The final paper examines evaluative vocabulary in Lithuanian and Italian book reviews. Male and female speech differences were noticed a long while ago, and genderlect term was first coined by Deborah Tannen (1990). Deborah Cameron (1998) studied male and female conversations, Daniel Maltz and Ruth Borker (1998) explored what determines male and female miscommunication; Robin Lakoff (1975) identified specific gender differences in speech, Fern Johnson together with Elizabeth Aries (1998) analysed how women talk in court, and Lori Labotka (2009) researched even homosexual speech features. Therefore, as can be seen from abundant theoretical and empirical sources, masculine and feminine talking has been widely researched previously and is still explored all around the world. In Lithuanian sources, the topic of genderlect is relatively rare. Attention to masculine and feminine language features was given by Rūta Marcinkevičienė (2001) and Reda Galinskaitė (2007) in their article "Consent strategy in conversations: functions and expression", and "Consent strategy in conversations among young people". There were also other types of articles which explored social factors influencing different genderlects (Abromavičius, Daugirdaitė, Germanavičiūtė 2003). Evaluative language in texts for several decades was explored by numerous foreign researchers (Bednarek, 2006, Bell, 1988; labov, 1991;Thompson and Hunston, 2000, Toolan, 1972, etc.). According to their definitions, evaluation is defined as a certain meaning of words or phrases, by which the author expresses his or her attitude, opinion, position to a particular event, situation, phenomenon or person. Up till now, researchers from all over the world have mainly focused on gender conversation strategies and communication models. In Lithuania, more emphasis was given to psychological and sociological factors, gender position in society and politics, whereas differences in language expression were not widely analysed. Masculine and feminine style of speaking from the evaluation perspective, by comparing reviews written in Lithuanian and Italian, has not been studied. Worth of mentioning is a doctoral thesis by Birutė Ryvitytė "Evaluation in English and Lithuanian Linguistic Book Reviews" (2008), but it researched and compared the expression of evaluation in Lithuanian and English science book reviews. Also worth of mentioning is Bachelor's thesis "Evaluation expression in Lithuanian Book Reviews" (2015) by the same author. However, in the latter work, an attempt is made to move away from semantics and go deeper into the statistics obtained from Lithuanian book reviews, besides, it lacks the comparison aspect. So it is fair to say that the subject of the final paper, Evaluation in Italian and Lithuanian Book Reviews, is a relatively new and little explored area. The main aim of this research is to figure out the differences in masculine and feminine evaluation expressions found in Lithuanian and Italian book reviews. To achieve this, the following tasks are set: to determine what lexical units, in book reviews, are used by Italian men and Italian women, to divide lexemes into positive / negative communication assessment, to investigate which words are used in the literal and which in figurative meaning, and to compare with Lithuanian evaluation vocabulary usage. In order to carry out the study, two corpora of 100 000 words were created, they were analysed using corpus linguistics approach, quantitative and qualitative content analysis and comparative analysis. After the analysis of selected texts, it was concluded that all subjects used quite different evaluative vocabulary. Women, both Lithuanian and Italian, used more evaluative words than men, they used more evaluative words in a figurative sense, their evaluation often was less categorical and straightforward than that by men. The research could benefit stylistic professionals and contribute to further genderlect research.
The final paper examines evaluative vocabulary in Lithuanian and Italian book reviews. Male and female speech differences were noticed a long while ago, and genderlect term was first coined by Deborah Tannen (1990). Deborah Cameron (1998) studied male and female conversations, Daniel Maltz and Ruth Borker (1998) explored what determines male and female miscommunication; Robin Lakoff (1975) identified specific gender differences in speech, Fern Johnson together with Elizabeth Aries (1998) analysed how women talk in court, and Lori Labotka (2009) researched even homosexual speech features. Therefore, as can be seen from abundant theoretical and empirical sources, masculine and feminine talking has been widely researched previously and is still explored all around the world. In Lithuanian sources, the topic of genderlect is relatively rare. Attention to masculine and feminine language features was given by Rūta Marcinkevičienė (2001) and Reda Galinskaitė (2007) in their article "Consent strategy in conversations: functions and expression", and "Consent strategy in conversations among young people". There were also other types of articles which explored social factors influencing different genderlects (Abromavičius, Daugirdaitė, Germanavičiūtė 2003). Evaluative language in texts for several decades was explored by numerous foreign researchers (Bednarek, 2006, Bell, 1988; labov, 1991;Thompson and Hunston, 2000, Toolan, 1972, etc.). According to their definitions, evaluation is defined as a certain meaning of words or phrases, by which the author expresses his or her attitude, opinion, position to a particular event, situation, phenomenon or person. Up till now, researchers from all over the world have mainly focused on gender conversation strategies and communication models. In Lithuania, more emphasis was given to psychological and sociological factors, gender position in society and politics, whereas differences in language expression were not widely analysed. Masculine and feminine style of speaking from the evaluation perspective, by comparing reviews written in Lithuanian and Italian, has not been studied. Worth of mentioning is a doctoral thesis by Birutė Ryvitytė "Evaluation in English and Lithuanian Linguistic Book Reviews" (2008), but it researched and compared the expression of evaluation in Lithuanian and English science book reviews. Also worth of mentioning is Bachelor's thesis "Evaluation expression in Lithuanian Book Reviews" (2015) by the same author. However, in the latter work, an attempt is made to move away from semantics and go deeper into the statistics obtained from Lithuanian book reviews, besides, it lacks the comparison aspect. So it is fair to say that the subject of the final paper, Evaluation in Italian and Lithuanian Book Reviews, is a relatively new and little explored area. The main aim of this research is to figure out the differences in masculine and feminine evaluation expressions found in Lithuanian and Italian book reviews. To achieve this, the following tasks are set: to determine what lexical units, in book reviews, are used by Italian men and Italian women, to divide lexemes into positive / negative communication assessment, to investigate which words are used in the literal and which in figurative meaning, and to compare with Lithuanian evaluation vocabulary usage. In order to carry out the study, two corpora of 100 000 words were created, they were analysed using corpus linguistics approach, quantitative and qualitative content analysis and comparative analysis. After the analysis of selected texts, it was concluded that all subjects used quite different evaluative vocabulary. Women, both Lithuanian and Italian, used more evaluative words than men, they used more evaluative words in a figurative sense, their evaluation often was less categorical and straightforward than that by men. The research could benefit stylistic professionals and contribute to further genderlect research.
The autonomy of the family in the modern world Editorial Ladies and Gentlemen, The current issue of our journal is devoted to the widely recognized issue of the autonomy of the family in the modern world.In every human being's life family plays a special role: it meets the existential needs of its members, introduces children to the world of moral, social, legal rules, shapes the attitudes of its members and teaches them responsibility for their lives and lives of their loved ones.In accordance with Article 18 of the Constitution of 1997 the Republic of Poland guarantees legal protection and care of the family, marriage, motherhood and parenthood. On the one hand the state is obliged to take action that establish the best conditions for the functioning of the family and strengthening marriage and family ties, on the other hand – it is obliged to protect the family from the situations threatening its structure, implementation of its tasks and its functions. In accordance with Article 71 of the Constitution, in all its actions, public authorities should be guided by the principle of best interests of the family. State institutions are obliged to respect the autonomy of the family, the principle of the primacy of parents in the upbringing of children, privacy, family life, honor, good name and the right to make decisions about their personal lives (Articles 47; 48; 53; 70 of the Constitution). The Republic of Poland plays subsidiary role in relation to the tasks entrusted to the family. The state has an obligation to support the family. It may interfere in family competence only if a family is unable to fulfill its functions properly. The same principle applies in many other countries around the world. But there are such states which grant public institutions a broad right to interfere in family life and in which the principle of autonomy of the family seems to be at stake. Thus many question arises: Is family still autonomous in the modern world?Are parents autonomous in upbringing their children?Is private and family life successfully protected from the interference of public institutions or media?In the current issue of 'Horizons of Education' you will find papers - written by foreign and Polish authors, on issues relating to various aspects of the autonomy of the family in the modern world. You will read about the changes of autonomy in the family from the middle, to the modern and across the contemporary times through the conceptions of collective mentalitiés, private space and sociability and governmentality. Then you will learn about how the autonomy of the family forms an obstacle in preventing and identifying assault of children. You will find out how social behaviors generated by the indiscriminate use of the technologies (the mobile phones and the social networks) endanger the communication between the members of the Mexican families. Then you will read on how strategic learning techniques could constitute measures enhancing the visibility of the cognitive process of learning. You will also find out how race can be a salient factor in how people experience, inhabit the world and consequently family. In the end you will learn about arguments against the admissibility of adoption of a child by a homosexual person in the light of the principle of the best interests of the child as it is understood in Polish family law. On behalf of the entire Editorial Board I wish you an enjoyable and beneficial read. Marta Prucnal-Wójcik
The final paper examines evaluative vocabulary in Lithuanian and Italian book reviews. Male and female speech differences were noticed a long while ago, and genderlect term was first coined by Deborah Tannen (1990). Deborah Cameron (1998) studied male and female conversations, Daniel Maltz and Ruth Borker (1998) explored what determines male and female miscommunication; Robin Lakoff (1975) identified specific gender differences in speech, Fern Johnson together with Elizabeth Aries (1998) analysed how women talk in court, and Lori Labotka (2009) researched even homosexual speech features. Therefore, as can be seen from abundant theoretical and empirical sources, masculine and feminine talking has been widely researched previously and is still explored all around the world. In Lithuanian sources, the topic of genderlect is relatively rare. Attention to masculine and feminine language features was given by Rūta Marcinkevičienė (2001) and Reda Galinskaitė (2007) in their article "Consent strategy in conversations: functions and expression", and "Consent strategy in conversations among young people". There were also other types of articles which explored social factors influencing different genderlects (Abromavičius, Daugirdaitė, Germanavičiūtė 2003). Evaluative language in texts for several decades was explored by numerous foreign researchers (Bednarek, 2006, Bell, 1988; labov, 1991;Thompson and Hunston, 2000, Toolan, 1972, etc.). According to their definitions, evaluation is defined as a certain meaning of words or phrases, by which the author expresses his or her attitude, opinion, position to a particular event, situation, phenomenon or person. Up till now, researchers from all over the world have mainly focused on gender conversation strategies and communication models. In Lithuania, more emphasis was given to psychological and sociological factors, gender position in society and politics, whereas differences in language expression were not widely analysed. Masculine and feminine style of speaking from the evaluation perspective, by comparing reviews written in Lithuanian and Italian, has not been studied. Worth of mentioning is a doctoral thesis by Birutė Ryvitytė "Evaluation in English and Lithuanian Linguistic Book Reviews" (2008), but it researched and compared the expression of evaluation in Lithuanian and English science book reviews. Also worth of mentioning is Bachelor's thesis "Evaluation expression in Lithuanian Book Reviews" (2015) by the same author. However, in the latter work, an attempt is made to move away from semantics and go deeper into the statistics obtained from Lithuanian book reviews, besides, it lacks the comparison aspect. So it is fair to say that the subject of the final paper, Evaluation in Italian and Lithuanian Book Reviews, is a relatively new and little explored area. The main aim of this research is to figure out the differences in masculine and feminine evaluation expressions found in Lithuanian and Italian book reviews. To achieve this, the following tasks are set: to determine what lexical units, in book reviews, are used by Italian men and Italian women, to divide lexemes into positive / negative communication assessment, to investigate which words are used in the literal and which in figurative meaning, and to compare with Lithuanian evaluation vocabulary usage. In order to carry out the study, two corpora of 100 000 words were created, they were analysed using corpus linguistics approach, quantitative and qualitative content analysis and comparative analysis. After the analysis of selected texts, it was concluded that all subjects used quite different evaluative vocabulary. Women, both Lithuanian and Italian, used more evaluative words than men, they used more evaluative words in a figurative sense, their evaluation often was less categorical and straightforward than that by men. The research could benefit stylistic professionals and contribute to further genderlect research.
The final paper examines evaluative vocabulary in Lithuanian and Italian book reviews. Male and female speech differences were noticed a long while ago, and genderlect term was first coined by Deborah Tannen (1990). Deborah Cameron (1998) studied male and female conversations, Daniel Maltz and Ruth Borker (1998) explored what determines male and female miscommunication; Robin Lakoff (1975) identified specific gender differences in speech, Fern Johnson together with Elizabeth Aries (1998) analysed how women talk in court, and Lori Labotka (2009) researched even homosexual speech features. Therefore, as can be seen from abundant theoretical and empirical sources, masculine and feminine talking has been widely researched previously and is still explored all around the world. In Lithuanian sources, the topic of genderlect is relatively rare. Attention to masculine and feminine language features was given by Rūta Marcinkevičienė (2001) and Reda Galinskaitė (2007) in their article "Consent strategy in conversations: functions and expression", and "Consent strategy in conversations among young people". There were also other types of articles which explored social factors influencing different genderlects (Abromavičius, Daugirdaitė, Germanavičiūtė 2003). Evaluative language in texts for several decades was explored by numerous foreign researchers (Bednarek, 2006, Bell, 1988; labov, 1991;Thompson and Hunston, 2000, Toolan, 1972, etc.). According to their definitions, evaluation is defined as a certain meaning of words or phrases, by which the author expresses his or her attitude, opinion, position to a particular event, situation, phenomenon or person. Up till now, researchers from all over the world have mainly focused on gender conversation strategies and communication models. In Lithuania, more emphasis was given to psychological and sociological factors, gender position in society and politics, whereas differences in language expression were not widely analysed. Masculine and feminine style of speaking from the evaluation perspective, by comparing reviews written in Lithuanian and Italian, has not been studied. Worth of mentioning is a doctoral thesis by Birutė Ryvitytė "Evaluation in English and Lithuanian Linguistic Book Reviews" (2008), but it researched and compared the expression of evaluation in Lithuanian and English science book reviews. Also worth of mentioning is Bachelor's thesis "Evaluation expression in Lithuanian Book Reviews" (2015) by the same author. However, in the latter work, an attempt is made to move away from semantics and go deeper into the statistics obtained from Lithuanian book reviews, besides, it lacks the comparison aspect. So it is fair to say that the subject of the final paper, Evaluation in Italian and Lithuanian Book Reviews, is a relatively new and little explored area. The main aim of this research is to figure out the differences in masculine and feminine evaluation expressions found in Lithuanian and Italian book reviews. To achieve this, the following tasks are set: to determine what lexical units, in book reviews, are used by Italian men and Italian women, to divide lexemes into positive / negative communication assessment, to investigate which words are used in the literal and which in figurative meaning, and to compare with Lithuanian evaluation vocabulary usage. In order to carry out the study, two corpora of 100 000 words were created, they were analysed using corpus linguistics approach, quantitative and qualitative content analysis and comparative analysis. After the analysis of selected texts, it was concluded that all subjects used quite different evaluative vocabulary. Women, both Lithuanian and Italian, used more evaluative words than men, they used more evaluative words in a figurative sense, their evaluation often was less categorical and straightforward than that by men. The research could benefit stylistic professionals and contribute to further genderlect research.
В настоящем тексте предпринята попытка ознакомить практикующего психолога с историческим, культурным и социальным подходами к рассмотрению сексуальности от появления сексологии как отдельного направления в медицине конца XIX в. до 1980-х гг. Замысел статьи связан с ограниченной применимостью в практике психолога доминирующих дискурсов сексуальности в силу их узости и скудности и необходимостью более широкого понимания предмета, позволяющего выйти за пределы редукционизма и эссенциализма, присущих этим дискурсам. В тексте приводятся основные идеи из ключевых работ, посвященных критическому исследованию феномена сексуальности; для ведения полемики используются «История сексуальности» философа Мишеля Фуко, «Тело и сексуальность» историка Джеффри Уикса и «Размышляя о сексе: заметки о радикальной теории сексуальных политик» антрополога Гейл Рубин, на пересечении взглядов которых появляется понимание сексуальности как исторического, социального и культурного конструкта. Отдельно анализируется произошедший в рамках сексологии сдвиг фокуса внимания с сексуальных практик на личность практикующего и необходимость появления в связи с этим сдвигом фигур «гомосексуала» и «гетеросексуала». По результатам обзора изменений, которые претерпевало понятие сексуальности в социологии, культурологии и антропологии в течение последних полутора веков, автор делает вывод о том, что на каждом этапе своего развития общество выстраивает специфическое отношение к сексуальности в зависимости от текущих задач политики, сложившейся общественной иерархии и отношений власти. На уровне практики это подразумевает необходимость для консультирующего психолога быть готовым критически дистанцироваться от социальных представлений о сексуальности и анализировать влияние этих представлений на процессы формирования и становления конкретной личности, в частности собственной, для того, чтобы не воспроизводить их во время своей работы. ; The present text is an attempt to introduce the practitioner psychologist to historical, cultural and social approaches to sexuality from the emergence of sexology as a distinct school of medicine in the end of the XIX century till the 80ies of the XX century. The message of this article is induced by the limited applicability in psychological practice of the dominant discourses of sexuality in virtue of their parochialism and poverty, and the necessity of a more broad understanding of the subject that will allow to step out reductionism and essentialism, which are inherent in those discourses. The article cites the main ideas of the key works, dedicated to critical studies of the sexuality phenomenon: History of Sexuality by the philosopher Michel Foucault, Body and Sexuality by the historian Jeffrey Weeks and Thinking Sex: Notes for a Radical Theory of the Politics of Sexuality by the anthropologist Gayle Rubin are used for polemics; at the intersection of their views appears the understanding of sexuality as a historical, social and cultural construct. Aside is analyzed the shift in the framework of sexology of the focus of attention from sexual practices to personality of the practicing person, and the necessity of the appearance of the figures of "homosexual" and "heterosexual" due to this shift. In accordance with the review of the changes of the notion of sexuality in sociology, culturology and anthropology during the last one and a half centuries, the author comes to the conclusion that on each stage of its development the society builds a specific attitude towards sexuality, depending on current tasks of politics, established societal hierarchy and relations of authority. On the level of practice it implies the necessity for a counseling psychologist to be ready to critically distance him/ herself from social notions of sexuality and to analyze influence of these notions on the processes of formation and development of a particular personality, including his/her own, in order not to replicate them in the process of his/her work.
Актуальность поднятой в настоящей статье темы сложно переоценить. Вопросы установления, особенно на фоне сегодняшней социополитической ситуации в мире, оставляют исследователям огромное пространство для размышлений и научных изысканий ввиду своей сложности и комплексности. Вопросы, которыми задается автор, можно условно разделить на две группы: нормативные и нравственные. Осветив основные положения современной российской системы усыновления, тяготеющей к заключению двусторонних договоров об усыновлении, автор акцентирует проблемы применения права к процедуре трансграничного усыновления, а также признания принимающим государством решений об усыновлении, внесенных государством происхождения. Отметим, что автор не ограничивается описанием нормативно-правовой процедуры трансграничного усыновления, но сопровождает свои размышления широким анализом юридических прецедентов. Затрагивая проблему нравственности, неотъемлемо связанную с вопросами усыновления в целом, а в особенности с вопросами трансграничного усыновления, подразумевающего неминуемый конфликт как правовых систем страны происхождения и принимающего государства, так и их культуры, автор, опираясь на актуальный материал, полемизирует на широко дискутируемую в наши дни тему усыновления ребенка гомосексуальными парами. Другим вопросом нравственного характера, затронутым в настоящей статье, является вопрос разрыва ребенка с братьями и сестрами при усыновлении. Принимая во внимание деликатность проблемы, автор прибегает к анализу частных прецедентов для наглядной иллюстрации необходимости индивидуального подхода к каждому случаю усыновления. Отметим, что, помимо насыщенной ретроспективы российского опыта передачи детей на усыновление, в статье описаны современные политические тенденции. Автор проводит анализ ратифицированных двусторонних соглашений, давая им многогранную критическую оценку. В своих рассуждениях автор не игнорирует очевидные проблемы современной российской системы усыновления. Глубоко рассматривая вопрос «избыточной» медицинской диагностики, автор подвергает широкой критике заключения медицинских экспертиз, подробно останавливаясь на случаях очевидных врачебных ошибок, препятствующих процедуре усыновления, зачастую, во вред ребенку. ; The topicality of this article can hardly be overestimated. Within the framework of the current global social and political situation the child adoption issues provide the researchers with the vast territory for their studies and scientific research due to their complex character. The problems addressed by the author may be divided into two groups: legal and moral issues. Having discussed the main elements of the Russian child adoption system, which tends to favor bilateral child adoption treaties, the author points out the problems in the sphere of application of law to the procedure of trans-border adoption, as well as in the sphere of recognition of the decision on adoption by the state of origin by the accepting state. It should be noted that the author does not limit her studies to the description of the normative legal procedure for the trans-border child adoption, but she also provides analysis of a number of legal precedents. Discussing the morality issues, which are inalienably linked to the issues of adoption in general, and to the issues of trans-border adoption in particular, presupposing the conflict between the legal systems of state of origin and accepting state and their cultures, the author based upon the topical materials discusses the popular issue of adoption of children by homosexual couples. The other moral issue, which is discussed in this article, is the issue of separating a child from his or her siblings in the course of adoption. Taking into the account the delicate character of the problem, the author discusses specific precedents in order to illustrate the need to have an individual approach to every adoption case. It should be noted that in addition to a varied retrospective of the Russian experience in the sphere of adoption of children, the author also describes the modern political tendencies. The author provides analysis and critical evaluation of the ratified bilateral treaties. The author also pays attention to the obvious problems in the modern Russian adoption system, paying attention to the matters of «excessive» medical diagnostics, the author criticizes the medical expertise reports, paying attention to the obvious medical mistakes, preventing the adoption and disadvantaging a child.
Purpose of the studyThe prevalence of neurocognitive impairment (NCI) in people living with HIV has previously been reported between 20–50%, with prevalence rates of depression reported between 12–71%. The primary objective of the CRANIum study was to describe the prevalence of a positive screen for NCI and depression/anxiety in an HIV‐1‐infected adult population, comparing ARV‐naïve and ‐experienced patients. Here we present an ethnicity analysis of the CRANIum data.MethodsThe study was an epidemiologic, cross‐sectional study that included HIV‐1‐infected patients >18 years old attending a routine clinic visit. One‐third of patients were ART‐naïve, one‐third on a PI/r‐ and one‐third on a NNRTI‐based regimen. The Brief Neurocognitive Screen (BNCS) was used to screen for NCI. It consists of the Digit Symbol and Trailmaking A and B tests. A standard deviation of >1 on 2 tests or >2 on 1 test was considered a positive screen for NCI. The Hospital Anxiety and Depression Scale (HADS) was used to screen for anxiety (HADS‐A) and depression (HADS‐D). HADS is self‐administered and consists of 14 items (7 HADS‐A, 7 HADS‐D) scored between 0 to 3. A score of ≥8 was considered as a positive screen for either condition.Summary of results2859 evaluable patients were included from 15 countries. Baseline characteristics are shown in table 1 (*p < 0.05 as compared with Caucasian group). Overall, 41.4% of patients had a positive screen for NCI, 33.3% for anxiety and 15.7% for depression. Results by ethnicity are shown in figure 1.
All subjects Caucasian Black Hispanic Oriental/Asian Other
Number of subjects (%) 2859 2254 (78.8) 387 (13.5) 127 (4.4) 50 (1.7) 41 (1.4)
Age ‐ mean, years 42.95 43.80 39.79* 38.56* 40.57* 42.96
imageConclusionsIn this large epidemiologic study, the overall prevalence of a positive screen for NCI was high. In particular, the rate in black patients was nearly double that of the overall study population. This finding needs to be interpreted in light of differences in demographics and disease characteristics between ethnic groups. The overall prevalence of a positive screen for depression in HIV‐infected patients was nearly double what has previously been reported in the non‐HIV‐infected population in Europe when utilizing a similar screening tool, with no significant differences between identified ethnic groups. These results support a strategy of regular screening for, and clinical management of NCI, depression, and anxiety in all HIV‐infected patients, with specific focus on NCI in the black population.
1. Introducing the Palgrave Handbook of Masculinity and Sport; Rory Magrath, Jamie Cleland and Eric Anderson -- Part I: The Foundations of Masculinity and Sport.-2. Theories of men and masculinity, and their ability to account for positive change; Brittany Ralph and Steven Roberts -- 3. Arousing cheer: Exhibitionism in men's sports from Weimar to the present; Erik Jensen -- 4. 'Land of my fathers': Reflections on the evolution of a modern sports club; Campbell Williams -- 5. Sexual abuse and masculine cultures: Reflections on the British football scandal of 2016; Kevin Dixon -- Part II: Sport's Use in Making and Stratifying Men -- 6. 'It used to be brutal, now it's an art': Changing negotiations of violence and masculinity in British karate; Chloe Maclean -- 7. Figurational sociology and masculine embodiment in male physical education; Mark Mierzwinski and Philippa Velija -- 8. From powerhouses to pixies and back: boys, men, and troubled masculinity in artistic gymnastics; Aaron Gurlly -- 9. "I probably shouldn't say this, should I…but…": Mischievous masculinities as a way for men to convey reflexivity and make choices in sporting sites; Kitty Nichols -- 10. The positive impact of trans inclusion in team Sports: Men's roller derby; Dawn Fletcher -- 11. I have no idea what my body is now capable of, or should I say 'not capable of': The ageing male body in sport: To midlife and beyondMurray Drummond -- Part III: Sport, Masculinity, and the Media -- 12. "Man's game:" Media, masculinity, and early Canadian hockey; Taylor McKee and Brittany Reid -- 13. Commodification and heroic masculinity: Interrogating race and the NFL quarterback in Super Bowl commercials; Lawrence A. Wenner -- 14. "I Hate Christian Laettner" and the persistence of hegemonic masculinity and heteronormativity in sporting cultures; Nathan Kalman-Lamb -- 15. Dance diversity on YouTube: How participatory culture encourages inclusive masculinities; Craig Owen and Sarah Riley -- 16. Making American white men great again: Tom Brady, Donald Trump, and the allure of white male omnipotence in post-Obama America; Kyle Kusz -- Part IV: The Relationship Between Masculinity and Sexuality -- 17. The man on the horse: Masculinity and sexuality in British horse racing; David Letts -- 18. Masculinity and inclusive rugby in the UK; Ken Muir, Keith Parry and Eric Anderson -- 19. Association football, masculinity, and sexuality: An evolving relationship; Jamie Cleland and Rory Magrath -- 20. "They were constantly harassing us and a lot of it was to do with our sexuality": Masculinities, heteronormativity and homophobia in university-based sport; Catherine Phipps -- 21. From stoicism to bromance: millennial men's friendships Ryan Scoats and Stefan Robinson -- 22. Inclusive masculinities in American high school athletics: An ethnography; Luis Emilio Morales; Part V: International Sporting Masculinities -- 23. Developing sport in a developing nation: Gendered challenges and considerations; Kerry Wardell -- 24. Boys in rhythmic gymnastics: Gymnasts', parents' and coaches' perspectives from Southern Spain; Joaquin Piedra, Daniel Gallardo and George Jennings -- 25. Exploring the attitudes towards homosexuality of a semi-professional Swedish football team with an openly gay teammate; Connor Humphries, Lindsey Gaston, Rory Magrath and Adam White -- 26. Sport and masculinities in Sweden: Performance and the notion of gender equality; Håkan Larsson and Jesper Andreasson -- 27. Sport, masculinities and disabilities in Zimbabwe; Tafadzwa Rugoho -- 28. Turkish oil wrestling and the Western gaze: Hegemonic heteronormativity, Islamic body culture, and folk wrestling masculinities; Thomas Fabian -- 29. The reproduction of hegemonic masculinity in football fandom. An analysis of the performance of Polish ultras; Radosław Kossakowski, Dominik Antonowicz and Honorata Jakubowska -- 30. Is soccer just for machos?: The construction of masculinity in contemporary Peruvian kick-lit" stories and "kick-flicks"; Jesús Hidalgo Campos
Zugriffsoptionen:
Die folgenden Links führen aus den jeweiligen lokalen Bibliotheken zum Volltext:
Introduction: Ambassador -- Terminology: -- What terms are most appropriate for talking about North America's first people? -- What terms are not appropriate for talking about North American's first people? -- What terms are most appropriate for talking about each tribe? -- How do I know how to spell all these complicated terms? -- What term is most appropriate-nation, band, tribe, or reservation? -- What does the word powwow mean? -- How can I find out the meaning of the place names around me that come from indigenous languages? -- History: -- How many Indians were in North and South America before contact? -- When did Indians really get to North America? -- Why does it matter when Indians got here? -- What do Indians say about their origins? -- Who else made it here before Columbus? -- Did Native Americans scalp? -- Did Indians practice polygamy?-do they now? -- What are native views about homosexuality? -- How was gender configured in native communities? -- Do indigenous people in Canada get treated more fairly by their government than those in the United States? -- What is the real story of Columbus? -- Why does getting the Columbus story right matter? -- What is the real story of Thanksgiving? -- What is the real story of Pocahontas? -- When did the US government stop making treaties with Indians and why? -- Why do some people use the word genocide in discussing the treatment of Indians? -- Religion, Culture & Identity: -- Why do Indians have long hair? -- Do Indians live in teepees? -- What is fasting and why do Indians do it? -- What are clans and do all Indians have them? -- Where are the real Indians? -- What does traditional mean? -- Aren't all Indians traditional? -- Why is it called a "traditional Indian fry bread taco"? -- What is Indian time? -- What are Indian cars? -- I thought that Indians have a strong sense of ecological stewardship, so why do I also see a lot of trash in some yards? -- Do Indians have a stronger sense of community than non-Indians? -- What is Indian religion? -- Why do Indians use tobacco for ceremonies? -- It seems like Indians have a deeper spiritual connection than in many religious traditions. Is that true? -- What are some of the customs around pregnancy and childbirth? -- What are naming ceremonies? -- Can a nonnative person get an Indian name? -- What are coming-of-age ceremonies? -- How come everyone's laughing at a traditional Indian funeral? -- Do they charge for participation in native ceremonies? -- What is a sweat lodge? -- Do Indians still get persecuted for their religious beliefs? -- Powwow: -- What is a powwow? -- What do the different styles of dance mean? -- Why are "49" songs sung in English? -- How come they have a prize purse at powwows? -- Can white people dance at powwows? -- Do women sing at powwows? -- What is the protocol for gifts at powwows? -- Tribal Languages: -- How many tribal languages are spoken in North America? -- Which ones have a chance to be here a hundred years from now? -- Why are fluency rates higher in Canada? -- It seems like tribal languages won't give native people a leg up in the modern world-why are tribal languages important to Indians? -- Why should tribal languages be important to everyone else? -- What are the challenges to successfully revitalizing tribal languages? -- When were tribal languages first written down? -- Many tribal languages were never written-why do they write them now? -- Why is it funnier in Indian? -- How do tribal languages encapsulate a different world view?
Frontmatter -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- I Indigenous Society and Conquest -- Christopher Columbus ''Discovers'' Cuba -- The Devastation of the Indies -- Spanish Officials and Indigenous Resistance. Various Spanish Officials -- A World Destroyed -- ''Transculturation'' and Cuba -- Survival Stories -- II Sugar, Slavery, and Colonialism -- A Physician's Notes on Cuba -- The Death of the Forest -- Autobiography of a Slave -- Biography of a Runaway Slave -- Fleeing Slavery -- Santiago de Cuba's Fugitive Slaves -- Rumba -- The Trade in Chinese Laborers -- Life on a Coffee Plantation -- Cuba's First Railroad -- The Color Line -- Abolition! -- Cecilia Valdés -- Sab -- An Afro-Cuban Poet -- III The Struggle for Independence -- Freedom and Slavery -- Memories of a Cuban Girl -- José Martí's ''Our America'' -- Guantanamera -- The Explosion of the Maine. New York Journal -- U.S. Cartoonists Portray Cuba -- The Devastation of Counterinsurgency. Fifty-fifth Congress, Second Session -- IV Neocolonialism -- The Platt Amendment -- Imperialism and Sanitation -- A Child of the Platt Amendment -- Spain in Cuba -- The Independent Party of Color. El Partido Independiente de Color -- A Survivor -- Rachel's Song -- Honest Women -- Generals and Doctors -- A Crucial Decade -- Afrocubanismo and Son -- Drums in My Eyes -- Abakuá -- The First Wave of Cuban Feminism -- Life at the Mill -- Migrant Workers in the Sugar Industry -- The Cuban Counterpoint -- The Invasion of the Tourists -- Waiting Tables in Havana -- The Brothel of the Caribbean -- A Prostitute Remembers -- Sugarcane -- Where Is Cuba Headed? -- The Chase -- The Fall of Machado -- Sugar Mills and Soviets -- The United States Confronts the 1933 Revolution -- The Political Gangster -- The United Fruit Company in Cuba -- Cuba's Largest Inheritance. Bohemia -- The Last Call -- For Us, It Is Always the 26th of July -- Three Comandantes Talk It Over -- History Will Absolve Me -- Reminiscences of the Cuban Revolutionary War -- The United States Rules Cuba, 1952–1958 -- The Cuban Story in the New York Times -- V Building a New Society -- And Then Fidel Arrived -- Tornado -- Castro Announces the Revolution -- How the Poor Got More -- Fish à la Grande Jardinière -- Women in the Swamps -- Man and Socialism -- In the Fist of the Revolution -- The Agrarian Revolution -- 1961: The Year of Education -- The Literacy Campaign -- The ''Rehabilitation'' of Prostitutes -- The Family Code -- Homosexuality, Creativity, Dissidence -- The Original Sin -- Where the Island Sleeps Like a Wing -- Silence on Black Cuba -- Black Man in Red Cuba -- Post-modern Maroon in the Ultimate Palenque -- From Utopianism to Institutionalization -- Carlos Puebla Sings about the Economy -- VI Culture and Revolution -- Caliban -- For an Imperfect Cinema -- Dance and Social Change -- Revolutionary Sport -- Mea Cuba -- In Hard Times -- The Virgin of Charity of Cobre, Cuba's Patron Saint -- A Conversation on Santería and Palo Monte -- The Catholic Church and the Revolution -- Havana's Jewish Community -- VII The Cuban Revolution and the World -- The Venceremos Brigades -- The Cuban Revolution and the New Left -- The U.S. Government Responds to Revolution. Foreign Relations of the United States -- Castro Calls on Cubans to Resist the Counterrevolution -- Operation Mongoose -- Offensive Missiles on That Imprisoned Island -- Inconsolable Memories: A Cuban View of the Missile Crisis -- The Assassination Plots Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities -- Cuban Refugee Children -- From Welcomed Exiles to Illegal Immigrants -- Wrong Channel -- We Came All the Way from Cuba So You Could Dress Like This? -- City on the Edge -- Singing for Nicaragua -- Cuban Medical Diplomacy -- VIII The ''Período Especial'' and the Future of the Revolution -- Silvio Rodríguez Sings of the Special Period -- From Communist Solidarity to Communist Solitary -- The Revolution Turns Forty -- Colonizing the Cuban Body -- Pope John Paul II Speaks in Cuba -- Emigration in the Special Period -- The Old Man and the Boy -- Civil Society -- Forty Years Later -- A Dissident Speaks Out -- One More Assassination Plot -- An Errand in Havana -- No Turning Back for Johnny -- Suggestions for Further Reading -- Acknowledgment of Copyrights -- Index
Zugriffsoptionen:
Die folgenden Links führen aus den jeweiligen lokalen Bibliotheken zum Volltext:
Purpose of the studyObservational studies have noted very high rates of low serum 25‐hydroxyvitamin D [25(OH)D3] levels in both general and HIV‐infected populations. In HIV‐infected patients, low 25(OH)D3 levels are secondary to a combination of usual risk factors and HIV‐specific risk factors, like antiretroviral therapy [1]. The objective of our study is to analyse the magnitude of vitamin D deficiency or insufficiency and the role of various factors such as age, sex, ethnicity, season, and antiretroviral medications in our cohort of HIV‐infected patients.MethodsWe prospectively collected data on 25‐hydroxyvitamin D levels sampled between January 2009 and June 2011 from our cohort of 930 HIV‐infected patients. Vitamin D dosage was performed using immunoassay ('Diasorin' ‐ Saluggia, Italy). We divided vitamin D levels into 3 categories: 25‐hydroxyvitamin D levels <20 mg/nl were considered deficient, insufficient between 20 and 29 ng/ml. Levels ≥30 ng/ml were defined as normal [2]. Data on demographic features (age, ethnicity, season, heterosexuality vs homosexuality), clinical features and laboratory findings (CD4 cell count, viral load, HAART, BMI) were collected from patients' medical records using our institutional database 'Medical explorer v3r9, 2009'.Summary of resultsOverall, 848 patients were included in our study (Table 1).
Low levels of serum 25(OH)D3 were seen in 89.3% of the study population, from which 69.5% were deficient and 19.8% were insufficient. On univariate analysis, female sex, high BMI, black African, heterosexuality, undetectable viral load and antiretroviral treatment were all predictors of vitamin D deficiency and insufficiency. Treatment with efavirenz and tenofovir were the most associated with low vitamin D levels. On multivariate analysis (multiple linear regression model) only female sex (OR=1.14; 95% CI 0.84–0.96; p<0.001), dosage during winter months (OR=1.14; 95% CI 1–1.15; p<0.05) and HAART (OR=1.12; 95% CI 1.04–1.19; p=0.002) were identified as independent risk factors of low 25(OH)D3 levels.ConclusionVitamin D deficiency is frequent in HIV‐infected populations (69.5%). Patients on antiretroviral therapy are at higher risk of vitamin D deficiency. In our cohort, black women and dosage during winter were also independent risk factors for low vitamin D levels.
Eine dauerhafte Verfügbarkeit ist nicht garantiert und liegt vollumfänglich in den Händen der Herausgeber:innen. Bitte erstellen Sie sich selbständig eine Kopie falls Sie diese Quelle zitieren möchten.
In 2023, in addition to waging a brutal war against Ukraine, the Russian government continued to deploy so-called "traditional values" against the rights of women and LGBTQ+ citizens. Vladimir Putin also resumed his end-of-the-year press conference and the televised Direct Line call-in show, both of which he had skipped in 2022. With his orchestrated reelection looming in March, Putin held a four-hour marathon event combining the conference and the Direct Line on December 14. Our recent research has shown the importance of unpacking gender and LGBTQ+ issues in the Russian political context. Below, we analyze the Russian ideology of "traditional values" in the service of the war and look at what Putin said and did not say at the press conference/Direct Line to understand the implications of his statements on women's rights and his silences on LGBTQ+ people's rights in Russia. Tool of Repression Turned into War Fuel Since Vladimir Putin's return to the presidency in 2012, the notion of "traditional values" has been featured front and center in the regime's crackdown on the opposition and civil dissent.In the years leading up to the full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Putin's rhetoric became increasingly homo-and transphobic, with repressive consequences. In 2021, Putin claimed that teaching children about gender fluidity was akin to a crime against humanity, and in 2022, he justified the full-scale invasion as resistance to the West's attempts to "destroy [Russia's] traditional values," alleging that Russians who cared about "so-called gender freedoms" and opposed the war were, in essence, traitors. Shortly after the widely unpopular "partial" military mobilization in the fall of 2022, Putin signed a decree that formalized the "protection of traditional values" as a state policy. Two weeks later, the Duma extended the "gay propaganda" ban to the entire public sphere, outlawing all forms of positive LGBTQ+ representation in the media, film, literature, and art. Viacheslav Volodin, the Duma chairman, celebrated the extended law as a triumph of Russia's traditional values and as a way to protect Russian children from "the darkness spread by the United States and European countries."Not stopping at that, last summer the Duma passed a law banning gender transition and depriving all transgender and gender-nonconforming Russians of legal recognition and vital health care.Then in November, at the request of the Ministry of Justice, the Russian Supreme Court ruled something they called the "international LGBT movement" to be an extremist organization. With no clarity on what they meant—there is no singular or identifiable "international LGBT movement" in Russia or globally—the designation will likely make it possible to prosecute all forms of LGBTQ+ advocacy in Russia and further threatens individual queer people. Indeed, in the aftermath of the court's decision there was a flurry of police raids of gay clubs across Russia, while several LGBTQ+ advocacy groups shut down their operations, leaving the remaining activists to deal with a flood of requests from the LGBTQ+ community for help with emigration.Surprisingly, Putin said nothing about this repression or LGBTQ+ issues at the 2023 press conference/Direct Line combo. His silence reflects the latest phase of Russian state-sponsored homo- and transphobia that builds on the long-standing Soviet legacy of homosexual erasureand criminalization. Throughout most of Soviet history, the penal code outlawed sexual relations between men, while female homosexuality was condemned as a mental illness. The very notion of nonheterosexual desire was erased from the public sphere, condemning LGBTQ+ individuals to a life of silence and hiding. Russia decriminalized same-sex relations after the Soviet collapse, but homophobia remained widespread, making any progress in LGBTQ+ advocacy and acceptance of queer lives slow. The Kremlin eventually capitalized on this lack of progress when it introduced "gay propaganda" laws, which painted LGBTQ+ Russians as a threat to traditional values. The scapegoating effects of banning "gay propaganda" increased violence and discrimination against LGBTQ+ people, pushing many back into the closet or out of the country. With the Supreme Court's labeling of LGBTQ+ activism as extremist coming into effect on January 10, more and more queer and trans Russians will likely turn to these survival tactics. Mixed Rhetoric on Abortion In contrast, Putin made several comments on women's rights in response to a question about his position on banning abortion. Putin's answer was the very definition of mixed messaging. He insisted that "women's rights and freedoms must be observed." But he also mentioned the state's interest in population growth and thus its preference that pregnant women "decide to keep their baby," proposing that a large part of the solution to increasing the number of births was to appeal to the Russian "traditional value" of having a large family. Finally, Putin spoke about the need to address practical matters that affect the birth rate, such as the level of support provided to families with children and the conditions of hospitals where women give birth. Putin's conflicting yet relatively measured language regarding abortion reflects another Soviet legacy. The Soviet model of women's emancipation recognized women's rights to education and paid work, while also ensuring abortion access. While post-Stalinist Soviet family planning was never explicitly feminist in its reasoning, abortion on demand was its cornerstone. Putin's rhetorical dance between the polar opposites of women's rights and traditional values also resembles the messiness of the Soviet approach to abortion, which, as Mie Nakachi writes, combined state pro-natalism with a recognition of women's right to control their own fertility.At the same time, several Russian regions have introduced bans on "encouraging" women to have abortions and have put pressure on private health clinics to stop providing pregnancy termination services. In addition, in October, the Ministry of Health announced plans to tighten the distribution of mifepristone and misoprostol, medications used in terminating early pregnancies. Currently the Duma is considering a federal ban on abortions in private clinics, which provide around 20 percent of these procedures.The Future of Women's and LGBTQ+ Rights in Russia For the better part of Putin's decades in power, mass audience events like the end-of-the-year press conference or the Direct Line have served as important forums in which the president both explains his regime to broad audiences and maintains the appearance of an ongoing "dialogue" between himself and ordinary Russians. Judging by Putin's silences on LGBTQ+ issues and his statements regarding abortion, we suspect that the Kremlin will continue the wholesale erasure of queer citizens' rights but may not be as straightforward regarding restrictions on women's rights. But Russia's LGBTQ+ and women citizens are resisting.Pushing LGBTQ+ Russians out of the country may lead to further mobilization of Russian queer diasporas abroad, and to new forms of transnational political activism. Both processes have already been happening for at least a decade, since Russia first adopted homophobia as a state policy. At the same time, with international borders closing and growing economic instability at home, emigration would be difficult if not impossible for most LGBTQ+ Russians. One of the goals for the transnational and migrant activist community should be finding new, possibly covert ways to support those unable to leave. On Russian women's rights, one important space to watch is the mounting resistance movement by women relatives of mobilized soldiers. In recent months, they have been rallying to bring their husbands and sons back from the front lines. So far, despite the harsh criticisms of the mobilization, the war, and of Putin himself voiced on these women's social media, the authorities have been reluctant to attack them openly as they have done to other antiwar activists, such as Russia's Feminist Antiwar Resistance—perhaps precisely because as soldiers' wives and mothers they remain legitimate in the eyes of society. At the same time, with Putin increasingly siding with ultraconservatives since the beginning of the full-scale invasion, and with Russia continuing to experience a population decrease as a result of the loss of human life in the war and emigration, it seems likely that the pressure on women to have more children, with or without further restrictions on their reproductive rights, will only get stronger. Meanwhile, as "traditional values" are used in Russia to justify the ongoing brutalization of Ukraine, millions of Ukrainian women are being affected by Russia's war, including those whose reproductive rights were eradicated by sexualized violence, trauma to their health, displacement to Poland, where abortion is illegal, and damage to Ukraine's health care infrastructure. Putin's praise during the December press conference/Direct Line of his cousin, Anna Tsivilyova, the head of the Defenders of the Fatherland Foundation, suggests that the regime's militarized traditional values paradigm will continue, perhaps even beyond the bounds of Putin's presidential term. The opinions expressed in this article are those solely of the author and do not reflect the views of the Kennan Institute.
Eine dauerhafte Verfügbarkeit ist nicht garantiert und liegt vollumfänglich in den Händen der Herausgeber:innen. Bitte erstellen Sie sich selbständig eine Kopie falls Sie diese Quelle zitieren möchten.
In 2023, in addition to waging a brutal war against Ukraine, the Russian government continued to deploy so-called "traditional values" against the rights of women and LGBTQ+ citizens. Vladimir Putin also resumed his end-of-the-year press conference and the televised Direct Line call-in show, both of which he had skipped in 2022. With his orchestrated reelection looming in March, Putin held a four-hour marathon event combining the conference and the Direct Line on December 14. Our recent research has shown the importance of unpacking gender and LGBTQ+ issues in the Russian political context. Below, we analyze the Russian ideology of "traditional values" in the service of the war and look at what Putin said and did not say at the press conference/Direct Line to understand the implications of his statements on women's rights and his silences on LGBTQ+ people's rights in Russia. Tool of Repression Turned into War Fuel Since Vladimir Putin's return to the presidency in 2012, the notion of "traditional values" has been featured front and center in the regime's crackdown on the opposition and civil dissent.In the years leading up to the full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Putin's rhetoric became increasingly homo-and transphobic, with repressive consequences. In 2021, Putin claimed that teaching children about gender fluidity was akin to a crime against humanity, and in 2022, he justified the full-scale invasion as resistance to the West's attempts to "destroy [Russia's] traditional values," alleging that Russians who cared about "so-called gender freedoms" and opposed the war were, in essence, traitors. Shortly after the widely unpopular "partial" military mobilization in the fall of 2022, Putin signed a decree that formalized the "protection of traditional values" as a state policy. Two weeks later, the Duma extended the "gay propaganda" ban to the entire public sphere, outlawing all forms of positive LGBTQ+ representation in the media, film, literature, and art. Viacheslav Volodin, the Duma chairman, celebrated the extended law as a triumph of Russia's traditional values and as a way to protect Russian children from "the darkness spread by the United States and European countries."Not stopping at that, last summer the Duma passed a law banning gender transition and depriving all transgender and gender-nonconforming Russians of legal recognition and vital health care.Then in November, at the request of the Ministry of Justice, the Russian Supreme Court ruled something they called the "international LGBT movement" to be an extremist organization. With no clarity on what they meant—there is no singular or identifiable "international LGBT movement" in Russia or globally—the designation will likely make it possible to prosecute all forms of LGBTQ+ advocacy in Russia and further threatens individual queer people. Indeed, in the aftermath of the court's decision there was a flurry of police raids of gay clubs across Russia, while several LGBTQ+ advocacy groups shut down their operations, leaving the remaining activists to deal with a flood of requests from the LGBTQ+ community for help with emigration.Surprisingly, Putin said nothing about this repression or LGBTQ+ issues at the 2023 press conference/Direct Line combo. His silence reflects the latest phase of Russian state-sponsored homo- and transphobia that builds on the long-standing Soviet legacy of homosexual erasureand criminalization. Throughout most of Soviet history, the penal code outlawed sexual relations between men, while female homosexuality was condemned as a mental illness. The very notion of nonheterosexual desire was erased from the public sphere, condemning LGBTQ+ individuals to a life of silence and hiding. Russia decriminalized same-sex relations after the Soviet collapse, but homophobia remained widespread, making any progress in LGBTQ+ advocacy and acceptance of queer lives slow. The Kremlin eventually capitalized on this lack of progress when it introduced "gay propaganda" laws, which painted LGBTQ+ Russians as a threat to traditional values. The scapegoating effects of banning "gay propaganda" increased violence and discrimination against LGBTQ+ people, pushing many back into the closet or out of the country. With the Supreme Court's labeling of LGBTQ+ activism as extremist coming into effect on January 10, more and more queer and trans Russians will likely turn to these survival tactics. Mixed Rhetoric on Abortion In contrast, Putin made several comments on women's rights in response to a question about his position on banning abortion. Putin's answer was the very definition of mixed messaging. He insisted that "women's rights and freedoms must be observed." But he also mentioned the state's interest in population growth and thus its preference that pregnant women "decide to keep their baby," proposing that a large part of the solution to increasing the number of births was to appeal to the Russian "traditional value" of having a large family. Finally, Putin spoke about the need to address practical matters that affect the birth rate, such as the level of support provided to families with children and the conditions of hospitals where women give birth. Putin's conflicting yet relatively measured language regarding abortion reflects another Soviet legacy. The Soviet model of women's emancipation recognized women's rights to education and paid work, while also ensuring abortion access. While post-Stalinist Soviet family planning was never explicitly feminist in its reasoning, abortion on demand was its cornerstone. Putin's rhetorical dance between the polar opposites of women's rights and traditional values also resembles the messiness of the Soviet approach to abortion, which, as Mie Nakachi writes, combined state pro-natalism with a recognition of women's right to control their own fertility.At the same time, several Russian regions have introduced bans on "encouraging" women to have abortions and have put pressure on private health clinics to stop providing pregnancy termination services. In addition, in October, the Ministry of Health announced plans to tighten the distribution of mifepristone and misoprostol, medications used in terminating early pregnancies. Currently the Duma is considering a federal ban on abortions in private clinics, which provide around 20 percent of these procedures.The Future of Women's and LGBTQ+ Rights in Russia For the better part of Putin's decades in power, mass audience events like the end-of-the-year press conference or the Direct Line have served as important forums in which the president both explains his regime to broad audiences and maintains the appearance of an ongoing "dialogue" between himself and ordinary Russians. Judging by Putin's silences on LGBTQ+ issues and his statements regarding abortion, we suspect that the Kremlin will continue the wholesale erasure of queer citizens' rights but may not be as straightforward regarding restrictions on women's rights. But Russia's LGBTQ+ and women citizens are resisting.Pushing LGBTQ+ Russians out of the country may lead to further mobilization of Russian queer diasporas abroad, and to new forms of transnational political activism. Both processes have already been happening for at least a decade, since Russia first adopted homophobia as a state policy. At the same time, with international borders closing and growing economic instability at home, emigration would be difficult if not impossible for most LGBTQ+ Russians. One of the goals for the transnational and migrant activist community should be finding new, possibly covert ways to support those unable to leave. On Russian women's rights, one important space to watch is the mounting resistance movement by women relatives of mobilized soldiers. In recent months, they have been rallying to bring their husbands and sons back from the front lines. So far, despite the harsh criticisms of the mobilization, the war, and of Putin himself voiced on these women's social media, the authorities have been reluctant to attack them openly as they have done to other antiwar activists, such as Russia's Feminist Antiwar Resistance—perhaps precisely because as soldiers' wives and mothers they remain legitimate in the eyes of society. At the same time, with Putin increasingly siding with ultraconservatives since the beginning of the full-scale invasion, and with Russia continuing to experience a population decrease as a result of the loss of human life in the war and emigration, it seems likely that the pressure on women to have more children, with or without further restrictions on their reproductive rights, will only get stronger. Meanwhile, as "traditional values" are used in Russia to justify the ongoing brutalization of Ukraine, millions of Ukrainian women are being affected by Russia's war, including those whose reproductive rights were eradicated by sexualized violence, trauma to their health, displacement to Poland, where abortion is illegal, and damage to Ukraine's health care infrastructure. Putin's praise during the December press conference/Direct Line of his cousin, Anna Tsivilyova, the head of the Defenders of the Fatherland Foundation, suggests that the regime's militarized traditional values paradigm will continue, perhaps even beyond the bounds of Putin's presidential term. The opinions expressed in this article are those solely of the author and do not reflect the views of the Kennan Institute.
This book examines changing perceptions of sex between men in early Victorian Britain, a significant yet surprisingly little explored period in the history of Western sexuality. Looking at the dramatic transformations of the era—changes in the family and in the law, the emergence of the world's first police force, the growth of a national media, and more—Charles Upchurch asks how perceptions of same-sex desire changed between men, in families, and in the larger society. To illuminate these questions, he mines a rich trove of previously unexamined sources, including hundreds of articles pertaining to sex between men that appeared in mainstream newspapers. The first book to relate this topic to broader economic, social, and political changes in the early nineteenth century, Before Wilde sheds new light on the central question of how and when sex acts became identities
Zugriffsoptionen:
Die folgenden Links führen aus den jeweiligen lokalen Bibliotheken zum Volltext: