Suchergebnisse

This article examines the characteristics of the victims of the October 1993 massacres in Burundi. Using information on parents of the respondents of a 2002 demographic household survey, the author finds that the probability of a parent being killed during the events is significantly affected by age, sex and wealth, in the sense that older, wealthier and male persons were more likely to be killed. Using the median level of education of a parent's offspring to proxy the parental investment in human capital, the author finds that people who invested more in the human capital of their children ran a higher risk of being killed. The analysis also shows important spatial disparities in the killings. In trying to explain these locational effects, the author focus on two key hypotheses set forth with respect to the October 1993 events in Burundi: the land crisis and the questionable role played by the Front Démocratique du Burundi (FRODEBU), the dominant political actor at that time. The author finds that communal land pressure significantly increases the probability of being killed and that communal popular support for FRODEBU increases, in a non-linear fashion, the risk of being affected by the killings. The results are interpreted in light of the prevailing political economy of 1993 Burundi.

The article is in response to Lothar Fritze, considered as a wrong track according to the author, beginning with the first question, and ending in the last paragraph. The argumentation to explain himself is constructed threeways: 1) the presentation of the problem by Lothar and the question, what Christian morality exactly is and contains, discussing Hannah Arendt's statement that in a world in which people believe in God and Judgment Day, totalitarian crimes would not exist. At the same time however it is clear that believe in and fear of God and hell can be helpful in the explanation of liberal political orders. Secondly is examined the division between moral and nonmoral convictions, the main interest of Fritz' article. Contrary to Fritz, the author is convinced that nonmoral convictions of totalitarian criminals were based not on the perception of reality and quarrels over real problems, but on illusion. A fact that, considering the author, was not sufficiently treated by Fritz. Thirdly, the author discusses Hannah Arendt's vision on the relationship between morality and politics. The argument expressed here is that the appeal for religious regulations and the presence of the absolute have some very destructive consequences for the world of free political action. Adapted from the source document.

Reanalyzing political biographies of Benito Mussolini & Osvald Mosley the author is testing the hypothesis that ideologies like fascism start with fairly innocent ideas and, given the right circumstances, develop in a quasi-logical way on a downward path towards their malignant maturity. With "quasi-logical" the author means something similar to Karl R. Popper's concept "logic of the situation," that is, the logic is neither formal nor strictly deterministic; it follows that actors are not exempt from moral responsibility, you can always choose to act against the logic of the situation. The author finds that an exalted "communitarianism" is an essential factor in the development of fascism. A part of the "logic" is that a demagogue elevating the value of the group, be it "nation," "church," "class," or anything, on the expense of the individual needs the picture of all ugly & evil enemy in order to get the members to obliterate themselves & merge into the group. Accordingly, in a classification of political ideologies the first question to be asked is: "individualism or anti-individualism." The author objects to Sheri Berman's suggestion that communitarianism explains the success of the Swedish Social Democracy during the twentieth century & will instead of that explanation propose "reformism," that is, a non-revolutionary strategy for political transformation. Adapted from the source document.

Ставится проблема изучения документооборота как в Российской империи в целом, так и конкретно в Алтайском горном округе во второй половине XIX в. Изучив и проанализировав литературу по теме, автор пришел к выводу, что среди публикаций нет крупных монографических исследований, опубликованные работы имеют преимущественно характер учебников и учебных пособий. Автор предлагает начать изучение особенностей развития делопроизводства России посредством выявления особенностей делопроизводства субъектов империи с тем, чтобы учесть специфику каждого округа и каждой губернии. На примере Свода учреждений и уставов горных 1893 г. автор показывает специфику документооборота в Алтайском горном округе в исследуемый период. ; In the article the author discusses the problem of the study of document's circulation in the Russian Empire in general and in the Altai Mountain Region in the 2nd half of the 19th century in particular. After analyzing literature on this theme the author came to conclusion that there are not any valuable monographs, only textbooks. The author proposes to begin the study of development in Russia by showing its development in deferent parts of the Empire to see the specificity of every region. On the example of the «Code of institutions and mountain charters of 1893» the author shows the specificity of document's circulation in the Altai Mountain District at the 2nd half of the 19th century.

In this paper the author interpreted the historiographic span of work of Eric Hobsbawm, one of the most famous and most influential contemporary historians. Bearing in mind the extensiveness and complexity of this span of work, the author limited his analysis to two theoretical problems - Hobsbawm's view of the concept of 'social history' and the exploration of the function of 'historical materialism' in the emergence and realisation of this concept. In the author's opinion, Marxism served Hobsbawm as a productive theoretical standpoint in the thematisation of the history of the 'long 19th century', but it prevented him from understanding more fully the 'short 20th century' (The Age of Extremes). The basic reason for this lies in the fact that the 'Soviet experiment' which in essence defined the 20th century cannot be explained from the 'historical-materialistic' perspective. It is precisely in the theoretical deficits of the Marxist theoretical paradigm, and not in Hobsbawm's political bias, that the author identifies the basic cause for the weakness of his interpretation of the epoch of Communism. For this reason, in the final part of the paper the author formulated the thesis on the necessity of formulating a new theoretical framework and conceptual apparatus which would provide us not only with a better understanding of the past, but of the present and the future as well.

This article addresses theories and methods of writing biography with regard to Walter Benjamin's metaphor of »recognizing the image of the past as one's own concern«. The author reflects on »recognizing« herself in the historical image and in the work of Therese Schlesinger. Tracing the biography of the Jewish-Austrian feminist, social democrat and member of parliament, who was forced into exile by the National Socialist takeover in 1938, the author refuses to limit the reading of Schlesinger's biography to a single historicist narrative. Gabriella Hauch argues that we must look for narrative fissures and gaps to make visible the multi-dimensional tangle of cause and effect in biographical research. ; This article addresses theories and methods of writing biography with regard to Walter Benjamin's metaphor of »recognizing the image of the past as one's own concern«. The author reflects on »recognizing« herself in the historical image and in the work of Therese Schlesinger. Tracing the biography of the Jewish-Austrian feminist, social democrat and member of parliament, who was forced into exile by the National Socialist takeover in 1938, the author refuses to limit the reading of Schlesinger's biography to a single historicist narrative. Gabriella Hauch argues that we must look for narrative fissures and gaps to make visible the multi-dimensional tangle of cause and effect in biographical research.

The article reveals that the definition of wages as a form of goods value (labour force) doesnt contradict with the interpretation of labour cost as a production factor. Wages are also characterized as an employees income and a certain part of entrepreneurs costs. The author examines the correlation of wages and national income and their place in the system of economic categories as well. Social and economic nature of wages also determines such functions of wages as reproduction, stimulation, educational and accounting instrument. The author shows the necessity of combination of traditional political economys approach and principal methods of the Economics when studying wages category. ; The article reveals that the definition of wages as a form of goods value (labour force) doesnt contradict with the interpretation of labour cost as a production factor. Wages are also characterized as an employees income and a certain part of entrepreneurs costs. The author examines the correlation of wages and national income and their place in the system of economic categories as well. Social and economic nature of wages also determines such functions of wages as reproduction, stimulation, educational and accounting instrument. The author shows the necessity of combination of traditional political economys approach and principal methods of the Economics when studying wages category.

The author explores the issue of urban coyotes (Canis latrans) and coyote management from a cat owner's perspective, with specific examples from Vancouver, B.C., Canada. Following a personal encounter with two coyotes in July 2005 that led to the death of a cat, the author has delved into the history of Vancouver's "Co-existing with Coyotes", a government-funded program run by a non-profit ecological society. The policy's roots in conservation biology, the environmental movement, and the human dimensions branch of wildlife management are documented. The author contends that "Co-existing with Coyotes" puts people and pets at greater risk of attack by its inadequate response to aggressive coyotes, and by an educational component that misrepresents real dangers and offers unworkable advice. The environmental impact of domestic cats is addressed. The author makes the case that generalized opinions about the negative effects of cats on songbird populations and other wildlife, and assertions that urban coyotes are beneficial, are unsupported by objective experimental data. When environmentalists, who predominantly hold these views, also research, promote, and oversee urban wildlife policy, there is a consequent lack of interest in restricting coyote populations in cities, along with little concern for the fate of outdoor cats and even a desire for their depredation.

The article examines hostile takeovers in the corporate sector of the Russian Federation and in the EU. The author makes a point that the term hostile takeover is improper here as the methods used by some raiders in the Russian Federation tend to be illegal. To analyze the role of takeovers in the development of corporate control markets in Russia the author compares the methods used to implement and control takeovers in the Russian Federation and in the EU. Special emphasis is placed on the corporate legislation reform, in particular, the amendments to the federal law on joint stock companies and the new rules regulating takeovers in the EU according to the 13th EU directive. ; The article examines hostile takeovers in the corporate sector of the Russian Federation and in the EU. The author makes a point that the term hostile takeover is improper here as the methods used by some raiders in the Russian Federation tend to be illegal. To analyze the role of takeovers in the development of corporate control markets in Russia the author compares the methods used to implement and control takeovers in the Russian Federation and in the EU. Special emphasis is placed on the corporate legislation reform, in particular, the amendments to the federal law on joint stock companies and the new rules regulating takeovers in the EU according to the 13th EU directive.

The article investigates the problems of fixing a punishment for under age criminals in Russia at the different stages of its historical development. The author analyses the problems of legal regulation of the criminal responsibility of teenagers in the sources of criminal law of the XV-XX centuries. The publication contains the archive examples from the judicial practice of the Tambov Province of the XVIII-XIX centuries. The archive and up-to-date statistical data about the level of criminality among the teenagers are used in the article. Analyzing the presented data the author makes conclusions and introduces proposals for changing the norms of the in force criminal legislation. ; The article investigates the problems of fixing a punishment for under age criminals in Russia at the different stages of its historical development. The author analyses the problems of legal regulation of the criminal responsibility of teenagers in the sources of criminal law of the XV-XX centuries. The publication contains the archive examples from the judicial practice of the Tambov Province of the XVIII-XIX centuries. The archive and up-to-date statistical data about the level of criminality among the teenagers are used in the article. Analyzing the presented data the author makes conclusions and introduces proposals for changing the norms of the in force criminal legislation.

This article is divided into two parts. The first part describes the cartel party presented by R. Katz and P. Mair and the discussion about the new party type between the two and R. Koole. The second part compares the theoretical descriptions with practical features of Slovak Democratic and Christian Union (SDKÚ) and Slovak political system. While the system author finds cartel supporting and not yet cartelized, SDKÚ is not a cartel party but rather one of the new alike types. Author agrees with the demand of R. Koole on search for a scheme of similar party types rather than one perfect type. ; This article is divided into two parts. The first part describes the cartel party presented by R. Katz and P. Mair and the discussion about the new party type between the two and R. Koole. The second part compares the theoretical descriptions with practical features of Slovak Democratic and Christian Union (SDKÚ) and Slovak political system. While the system author finds cartel supporting and not yet cartelized, SDKÚ is not a cartel party but rather one of the new alike types. Author agrees with the demand of R. Koole on search for a scheme of similar party types rather than one perfect type.