Suchergebnisse

This book is an in-depth study of one of the most important agreements in the recent history of EU-developing world relations: the Lomé convention--the principles upon which all relations between the states of the European Union and ACP (African, Caribbean and Pacific) countries are based. Over the course of its 25-year life, the Convention has been altered to suit the changing relationship of those states involved. This historical study not only charts the course of that vital relationship between haves and have-nots but also, in its changing focus and shifting concerns, reflects recent broad

At the end of the Cotonou Partnership Agreement, its members agreed to put in place a WTO-compatible free trade area. WTO-compatibility implies that 90% of the bilateral trade between the European Union (EU) and the Africa-Caribbean-Pacific (ACP) countries would have to be duty free and quota free within a reasonable (unspecified) period (e.g., 80% duty-free for ACP partners and 100% for the EU). The East African Community (EAC) negotiating group is in the process of finalizing its Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) with the EU. The EU accounts for around 15% of Rwanda's and for 14% of Uganda's imports, and the share of the EU import in tariff revenue is around 14% for these two countries. This paper explores the effects of an EPA on Rwanda's revenues, benefits to consumers and producers, net welfare effects and probable dynamic benefits.

Trade is a key element of the development policy of the European Union (EU). As the most important trading partner of developing countries, the EU attempts to facilitate the participation of developing countries in global trade and contribute to economic growth through providing market access and financial assistance. For twenty-five years, the commitment of the EU was largely focused on its former colonies, more specifically in Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific (ACP). The developing world, in terms of the EU's trade policy, was therefore divided between ACP states with special provisions under the Lomé Conventions and all other developing countries. With the new millennium, this special relationship came to an end. Pressure from several member states1 and the World Trade Organization (WTO) led to an overhaul of the EU's trade regime vis-à-vis developing countries and to the loss of the privileged position of ACP countries. The result of this overhaul is still pending. Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) – to be negotiated between the EU and several ACP regions – have only been realized in the Caribbean. This article will to examine the negotiations between the EU and West Africa and discuss the interests involved on the African side. Following the introduction, the second part of this article is dedicated to the Lomé Conventions with a focus on the change occurring from the third to the fourth revision in order to understand the current situation. The third part is going to take a look at the Cotonou agreement and the trade regime of the EU in general before turning to the negotiations for an Economic Partnership Agreement between the EU and West Africa. The conclusion summarizes the main findings.

Africa's peace and security architecture needs European support to manage sustainable, comprehensive peacebuilding on the continent, thereby establishing the necessary conditions for socio-economic development. This is a long-term process which requires political commitment and reliable financing. Since 2004, the African Peace Facility (APF) has become invaluable for supporting African Union (AU)-led peace support operations (PSOs). Its added value and potential for supporting African peacebuilding have been confirmed by independent evaluations in 2005 and 2011. The AU and EU Commissions are enthusiastic about continuing the APF cooperation and improving the instrument's flexibility and efficiency. The APF is financed from the European Development Fund (EDF) for legal reasons: the European Union Treaties do not allow Community funds to finance military operations. The EDF is not part of the EU budget but is funded directly by member states and has different rules. This was meant to be a temporary arrangement and is unsustainable, especially if member states decide to include the 11th EDF in the 2014–2020 EU budget. In the medium term the whole spectrum of EU relations with African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) partners and the corresponding financial instruments will be under review when the Cotonou Agreement expires in 2020. Aside from these technical issues, the main problem for the APF is its capacity. In its present form it is unlikely to be able to meet demand in the next few years as pressure for expanding the AU mission in Somalia grows, and new missions become necessary. A sustainable source of funding for PSOs in Africa will have to be found. The upcoming EU budget negotiations provide an opportunity to reconsider this complex issue. The choice for the EU boils down to three options: 1. Continue to fund the APF from the EDF, especially if the EDF remains outside the EU budget until 2020. 2. Finance the APF from the EU budget, possibly combining it with the Instrument for Stability (IfS) or the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) instrument. 3. Create an entirely new instrument outside the EU budget specifically for supporting PSOs conducted by non-EU multilateral organisations. The EU and its member states have a strategic interest in long-term peace and stability in Africa. Europeans also have a moral duty to contribute to conflict prevention and peaceful relations within and between societies in Africa and elsewhere. Paying the expenses of third country soldiers is a necessary component of the shared strategy for reaching these goals, and providing an adequate financial instrument should not be beyond Europe's capabilities. The third option would provide the best source of predictable funding for supporting PSOs in Africa and potentially Asia and the Middle East also.

"The 21st century is facing an unprecedented trend of population aging, including in many regions in the Asia Pacific region. Governments and healthcare systems recognise the importance of Advance Care Planning (ACP) in helping people to live well and to leave well. ACP is a complex intervention that is culture and context specific. In our universal endeavour to engender person centred care in healthcare systems and a more compassionate society, we are more similar than different. In this day and age of fast developing medical technologies and evolving social norms, ACP brims with both challenges and potential and a renewed understanding is needed. This book is a paean to the multifaceted nature of ACP as well as a timely update regarding the current landscape of ACP implementation and practice across the Asia Pacific region"--

The Cotonou Agreement is the European Union's most important legal measure in the field of development assistance covering 79 developing countries in Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific (ACP countries). It empowers the European Union to sanction 'serious cases of corruption' where this corruption is related to economic and sectoral policies and programmes to which the European Union is a significant financial partner. During the negotiations leading to the adoption of the Cotonou Agreement the ACP countries strongly objected to the inclusion of the possibility of sanctioning corruption. In practice the European Union has only sanctioned one single case of corruption under the provision, however. Whereas this does not necessarily mean that the sanctioning clause is without an impact, the fact that sanctions have been imposed in only one situation is a strong indication that its impact is rather limited. It is suggested that more effective means of preventing corruption are considered.

Dans quelle mesure est-il lieu de designer la cooperation entre la Communaute europeenne et l'Afrique noire comme une example remarquable de solidarite entre les nantis et les demunis? Pour repondre a cette question, l'auteur retrace les grandes etapes de l'association CEE/ACP, du debut en 1957 (Traite de Rome qui instituait la CEE) jusqu'au 1984 (troisieme Convention de Lome). Ensuite l'auteur dresse un inventaire des acquis. (Documentatieblad/ASC Leiden)

The signing in Mauritius on 4 November 1995 of the amended fourth Lomé Convention, the aid and trade co-operation agreement between the European Union (EU) and the ACP Group of 70 African, Caribbean, and Pacific countries, brought the Mid-Term Review to its formal completion after protracted negotiations. Established in 1975, Lomé has long been the centre-piece of EU development assistance. In quantitative terms, the European Development Fund, the financial instrument of Lomé, has comprised the largest single portion of EU aid, averaging almost 45 per cent of all disbursements in recent years.1 Qualitatively, Lomé has been regarded as a model of North—South cooperation, mainly due to three special features: it was founded on the principles of equality, mutual respect, and interdependence; it is a legally binding contract negotiated between two sets of countries; and it involves ongoing dialogue through three joint institutions, the ACP—EU Council of Ministers, the Committee of Ambassadors, and the 'parliamentary' Joint Assembly.

The European Union is currently negotiating Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) with six African, Caribbean and Pacific country groupings, aiming at establishing mutual free trade. This paper empirically assesses the impact of the EPAs on trade flows and government revenues for 22 East and Southern African countries and discusses implications for intra-regional integration. The results indicate that while moderate trade effects can be expected, relatively large budget effects are likely to occur in a number of these countries, exposing them to considerable structural and financial adjustment requirements. Also, EPAs would strengthen the need to consolidate overlapping intra-regional integration schemes. -- Economic Partnership Agreement ; EU ; ACP Countries ; East and Southern Africa