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Abstract
The interaction between economic analysis and political action is one of the major issues raised by Capital in the Twenty-First Century and by any work of political economy. However, the way this interaction works and changes over time is not always clear in Thomas Piketty's book. This critical review, informed by history and political science, aims to open up three areas of discussion. Are redistributive tax policies a mere accident, produced by the chaotic history of the twentieth century, and, if so, what might their future be? On what grounds could capitalism's tendency to create inequality be regulated in the absence of any alternative system? Finally, can deliberative democracy offer any solution, or has it already been profoundly weakened by the very economic processes that Piketty's brings to the fore in his book? A political history of capital seems more essential than ever.

Traditional approaches to stress adopt narrow and individualistic perspective with little attention paid to the wider organisational, social, political and family factors involved. The intersect of all these factors as well as the symptoms of stress that social work managers experienced were examined as part of a broader study of women in management andoccupational stress. The sample consisted of 30 women managers from diverse racial backgrounds. Ten of these managers were social workers. Both private and public organisations with local, national and international status were included in this study. Data were obtained through the use of a biographical questionnaire, a semi-structured interview schedule, the Type A personality scale and the 'Identifying stress at work' scale. Organisational contributors to occupational stress have been identified as follows: logistical constraints, career development, relationships at work, role in organisation, organisational structure and extra-organisational forces. The social factors, which impacted on the social work manager's experience of stress, were racism and gender discrimination. All the social work managers displayed Type A behaviour. The following sources of stress at the work/family interface were identified: domestic pressures, parental stress, marital discord, bi-cultural role conflict, and spill-over of job/stress into family life. Social work managers displayed physical, psychological and behavioural symptoms of stress. The social work managers used a variety of strategies to cope with pressure and combat stress. Given the nature of the stressors experienced by the social work managers, organisational as well as individual interventions to enhance self-care are recommended.

Research carried out over the last 30 years in many countries shows that there exists a relationship between postmaterialist values & a wide spectrum of social issues, from protection of the environment at one end to voting behavior at the other. The aim of this article is to verify whether the observed relationships in selected, primarily political, issues are valid in the case of the Czech Republic. Data have been drawn from the 1991 & 1999 European Value Study, which provide us with the opportunity to trace changes over time. Among the issues studied here are xenophobia & ethnocentrism, relationships to the environment, voting behavior, freedom, equality, & a just society.

This paper uses an events data set for the post-Cold War era to measure the impact of trade interdependence on three different types of dyadic interactions: political, military, and economic. The paper extends the literature on trade and peace by estimating a model in which trade and interstate interactions are treated as endogenous. We also move beyond the common measure of conflict as the use of force to consider different types and levels of conflict that fall short of war. We find that trade significantly raises net cooperation on political and economic interactions, but trade does not improve net cooperation over military issues. By allowing for mutual causality between cooperation and trade, we show that more cooperation on political and military issues leads to greater trade between countries. Moreover, the impact of overall cooperation on trade is larger than the effect of trade on cooperation. An important lesson from the paper is that the relationship between trade and net cooperation depends on the type of interstate relations being examined. The general findings are supported even after performing a number of robustness checks.

ABSTRACT Undergraduate college student activism has remained the essence and an integral part of intellectual development process in higher education since the inception of higher education institutions in the United States (Braungart & Braungart, 1990; Ellsworth & Burns, 1970/2009). Historically, students protested bad living conditions on their campuses and revolted for more freedom from the prevailing religious orthodoxy of the time (Ellsworth & Burns, 1970/2009). The historic relationship between college and student activism, though differently expressed throughout these years, revolved around mobilization of progressive forces for the purpose of seeking transformative changes in society. Through time, college students have become more politicized by the overall socio-economic and political power relations within the society outside of their campuses (Crossley, 2008). Literature reviews and scholarly publications around undergraduate college student activism in social justice leadership indicate the continuum that college students have embarked on changing the social disequilibrium as of their inquisitive and critical assessment of the social predicaments (Dominguez, 2009; Green, 2016). Although, organizing on higher education premises for social justice had been addressed, racial justice activism and the predicaments of the marginalized was not so distinctively addressed up until the 1960s Civils Rights era movements. Therefore, this phenomenological case study intended to explore what informed undergraduate college student activism, particularly on the issue of racial justice by citing the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement with a localized grassroot network tasked with building local power to lead resistance movements against the violence inflicted on Black citizens. An array of issues ranging from how higher education professionals cope with student protests on campus and the theoretical approaches identified and discussed key elements of college student intellectual development through civic engagement. The fact that college activism has been becoming an alternative platform of political engagement to the traditional party politics for undergraduate college students and students' intellectual development in social justice leadership coupled with the changing dynamics of organizing on campus as a result of the cyber media platform demands more research for so that higher education professionals could have adequate awareness and a positive grip on the matters pertaining to student civic engagement. Keywords: College, student, activism, protests, Higher education, social justice, social movements, leadership, BLM, racial justice, allyship, intellectual development. Politicizing effects.

Part 1 Actor behaviour in international economic relations - the state as unitary actor: foreign economic policy - some general principles of analysis; United States monetary policy and economic nationalism. Part 2 Adding the domestic dimension - the United States: international debt and linkage strategies - some foreign-policy implications for the United States; the revolution in Atlantic economic relations - a bargain comes unstuck; an explosion in the kitchen? US economic relations with other advanced industrial states. Part 3 Adding the domestic dimension - examples from Europe: Britain's decision to join the Common Market; Europe's money, America's problem; European financial integration and national banking interests. Part 4 Issues of systemic organization and management: the political economy of monetary reform today; balance-of-payments financing - evolution of a regime; toward a general theory of imperialism.

In his eagerly-awaited second edition, Ray revisits his deceptively simple premise that the highest priority of leaders is to stay in power. Looking at how political ambition and domestic pressures impact foreign policymaking is the key to understanding how and why foreign policy decisions are made. The text begins by using this analytic approach to look at the history of foreign policymaking and then examines how various parties inside and outside government influence decision making. In a unique third section, the book takes a regional approach, not only covering trends other books tend to miss, but giving students the opportunity to think comprehensively about how issues intersect around the globe--from human security and democratization, to globalization and pollution. Guided by input from adopters and reviewers, ...

This article considers the current state of knowledge about informal economies. Criticism of the value of the informal economy concept is addressed by considering the multiple disciplinary interests in the topic, the confusion over an appropriate definition, and the problems of classification and explanation. A multidisciplinary, macro-micro approach is suggested. The joint ethnography-sruvey method has been found to be the most productive research tool for empirical study, and the principles of such methodology are outlined. In the context of a discussion on the politics of research funding, major areas for future research are identified. These include historical surveys; local-area studies; changing household work patterns in relation to the wider formal economy; informal work and illegal markets; class, ethnic, and sexual composition of the participants; informal institutions, particularly information and skill exchanges; media and their representation of the informal economy; and the role of informal economies in coping with national disasters. Finally, the implications of the informal economies for government policy on taxation, labor, welfare, and crime and criminal justice are drawn out.

This study creates and develops a concept called the untimely-image including two sub-concepts called contours of the new and the untimely-site. The untimely-image concerns the clearing for and the expression of figures of "potential" in thought in the form of moving-images. The aim of these concepts is to form a critical framework for evaluating and conceptualizing political film as expressive, not of the new itself but of its "untimely" contours. The untimely-image, and its many implications, is developed over the course of six chapters. Chapter 1 extensively defines "contours" and "new" as operative in this study, and also introduces a theme that runs through all the chapters: how to think the contours of the new in relation to the cult of the new in consumer culture and in relation to the larger mechanisms of advanced capitalism. Chapter 2 defines the parameters of the untimely-image as specifically regarding moving images, and continues the development of this concept. In Chapters 3 to 6, The Wire (David Simon, 2002-2008) serves the double function of complicating and giving specification to the elaboration of the untimely-image as well as a case in which the untimely-image is used as a critical framework. The Wire and the untimely-image relate in processes of juxtaposition, wherein they meet, cross over, separate, and reproblematize each other. An untimely-image is fully defined in relation to concrete political issues. The untimely-image is therefore advanced by articulating the components and characteristics that, independently of the concrete issue, remain in every case, as well as by putting the concept to work regarding two specific problems in The Wire: its expression of blackness and its mapping of advanced capitalism.

At the heart of the debates which have resounded around political science these past few years are charges and countercharges as to the "politics" of the contenders. Terms like conservative, liberal and radical are no longer reserved for analysis of positions in the larger society; they have become part of the regular vocabulary with which political scientists evaluate their colleagues. This increase in visible and self-conscious political dissensus extends, of course, throughout the university, but it has left a special mark on political science and the other social sciences where the issues and objects of political disagreement are so enmeshed with the regular subject matter of the discipline.In spite of all of the discussion, and the now seemingly general recognition that the politics of members of the profession has a lot to do with its development and contributions, we still don't have very much firm information on the distribution of political views among the approximately 6,000 faculty members regularly engaged in the teaching of political science in the United States. There have been a number of studies, of course, of party identification and voting behavior, showing political science to be one of the most Democratic fields in academe.

En se fondant sur l'analyse de données recueillies lors d'une série d'entrevues de 212 militants issus de divers groupes d'activistes, les auteurs examinent comment les nouveaux mouvements sociaux abordent les problèmes politiques de notre époque. Après avoir énuméré les principales façons de définir l'injustice et d'exprimer l'idéal social chez les personnes interrogées, ils tentent de déceler une pensée commune a tous les groupes, pensée fondée sur le partage d'une même idée de la justice sociale. À la lumière de cette analyse, on mesure ensuite la viabilité des mouvements luttant contre l'ordre établi; une théorie génerate sur leur influence dans la société contemporaine est ensuite esquissée.Based on an analysis of in‐depth interview data from 212 activists in a variety of social movements, this paper considers the ways in which diverse movements' discourses frame political issues. After identifying primary injustice frames and social visions articulated by sample respondents, the authors assess the plausibility of a cross‐movement unity based on shared "master frames," i.e., common understandings of injustice and a common social vision. The paper concludes with a discussion of the implications of their analysis for the viability of counter‐hegemonic politics and for theorizations of contemporary social movements."I would suggest… (i) that power is co‐extensive with the social body; there are no spaces of primal liberty between the meshes of the network; (ii) that relations of power are interwoven with other kinds of relations … for which they play at once a conditioning and a conditioned role; (iii) that these relations don't take the sole form of prohibition and punishment, but are of multiple forms; (iv) that their interconnections delineate general conditions of domination, and … one should not assume a massive and primal condition of domination, a binary structure with 'dominators' on one side and 'dominated' on the other, but rather a multiform production of relations of domination which are partially susceptible of integration into overall strategies; (v) that power relations do indeed 'serve', but not at all because they are "in the service of an economic interest taken as primary, rather because they are capable of being utilised in strategies; (vi) that there are no relations of power without resistances; the latter are all the more real and effective because they are formed right at the point where relations of power are exercised."—Michel Foucault, "Power and strategies"(1980)

This paper attempts a pragmatic analysis of political texts in political posters of gubernatorial candidates for 2015 General Elections in Oyo state, Nigeria, within the purview of Mey's (2001) Pragmatic Acts Theory. Data were collected from political posters of Governor Abiola Ajimobi(the incumbent governor of the state), the erstwhile governors of the state, Rasheed Ladoja and Alao Akala, and Professor Adejumo, a yet to be declared PDP's gubernatorial candidate for the said election. The study reveals that the language of politicians in the state is characterised by practs such as accusation, challenge, abuse, warning and persuasion, commendation and condemnation which draw on contextual features such as Shared Situational Knowledge (SSK), Shared Cultural Knowledge (SCK), Metaphor (MPH) and Relevance (REF). The paper concludes that politicians in the state, an indication of what happens on a large scale in the country, employ language to attack one another's personalities, rather than address issues that could help move the state forward.

In post-conflict states, environmental problems are often neglected regardless of their severity. According to UN data, Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) is one of the countries with the worst air pollution in the world, which has serious consequences for people's health and the economy. Given the importance of this issue, the paper investigates why it is not on the agenda of policymakers, by applying Kingdon's multiple streams model. The analysis leads to the conclusion that of the three streams (problem, policy, and politics), the politics stream remains the most problematic one. However, the author argues that Kingdon's original model is deficient in explaining why this problem is off the agenda, since it only includes domestic actors, while in the case of post-conflict BiH, as well as some other post-conflict countries, international actors play a significant role. In order to overcome this shortcoming, the model itself is enhanced by an insight into the role that international actors played in relation to this problem. It is concluded that the problems of environmental protection were largely ignored by international actors as well, primarily due to the nature of the liberal model of peacebuilding, that predominantly focused on building democratic institutions.

Cover -- Contents -- List of Key Texts -- List of Tables -- Preface -- 1 The Importance of Comparison -- Forms of comparative analysis -- Types of comparative studies -- The content of comparisons -- Cross-time comparisons -- Conclusion -- 2 The Logic of Comparison -- Comparative research design -- Research design and case selection -- Levels of analysis -- Threats to validity in non-experimental research -- Conclusion -- 3 The Number of Cases and Which Ones? -- Strategies with different numbers of cases -- Small-N research in general -- Conclusion -- 4 Measurement and Bias -- The traveling problem -- Typologies -- Triangulation -- Nominal categories -- Ideal-type analysis and measurement -- Conclusion -- 5 The Role of Theory in Comparative Politics -- Levels of explanation -- Macro-level theories -- Meso-level theories -- Micro-level theories -- State and society -- Conclusion -- 6 The Case Study -- Improving case research -- Case studies -- Conducting case research -- Defining cases -- The purposes of case research -- The case as process -- Issues in case study research -- The role of the case researcher -- Conclusion -- 7 Building on Case Analysis -- Meta-analysis -- Boolean algebra and cumulation -- Conclusion -- 8 Events Data and Change Over Time -- Events data -- The method -- Relationships with other methods -- Potential problems -- Conclusion -- 9 Statistical Analysis -- Statistical modes of explanation in comparative politics -- The question of time -- The problem of context -- Coping with a small N -- Secondary analysis -- Conclusion -- 10 The Future of Comparative Politics -- Territory or function: choices in comparison -- Theory and the restriction of perspective -- Methods and the restriction of vision -- The exceptional and the ordinary: what can we learn from each? -- Modesty, but hope -- The future of comparative politics.