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Abstract. Among twentieth-century political philosophers, Americans
John Rawls and Robert Nozick are generally recognized as giants – both
for the boldness of their arguments and for the influence they have exerted. They sketched rival visions. Rawls, inspired by Immanuel Kant, argued for a world characterized by tolerance, equality, and justice as fairness. Nozick, claiming a Lockean heritage but actually inspired by Adam Smith (the "invisible hand") and Herbert Spencer ("survival of the fittest"), outlined a program for a minimal state, with very little taxation, offering no cushion at all against poverty, and providing no state assistance for the poor, the sick, the disabled, or the widowed. Rawls' vision is clearly part of the liberal tradition, while Nozick's championing of a minimal state contains illiberal elements.
Keywords: John Rawls, Robert Nozick, political liberalism, libertarianism, taxation, equality, justice.

Wagner Group, the armed non-state actor linked to the Kremlin, is both a tool and target of great power competition in Africa. Moscow employs Wagner Group as a tool to consolidate and expand the Russian presence on the continent. Washington designated Wagner Group as a transnational criminal organization in January 2023 in response to the Russian entity's roles in Ukraine and Africa. This article explores the implications that Wagner Group, and the great power dynamics that envelop it, pose for Canadian policy, especially vis-à-vis Africa. It contends that Wagner Group's activities in Africa upset longstanding Canadian expectations about armed non-state actors and their role in extractive industries, and undermine, with Russian support, the UN and its peacekeeping in Africa. However, mounting a robust opposition to Wagner Group in Africa, as Washington hopes for, will require greater commitment, focus, and risk tolerance than Ottawa has shown in recent years.

This article examines how concepts of gender and sexuality are increasingly being mobilised as symbolic values in Danish immigration politics. The Danish national self-perception rests on an idea of widespread tolerance, especially regarding gender and sexuality. However, understandings of gender and sexuality as represented in Danish immigration discourse draw clear boundaries between insiders and outsiders. As of 2017, Danish asylum centres introduced compulsory teaching of so-called 'Danish sexual morals' as an attempt to prevent sexual violence by educating asylum seekers in sexual conduct. Based on fieldwork conducted in a language and culture class at an asylum centre, the analysis demonstrates how the teacher simultaneously reproduces and challenges concepts of differing national sexualities as they appear in the teaching material, and how the students push back against culturally specific conceptualisations of gender and sexuality by offering personal narratives countering those ascribed to them in the stereotypical representations.

How does historical victimization and its memorialization impact present-day outgroup attitudes in conflict-riven societies? This study explores this question using a survey experiment with a representative sample of 2000 Jewish Israelis—half of whom are direct descendants of Holocaust survivors—and a content analysis of 98 state-approved school textbooks, examining how histories of victimization become socialized and shape political attitudes. We find that, in Israel, family victimization during the Holocaust plays surprisingly little role in shaping present-day attitudes toward outgroups. Rather, perceived historical victimization of the Jewish and Israeli people is broadly socialized among the Israeli public and is a stronger predictor of outgroup (in)tolerance. These findings shed light on the power of societal victimhood narratives—even in the absence of personal family histories of victimization—to shape political attitudes in conflict contexts, with long-term implications for intergroup cooperation and conflict.

In 1963 Michel Foucault writes that his book "The Birth of the Clinic" is about space, language, and death, about perception. There is a shift of societal problems to the field of medicine, in other words, modernity formulates some social problems through medical categories. But in fact, questions that seem purely medical are often a product of social factors. In society, medicine is a conservative force that maintains the status quo and distracts from major threats to human health. The growth of individualism, the desire for autonomy, and the decline of religiosity allow discussions around death, tolerance of mystery, and euthanasia. For example, in Canada, 2021 marks five full years of access to medical assistance in dying. In 2021, there were 10 064 cases, bringing the total number to 31 664. Annual growth continues to increase steadily each year. Are the major religions capable of facing that challenge?

This article analyzes from a scientifi c point of view information about the history of passes and passports that gave the right to Central Asian pilgrims who went on a hajj through the territory of the Russian Em pire. For this purpose, the author introduced into scientifi c circulation in formation from historical documents of the 18th –19th centuries stored in the foreign policy archive of the Russian Empire, the state archive of the Orenburg region (Russian Federation), and also in the National Archives of Uzbekistan. The study of this issue is intended to help in the study of dip lomatic, trade and economic relations between the Central Asian khanates and the Russian Empire and the problems of tolerance between peoples, as well as the development of scientifi c conclusions regarding the policy of the Russian Empire towards Islam in the 18th –19th centuries.

AbstractThis article considers the argument by Tim Vlandas, in this issue, that an ageing electorate may undermine democracies' ability to make the right economic choices. Vlandas suggests that the emergence of gerontocratic politics may give rise to 'gerontonomia': an economy run for the old, at the expense of younger generations and of future prosperity. However, evidence from the UK suggests a more mixed picture. Age‐based voting patterns have been consequential around single issues, not least the 2016 Brexit referendum. However, voters' interests in broad economic policy models are not easily reducible to age dynamics, and intergenerational politics are filtered through a set of normative and affective considerations beyond straightforward self‐interest. Moreover, since the rational interests of different age groups do not speak for themselves, cueing by political elites is potentially significant and may be contributing to older voters' relative tolerance of a poor economic record.

Healthy democratic polities feature competing visions of a good society. They also require tolerance, trust, and cooperation to avoid toxic polarization that puts democracy itself at risk. In the U.S., liberal-leftists and conservative-rightists differ in many attitudes, values, and personality traits, as well as tendencies to justify the unequal status quo and embrace authoritarian aggression and group-based dominance. Some of these differences imply that conflict between liberal-leftists and conservative-rightists is tantamount to a struggle for and against democratic ideals. However, these political and psychological differences between the left and the right do not necessarily mean that Americans are forever doomed to intergroup hatred and intractable political conflict. Some modest basis for optimism emerges from recent experimental interventions, including one that encourages people to identify with and justify the system of liberal democracy in the U.S.

Interviews and focus groups with active-duty U.S. military service members and students at military service academies investigated relationships between espoused and enacted culture in perceptions of sexual assault and harassment versus other types of offenses. Results show that participants widely understood and accepted an espoused culture that is intolerant of sexual misconduct. The enacted culture included tolerance of some forms of sexual misconduct, differences in conduct in private versus public settings, and widespread resentment of frequent trainings. Results also showed cynicism about service treatments for all types of offenses, but especially for sexual misconduct. Of note is that participants tended to perceive inconsistencies in consequences for sexual misconduct in terms of who faced punishment, whereas for other offenses, they tended to see inconsistencies in what types of consequences were administered. Results demonstrate the value of efforts to align trainings with cultures that consistently discourage behaviors trainings are designed to eliminate.

In Şanlıurfa, Syrians and residents have a historical background and cultural similarities such as language and kinship. Nevertheless, the number of Syrian refugees is very high in the city and residents are distant to Syrians. Şanlıurfa case study aims to analyze the variation in social distance of residents toward Syrian refugees. This study argues that the number of migrants in a country (or in a neighborhood) is more important than cultural similarities when explaining social cohesion. In addition, based on multiple regression analysis, the study suggests that under such circumstance, there are mainly three determinants to explain variation in social distance, which are related to the perception and/or beliefs of Şanlıurfa residents, such as perceived crime and social disorder; their beliefs about Syrian refugees' personalities; and their linguistic (in)tolerance ( increase in criminality (perceived crime) and erosion in identity (and maybe norms, that is social disorder)).

The article describes some aspects of the attitude of modern student youth of two Russian regions to the concepts behind the word "religio" (religion). The latter is understood in connotation with three normative forms for the history of the Russian community: 1) as a basic spiritual and moral concept that underlies the life of every individual, the state and the entire human community as a whole (Cicero's «religio» paradigm); 2) philosophical and confessional legal norms of the 1000-year history of Christianity in Russia; 3) the phenomenology of humanism and religious tolerance in relation to the anthropological foundations of the individual and collective life of each member of the global community. The results of a survey of 235 students from Arkhangelsk and Vladimir on issues related to the modern attitude of young people to understanding the concept of religion are also reflected.

Abstract
In Indonesia, the national motto of 'unity in diversity' is challenged, not least by a hardening of religious identities, coupled with rising levels of religious intolerance. In addition to established proponents of religious pluralism, groups of activists strive to sow the seeds of peace among the tech-savvy generation of young urbanites. By adopting the concept of 'technology of the community', I analyze the online and offline practices of peace activists in Bandung in 2018 to educate young #peacemakers and create spaces of empathy and solidarity. To address the emotional deprivation as well as aspirations of young people, peace groups rely on various offline and online technologies that straddle notions of comfort and discomfort, of tolerance and engagement. In creating and maintaining spaces of affective interpersonal exchange, these groups become exponents of local arrangements that are conducive to the cultivation of pluralist dispositions beyond national ideology.

Screens are an ineliminable component of contemporary society for most humans. Consequently, tools and ideas that provide a heuristic and support for conceptually mitigating and balancing the costs of screen times at an individual level are critical. Here, screen adaptation theory (SAT) is proposed as a shorthand tool to frame the wealth of research examining human-screen interactions. Screens are best conceptualized as a place. Adaptation (to screens) are acquired or cultivated traits that enable us to not only survive with screens but potentially thrive—provided that we leverage research on costs and benefits. Adaptive behavioral traits suggest that we approach these interactions with purposeful intent. Finally, the theory associated with humans with screens is rich and interdisciplinary. We must design and adopt principles from theory relevant to our work, leisure, and individual choices to use screens as we move from tolerance to adaptation.

Based on multi-sited archival research, this article examines the racialized regulation of commercial sex in 1970s France, and whether and how this was intertwined with the protection of a racialized, gendered, and class-based sexual order. In doing so, this article contributes to a contextualized and historicized analysis of the construction of race and colour-blindness in French legislation and law enforcement. During and after the Algerian War, colonial anxieties about sexual threats posed by North African male labour migrants in the French metropole played a role in the discussion on commercial sex and motivated politicians, policymakers and journalists to argue for its selective tolerance. The author argues that the indirect legislation on commercial sex granted discretionary power to the police to protect the sexual order through colourblind justifications. This enabled law enforcement to implement and enforce universalist legislation 'from below' in a racially particularistic way.