Suchergebnisse

En 2016, Argentina celebró los 200 primeros años de vigencia de la declaración de Independencia del Imperio español. La ocasión representa una gran oportunidad para complejizar el lugar desde el que nos preguntamos por los fundamentos de la nación argentina y sus protagonistas. Los acontecimientos del presente nos brindan la posibilidad de dejar atrás una mirada sobre la nación en la que el Estado sea único protagonista, a partir de la construcción de un discurso oficial sobre la nación y sus mecanismos de diseminación. Podemos preguntarnos por aquellos que fueron históricamente definidos como "los otros" desde ese discurso oficial, como por sus ideas sobre esta comunidad. En una investigación anterior reunimos discursos de militantes de organizaciones de lucha por la vivienda de Buenos Aires, Montevideo y Ciudad de México (Loza, 2013), para explorar la construcción de representaciones sobre la nación y la región latinoamericana en estos actores. El presente artículo recupera esos testimonios para discutirlos a la luz de las preguntas que el Bicentenario del 9 de julio nos plantea: ¿Podemos pensar la nación y su vinculación con otras naciones en clave de relaciones de independencia y dependencia? ¿Qué significa pensar las ideas sobre la nación en términos de dependencia e independencia cuando estas ideas la imaginan soberana? Las ideas que sustentan a las comunidades nacionales son un claro objeto de disputa. La reflexión de las páginas siguientes sostiene que la lucha del campo político se da en torno a los símbolos y la información. Así, partimos de la comprensión de que cualquier nación está sostenida por un concepto, una idea que podemos reconstruir como representación social y que posee elementos nucleares. Estos permiten que sea compartida en distintas latitudes dentro de las fronteras nacionales. Sin embargo, conviven en ese lugar y tiempo muchas ideas sobre la nación. La hegemonía del discurso de lo nacional es objeto de confrontaciones en tanto implica, por un lado, sostener una verdad que dé cuenta de esta organización comunitaria, y por el otro poseer los medios de producción intelectual para su diseminación. En la historia de las naciones latinoamericanas, esta hegemonía ha estado localizada en las ciudades capitales y en los sectores con mayores recursos. Esta afirmación no destierra la propuesta de buscar discursos heterogéneos convivientes bajo una misma idea nacional, que nuestra investigación se propuso exponer. Este trabajo busca plantear un modo de intervenir en la discusión contemporánea sobre formas de asociación como la nación y los modos en que estas prácticas son cargadas de sentido. La ampliación de este debate permitirá dar espacio a la voz de aquellos que con su participación política en el ámbito de las luchas populares aportan elementos a los procesos de construcción de categorías identitarias comunitarias ; In 2016, Argentina celebrated the first 200 years of the declaration of independence of the Spanish empire. The occasion represents a great opportunity to complex the place from which we ask for the basics of the Argentina Nation and its protagonists. The present gives us the opportunity to leave behind an approach to the Nation in which the State is the main protagonist of the construction of an official discourse on the Nation and its dissemination mechanisms. We can ask those who were historically defined as the others on the official discourse, about their thoughts on this community. In previous research we collect speeches of members of social organizations struggling for housing in Buenos Aires, Montevideo and Mexico City (Loza, 2013), to explore the construction of representations on the Nation and Latin America. This article retrieves these testimonies to discuss them in the light of the questions the Bicentenary of July 9 presents: Can we think the nation and its relationship with other nations under the concepts of independence and dependence? What means to analyze the ideas about the nations in terms of dependence and independence? The ideas behind national communities are a clear matter of dispute. The reflection on the following pages argues that the struggle of the political field is given about the symbols and information. So we start to understand that any nation is sustained by a concept, an idea that we can reconstruct as social representation and possessing nuclear elements that allow it to be shared in different latitudes within national borders. The hegemony of the national discourse is object of confrontations around holding the truth about this community organization and who owns the means of intellectual production for dissemination. In the history of Latin American nations, this hegemony has been located in the capital cities and in areas with greater resources. This statement does not banish the search of heterogeneous speeches cohabiting under the same national idea. Our research aimed to expose those. This paper seeks to propose a way of intervening in contemporary discussion on forms of association such as the Nation and the ways in which these practices are full of meaning. The extension of this discussion will give space to the voice of those whose political participation in the field of popular struggles provide elements to the process of building categories of community identity ; Fil: Loza, Jorgelina Mariana. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Instituto de Investigaciones "Gino Germani"; Argentina

El objetivo del estudio que se informa fue describir y analizar los componentes de la identidad nacional argentina y su relación con la orientación de la dominancia social (ODS) y la tolerancia a la transgresión normativa. Para tal fin, se realizaron encuestas a 170 sujetos que residían en la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires y el Conurbano Bonaerense (República Argentina). Los resultados evidencian un grado de identificación medio-alto con la categoría social argentino, a la vez que muestran una autoestima colectiva medio-alta. Los atributos autoestereotípicos que conforman la identidad nacional comprenden tres dimensiones: argentino positivo, argentino negativo y argentino avivado. Esta última dimensión fue la que presentó mayor consenso entre los participantes, lo que sugiere que la viveza es percibida como una interface entre lo negativo y lo positivo por sus características adaptativas y funcionales. Los resultados muestran además que la ODS se relaciona inversamente con los componentes positivos, y directamente con los componentes negativos de la identidad nacional, lo que lleva a pensar que el ser argentino no necesariamente se vincula con el estatus o poder en personas dominantes. Finalmente, en relación con la tolerancia a la transgresión, los niveles de acuerdo con la misma son bajos en la muestra. Las caracterizaciones del argentino negativo y argentino avivado se vinculan con la tolerancia hacia ciertos comportamientos transgresores, especialmente con aquellos considerados menos graves y que no perjudican directamente a terceros. ; From early beginnings of the last century, the stereotypes and categorizations about the Argentineans where predominantly negative, both for foreigners as for Argentineans themselves (D'adamo & García Beaudoux, 1994). This lack of a positive nationalism has been related to the lack of adherence to the norm and corruption, as well as to the bias towards the European countries shown by the Argentinean society and its members. This negative social self-concept among Argentineans is not unique in the region, in fact, a study carried out in the 90's revealed that most of Latin American countries had negative national identities (Salazar, J. M. & Salazar, M. A., 1998). However, more recent studies carried out in countries such as Peru or Mexico suggest that there might be a shift in some aspects of their national identities, from a mainly negative one to a more ambivalent one, with some positive and some negative aspects. Some of these studies also evidenced certain relations between the national identity and other psychosocial variables such as the social dominance orientation (SDO) and the political ideology. Both high levels of SDO and a right wing political ideology had a negative impact on the different components of the national identity. These results may enlighten the study of the national identity in Argentina, that's why the aim of this study was to describe and analyze some components of the Argentinean national identity and their relationship to SDO and tolerance towards transgressive behaviors. To this end, a survey with 170 residents in Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires and its surroundings was carried out. Results showed middle-high levels of identification and collective self-esteem related to the Argentinean social category. The national self-stereotypes that conform Argentinean identity were gathered in three dimensions: Positive argentine, Negative argentine, and Crafty argentine. The last dimension was the most consensual among participants, suggesting that craftiness is perceived as an interface between the negative and positive self-stereotype dimensions, because of its functionality and adaptability characteristics. The results also showed that the SDO was inversely related to the positive dimension, and directly related to the negative dimension of national identity, which suggests that the Argentine social category is not linked to status or power in dominant people. Finally, scores of tolerance toward normative transgression were low in the sample. However, negative argentine and crafty argentine dimensions were more tolerant toward transgressor behaviors that could be considered less serious and not harmful to others. The results confirm the negative relation between the SDO and the positive national identity, although the causes of this relation are yet to be studied. The research also suggests that there might be a shift in some of the components and expressions of the national identity. As well as in other countries of Latin America, this shift is characterized for its ambivalence between some positive aspects and other negative ones. Perhaps this ambivalence is best characterized by the craftiness, where the negative aspects of norm transgression and individualism meet the positive aspects of social warmth, adaptability and creativity. As for further investigations, it's important to study how the different national identities interact with specific scenarios, and how this interaction has an impact on the individual behavior. Altogether, this kind of research helps to understand the national identity more deeply, and therefore, enlighten us to make a positive change in order to develop a healthy social identity, based on mutual trust and respect. ; Fil: Monsegur, Santiago. Pontificia Universidad Católica Argentina ; Argentina ; Fil: Espinosa, Agustín. Pontificia Universidad Católica de Perú; Perú ; Fil: Beramendi, Maite Regina. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Psicología; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

During the 18th Century, the northeast of the Amazonian region, especially the jurisdiction of Quixos, was one of the most ignored regions of South America. Its dominions, ependents in part to the Real Audiencia of Quito, did not enjoy sufficient attention from the monarchial administration; therefore, the territorial domination and its natives did not take shape in absolute terms given the difficulties of indigenous resistance against strategies to slowly subordinate and eventually dismantle the Spanish politics of border territories. ; El noroccidente amazónico, en especial la gobernación de Quixos, fue una de las más ignotas regiones de América del Sur durante el siglo XVIII. Sus jurisdicciones, dependientes en parte de la Real Audiencia de Quito, no gozaron de suficiente atención por parte de la administración monárquica; por tanto, la dominación del territorio y sus habitantes originarios no pudo concretarse en términos absolutos debido a las dificultades supuestas por la resistencia indígena frente a unas estrategias de sometimiento poco consecuentes y evidentemente desarticuladas de las políticas hispánicas para los territorios fronterizos.

This article discusses the process of integration in Central America, from the perspective of its peculiarities that imply an added value, a substantive difference with other processes or a learned lesson or errors to avoid or amend. Without a doubt, successes that enhance. The Central American Integration System (SICA) is a process with its own riches, complexities and identities. It is a scheme that feeds on the processes of negotiation towards peace and democracy in the 1980s. Hence, its treaties are imbued with democratic values and principles that gather an acquis not only regional, but Latin American, inter-American, european and universal, by the presence of multiple actors during the negotiations that took Central America out of the War. Similarly, the article addresses the main challenges for regional integration to produce the concrete and tangible benefits of sustainable development, highlighting the need to renew the integrationist Pact and the recovery of its universality and Multidimensionality, with fidelity to its roots. ; El presente artículo aborda el proceso de integración en Centroamérica, desde la perspectiva de sus particularidades que implican un valor agregado, una diferencia sustantiva con otros procesos o bien una lección aprendida, errores a evitar o a enmendar. Sin dudas, también aciertos que potenciar. El Sistema de la Integración Centroamericana (SICA) es un proceso de integración con sus propias riquezas, complejidades e identidades. Es un esquema que se nutre de los procesos de negociación hacia la paz y la democracia en los años ochenta. De ahí que sus tratados estén impregnados de valores y principios democráticos que recogen un acervo no solo regional, sino latinoamericano, interamericano, europeo y universal, por la presencia de múltiples actores durante las negociaciones que sacaron a Centroamérica de la guerra. De igual forma, el artículo aborda los principales desafíos para que la integración regional produzca los beneficios concretos y tangibles del Desarrollo Sostenible, resaltando la necesidad de renovar el pacto integracionista y la recuperación de su universalidad y multidimensionalidad, con fidelidad a sus raíces.

Cricket and baseball are the summer national pastimes of England and America. They both involve players, one of whom propels a hard leather ball toward another with the intent of getting that other "out."The hitter tries to avoid getting out and attempts to hit the ball as far as possible. Umpires preside. Despite all these and other common factors, the games are different. Baseball is brash and dusty, and umpires endure frequent abuse; cricket is restrained and village greenish, and umpires rarely suffer abuse. Both games draw from history and culture.Where transplanted the games assume a different guise. In the West Indies a Caribbean passion possesses cricket. In Central America a Latin bravado inspires baseball.Much the same can be said of the common law. To the American,cricket and English law seem confined and stodgy. Baseball and American law to the Englishman seem overwrought and brazen. A book to bridge our knowledge gap in sports has not been written. Fortunately,however, Professors Patrick S. Atiyah and Robert S. Summers have written a book that should cure us of our legal ignorance and do much to lead us to a deeper understanding of the common law. The common law is our heritage but the way it is employed differs in each country. English courts would not dare, as their American cousins have, judicially to create strict liability for defective products or to replace the defense of contributory negligence with comparative fault. These tasks are legislative. The role of the courts and their relationship with other lawmaking organs differ distinctly. This difference is a product of history, political philosophy, and culture.Professors Atiyah and Summers in Form and Substance in Anglo-American Law masterfully describe the differences in English and American law. But this work is no blind taxonomy of differences; their description is designed to validate a theory of the law. In this book comparative law informs legal theory. It is a significant contribution to modern jurisprudence.

Brazilian foreign policy demonstrates an interesting double aspect in the changing global system. Its rhetoric and overt positioning is framed around the idea of Brazil as a value-creating actor, while in reality there are significant value-claiming characteristics at the core of its approach to regional and global affairs. The key for Brazil is its position as a 'bridge' between the South and the North, which allows its diplomats to establish the country as a critical coalition organizer and ideational leader for southern actors looking for major changes in global governance systems, and a central interlocutor for northern actors trying to cope with pressure from the South. Brazil's ambitions are simple: focusing more on an improved relative position, rather than a complete reformulation of the international system, which serves it well in economic, political and security terms. To explain this argument the article focuses on Brazilian engagement with Africa and South America, as well as the country's approach to major negotiations such as the WTO's Doha round, the Free Trade Area of the Americas and the evolution of regional governance mechanisms such as the Organization of American States and the recently created Community of Latin American and Caribbean States. The pattern that emerges is one of Brazil working to create a consensus around its position, using its consequent leadership to improve Brazilian leverage in the regional and global arena. (International Affairs (Oxford) / SWP)

Exceptuando escasas referencias ocasionales, las clases medias han sido ignoradas en las ciencias sociales ecuatorianas. Por este motivo se reflexiona sobre la trayectoria histórica de las clases medias recurriendo a diversas fuentes. Se puede apreciar como los sectores medios fueron caracterizados en la literatura realista y costumbrista. Su invocación como actores políticos en los años cincuenta y sesenta; y, los intentos de cuantificación que empezaron en un estudio pionero de Oswaldo Díaz. Se amplía el análisis con estudios de la CEPAL y aproximaciones sustentadas en datos censales. Finalmente se esboza el actual proceso de visibilización de las clases medias en la política ecuatoriana.

After World War I, America was musically transformed from an outsider in the European classical tradition into a country of musical vibrance and maturity. These great advances, however, were deeply threatened by the Wall Street crash of 1929 and the consequent Great Depression. The nation that, for the first time, was developing an international reputation in the arts now faced a crisis of how to support them. Government sponsorship of the arts through the New Deal Federal One projects allowed struggling artists to survive economically during this era. In the realm of music, however, the Federal Music Project (FMP) had consequences that reached far beyond economics and into the realms of politics and culture. This article surveys the important impact of the Federal Music Project on American music in both the East and the West by using statistics, examples, and stories, specifically with regards to new music, populism, American nationalism, minority involvement, and ethnomusicology.

It is argued that the conventional analysis of the 2001 Argentina crisis in terms of populist budgetary policies and institutional rigidities of labor market is not satisfactory. The 2001 collapse takes place within a long history, but it results from a quite specific factor: the structural unbalance within the accumulation regime implied by the convertibility and the complete opening to world trade and financial globalization. The shakiness of major institutional compromises and the lack of policy tools to respond to the vagaries of the world economy explain the 1998 turning point from growth to depression. The fast economic recovery observed since 2002, associated to the default of public debt and the pesification, does not mean that Argentina has definitely overcome the structural obstacles that have been hindering its growth since 1976. The likelihood and resilience of alternative development modes is finally discussed. It is difficult to overcome the logic of a primary product exporter country. Of course, its potential is larger in the 2000s, but this economic regime is not totally transformed by the expected medium term rise of commodities prices at the world level. ; On s'attache à montrer en premier lieu que l'interprétation de la crise argentine par le laxisme de la politique budgétaire et les rigidités institutionnelles du marché du travail n'est pas satisfaisante. La crise qui éclate en 2001 s'inscrit dans l'histoire longue argentine et manifeste l'incohérence du régime d'accumulation impliqué par le régime de convertibilité et l'ouverture commerciale et financière quasi-complète. Absence de compromis institutionnalisés stables et perte de la capacité à répondre aux aléas de l'économie mondiale expliquent la gravité de la dépression qui s'ouvre dès 1998. La vigoureuse reprise économique qui intervient après le défaut de la dette publique et la pesification ne signifie pas que l'économie argentine ait surmonté les obstacles structurels qui hypothèquent sa croissance depuis 1976. L'article s'achève par la discussion de la vraisemblance de divers modes de développement. Il apparaêt difficile d'échapper à la logique d'un régime primaire exportateur dont les perspectives sont certes renouvelées mais pas complètement transformées par la possibilité d'un renchérissement durable des produits agricoles à l'échelle mondiale.

It is argued that the conventional analysis of the 2001 Argentina crisis in terms of populist budgetary policies and institutional rigidities of labor market is not satisfactory. The 2001 collapse takes place within a long history, but it results from a quite specific factor: the structural unbalance within the accumulation regime implied by the convertibility and the complete opening to world trade and financial globalization. The shakiness of major institutional compromises and the lack of policy tools to respond to the vagaries of the world economy explain the 1998 turning point from growth to depression. The fast economic recovery observed since 2002, associated to the default of public debt and the pesification, does not mean that Argentina has definitely overcome the structural obstacles that have been hindering its growth since 1976. The likelihood and resilience of alternative development modes is finally discussed. It is difficult to overcome the logic of a primary product exporter country. Of course, its potential is larger in the 2000s, but this economic regime is not totally transformed by the expected medium term rise of commodities prices at the world level. ; On s'attache à montrer en premier lieu que l'interprétation de la crise argentine par le laxisme de la politique budgétaire et les rigidités institutionnelles du marché du travail n'est pas satisfaisante. La crise qui éclate en 2001 s'inscrit dans l'histoire longue argentine et manifeste l'incohérence du régime d'accumulation impliqué par le régime de convertibilité et l'ouverture commerciale et financière quasi-complète. Absence de compromis institutionnalisés stables et perte de la capacité à répondre aux aléas de l'économie mondiale expliquent la gravité de la dépression qui s'ouvre dès 1998. La vigoureuse reprise économique qui intervient après le défaut de la dette publique et la pesification ne signifie pas que l'économie argentine ait surmonté les obstacles structurels qui hypothèquent sa croissance depuis 1976. L'article s'achève par ...

It is argued that the conventional analysis of the 2001 Argentina crisis in terms of populist budgetary policies and institutional rigidities of labor market is not satisfactory. The 2001 collapse takes place within a long history, but it results from a quite specific factor: the structural unbalance within the accumulation regime implied by the convertibility and the complete opening to world trade and financial globalization. The shakiness of major institutional compromises and the lack of policy tools to respond to the vagaries of the world economy explain the 1998 turning point from growth to depression. The fast economic recovery observed since 2002, associated to the default of public debt and the pesification, does not mean that Argentina has definitely overcome the structural obstacles that have been hindering its growth since 1976. The likelihood and resilience of alternative development modes is finally discussed. It is difficult to overcome the logic of a primary product exporter country. Of course, its potential is larger in the 2000s, but this economic regime is not totally transformed by the expected medium term rise of commodities prices at the world level. ; On s'attache à montrer en premier lieu que l'interprétation de la crise argentine par le laxisme de la politique budgétaire et les rigidités institutionnelles du marché du travail n'est pas satisfaisante. La crise qui éclate en 2001 s'inscrit dans l'histoire longue argentine et manifeste l'incohérence du régime d'accumulation impliqué par le régime de convertibilité et l'ouverture commerciale et financière quasi-complète. Absence de compromis institutionnalisés stables et perte de la capacité à répondre aux aléas de l'économie mondiale expliquent la gravité de la dépression qui s'ouvre dès 1998. La vigoureuse reprise économique qui intervient après le défaut de la dette publique et la pesification ne signifie pas que l'économie argentine ait surmonté les obstacles structurels qui hypothèquent sa croissance depuis 1976. L'article s'achève par la discussion de la vraisemblance de divers modes de développement. Il apparaêt difficile d'échapper à la logique d'un régime primaire exportateur dont les perspectives sont certes renouvelées mais pas complètement transformées par la possibilité d'un renchérissement durable des produits agricoles à l'échelle mondiale.

It is argued that the conventional analysis of the 2001 Argentina crisis in terms of populist budgetary policies and institutional rigidities of labor market is not satisfactory. The 2001 collapse takes place within a long history, but it results from a quite specific factor: the structural unbalance within the accumulation regime implied by the convertibility and the complete opening to world trade and financial globalization. The shakiness of major institutional compromises and the lack of policy tools to respond to the vagaries of the world economy explain the 1998 turning point from growth to depression. The fast economic recovery observed since 2002, associated to the default of public debt and the pesification, does not mean that Argentina has definitely overcome the structural obstacles that have been hindering its growth since 1976. The likelihood and resilience of alternative development modes is finally discussed. It is difficult to overcome the logic of a primary product exporter country. Of course, its potential is larger in the 2000s, but this economic regime is not totally transformed by the expected medium term rise of commodities prices at the world level. ; On s'attache à montrer en premier lieu que l'interprétation de la crise argentine par le laxisme de la politique budgétaire et les rigidités institutionnelles du marché du travail n'est pas satisfaisante. La crise qui éclate en 2001 s'inscrit dans l'histoire longue argentine et manifeste l'incohérence du régime d'accumulation impliqué par le régime de convertibilité et l'ouverture commerciale et financière quasi-complète. Absence de compromis institutionnalisés stables et perte de la capacité à répondre aux aléas de l'économie mondiale expliquent la gravité de la dépression qui s'ouvre dès 1998. La vigoureuse reprise économique qui intervient après le défaut de la dette publique et la pesification ne signifie pas que l'économie argentine ait surmonté les obstacles structurels qui hypothèquent sa croissance depuis 1976. L'article s'achève par la discussion de la vraisemblance de divers modes de développement. Il apparaêt difficile d'échapper à la logique d'un régime primaire exportateur dont les perspectives sont certes renouvelées mais pas complètement transformées par la possibilité d'un renchérissement durable des produits agricoles à l'échelle mondiale.