava crop substitution. The future target of our program is for average cassava yields to increase to about 14.5 t/ha, while the recommended varieties will be cultivated in about 20 percent of the total cassava area by 1998

With Bismarck's dismissal as head of the German and Prussian governments in 1890, a number of policies bearing his personal stamp were called into question, including his Polish policy. The chancellorship of General von Caprivi (1890-94) saw a perceptible twist in the long history of relations between the Prussian/German governments and their Polish subjects, causing both contemporaries and historians to speak of an "era of reconciliation" (Versöhnungsära). During this period, Polish leaders supported government legislation and offered to work to strengthen the German Empire, while the Caprivi administration indicated its desire for better relations with the Poles and made a number of concessions to them. The Era of Reconciliation did not last long, however, not even as long as Caprivi's own tenure; its net results were meager, and after 1894 the idea of German-Polish cooperation faded away.Although this period has attracted the interest of some scholars of German-Polish relations, it has not received (perhaps because of its aberrant character) its fair share of attention in general works on German-Polish relations. Quite fundamental questions—for example, what prompted the milder Polish policies and why did they turn out so disappointingly—remain without adequate answers. In considering these questions, it is important to keep in mind that the Era of Reconciliation was a two-way street: a merger of government policy under Caprivi with a parallel trend toward "loyalism" within the Polish leadership.