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It would appear that the treaty-making procedure, long considered too cumbersome and too difficult, has suddenly become too easy. Almost from the beginning, the system whereby one-third plus one of the Senate membership can block any treaty, has been denounced as "undemocratic," and as "government by minority." In fact, as late as 1945 the House of Representatives approved a Constitutional Amendment to permit the approval of any treaty by a mere majority vote of the two Houses.

Whether a constitutional amendment will accomplish "meaningful policy goals," or whether it will create a new constitutional "right" with no effective judicial protection.

This chapter argues that the theoretical core of the First Amendment can be found in the concept of disestablishment, and that the meaning of disestablishment can be, and has been, extended from the religious sphere to the secular. It explores the historical development of rights of conscience and dissent, and the application of those rights to various changing historical circumstances, such as the development of political parties and the struggle over slavery. It then turns to an application of this analysis to several contemporary First Amendment controversies, including campaign finance and sexual expression. [Copyright Elsevier Ltd.]

The essay examines how Neoliberal economic models trigger changes in the realm of constitutional law. It suggests such changes be assessed by a double change of mood. The first change regards the perspective whereby legal studies consider how economic variables affect and change the law. Instead of merely focusing on the current financial crisis, the essay assumes that economics and constitutional law have been interacting for centuries. The second change points to legal methodological innovations. The essay argues that comparative law provides us with an adequate methodology when it comes to analysing how economics affects the legal domain. Owing to its subversive potential, comparative law methodology assists us in examining how economics, democracy and legal change interrelate. In challenging legal formalism, comparative law broadens the scope of legal research so as to consider how non-legal factors trigger changes in the field of constitutional law. The essay then considers the quantitative turn in law, and therefore focuses on the constitutionalisation of balanced budgetary rules in the aftermath of the financial crisis. The essay argues that such a constitutionalisation is a by-product of the Neoliberal economic agenda, whose aim is to impose constitutional recipients to adapt to the needs of transnational financial actors. Summary:1. The economic roots of constitutional change. – 2. Methodological underpinnings: resurgent formalism and constitutional change. – 3. Neoliberal economic models and nominal democracy. – 4. Facing methodological biases: Comparative law and and the defiance of the Neoliberal paradigm. – 5. The reasons for constitutional change: The quantitative turn in legal studies. – 6. The change in lawyers' mentality and its symptoms: Constitutionalising budgetary rules. – 7. The economic turn triggered by balanced budgets: Rights, lawmaking and federalising processes. – 8. Econometric constitutions and federalism. – 9. Economics triumphant? Lawyers' autism and the role of comparative law. ; El ensayo trata de examinar el impacto del modelo económico neoliberal en los procesos de mutaciones constitucionales a través de un doble cambio, esto es, de perspectiva y método. El cambio de perspectiva propone abandonar las modalidades mediante las que, en la última década, se ha valorado el impacto de los factores económicos sobre cambios constitucionales. En lugar de centrarse en la crisis económica, el ensayo considera la interacción entre la Economía y el Derecho constitucional como un fenómeno históricamente recurrente y facilitador de mutaciones jurídicas. El cambio de método deriva de la aplicación de la comparación jurídica para el estudio de dichos procesos de mutación. A este respecto, la comparación propone re-imaginar política y jurídicamente la relación entre economía, democracia y cambios constitucionales. De esta manera, se propone suavizar el formalismo de la ciencia jurídica tradicional para conseguir valoraciones más amplias de los fenómenos –entre otros, económicos– que empujan a cambios en la esfera de lo jurídico-constitucional. Puesto que la relación entre mentalidad económica y mensuración cuantitativa del Derecho se expresa en gran medida a través del proceso de constitucionalización del principio del equilibrio presupuestario, el ensayo analiza la relevancia de su constitucionalización aplicando el potencial«subversivo» de la comparación: por un lado, ésta facilita el desvelamiento de las ideologías que subyacen a la mensuración cuantitativa; por otro, nos indica las modalidades por las que los actores de las finanzas globales concretan su propia agenda política procurando –o, mejor dicho, imponiendo– cambios relevantes en la esfera del Derecho constitucional.

Intro -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- The Author -- Table of Contents -- List of Abbreviations -- General Introduction -- 1. An Outline of Bulgarian Constitutional History -- 2. Characteristics of the Bulgarian State -- I. Parliamentary Republic -- II. Unitary State with Local Self-Government -- III. Popular Sovereignty and Democracy -- IV. The Separation of Powers -- V. Rechtsstaat, Constitutionalism and the Rule of Law -- VI. Welfare State -- 3. State Territory, Population and Demographics -- Part I. Sources of Constitutional Law -- Chapter 1. The Constitution -- 1. Characteristics -- 2. Amending the Constitution -- I. A Two-Track Procedure -- II. The Role of the Constitutional Court in Delimiting the Competences Between the Grand National Assembly and the National Assembly -- III. Constitutional Amendment by Forms of Direct Democracy -- IV. Entrenched Clause -- V. The Constitutional Amendments Which Have Already Been Accomplished -- 3. Hierarchy -- Chapter 2. Treaties -- 1. The Treaty-Making Power: Types of International Treaties According to the Bulgarian Constitutional Law -- 2. Hierarchy -- 3. System for Implementation of the International Treaties -- 4. Mixed Agreements Concluded Jointly by the EU and Its Member States and Third Parties -- Chapter 3. Legislation -- 1. Types of Legislation -- I. Acts of Parliament -- II. Special Majority Acts -- III. Reasons for the Lack of Delegated Legislation -- IV. Reasons for the Lack of Subnational Legislation -- 2. Hierarchy -- Chapter 4. Case Law -- Chapter 5. Unwritten Law -- 1. Conventions -- 2. General Principles of Law -- Chapter 6. Administrative Regulations and Orders -- 1. Classification -- 2. Hierarchy -- Chapter 7. Codification, Interpretation and Publication -- 1. Codification -- 2. Interpretation -- 3. Publication -- Part II. Form of Government.

WOS: 000504912800011 ; Siyasi aktörler, partiler ve liderleri her seçim döneminde seçmeni kendi parti ve oluşumlarına destek vermek üzere motive edici çalışmalar gerçekleştirirler. Siyasi partiler seçim döneminde iletişim araçlarının olabildiğince fazlasını kullanarak seçmeni etkileme gayreti içindedir. Siyasal aktörlerin seçmeni etkilemek için, seçmenin ikna olacağı bazı argümanlar kullanması gerekmektedir. Siyasal iletişim sürecinde argümanın önemi üzerine en önemli çalışmalardan biri de Steven Toulmin'in Argümantasyon Modeli'dir. Bu çalışmanın teorik altyapısında Toulmin'in argümantasyon modeli işlenirken, araştırma kısmında 2017 Anayasa Değişikliği Referandumu'nda evet ve hayır taraflarının önde gelen temsilcileri Ak Parti ve CHP'nin ikna amaçlı dokümanları söylem analizi tekniği ile çözümlenmeye çalışılmıştır. Böylece her iki partinin ikna amaçlı dokümanlarında hangi argümanları öne çıkardığı analiz edilmeye çalışılmıştır. Araştırma çalışması kapsamında Ak Parti ve CHP'nin hazırlamış olduğu evet ve hayır temalı kitapçıklar ve tanıtıcı videolar incelenmiştir. Çalışma sonucunda her iki partinin de seçmenleri kendi istediği noktaya getirmek için belirlediği argümanları hem yazılı hem video tanıtımları ortamında ortak bir dille kullandığı görülmüştür. Sonuç olarak siyasal iletişimde argüman kullanımının ikna açısından önemli bir araç olduğu ve 2017Anayasa değişikliği referandumunda da yoğun bir şekilde argüman kullanımına başvurulduğu görülmüştür. ; Political actors, parties and leaders carry out motivational activities to support their own parties and organizations during each election period. Political parties atry to influence the electorate by using as much communication tools as possible during the election period. Political actors need to use the arguments that would convince and thus influence the electorate. One of the most important studies on the significance of the argument in the process of political communication is the Argumentation Model of Steven Toulmin. In the theoretical background of this study, Toulmin's argumentation model has been studied. In the research part of the 2017 Constitutional Amendment Referendum, the persuasive documents of the leading representatives of the yes and no parties, AKP and CHP have been analyzed with the discourse analysis technique. Thus, it was tried to analyze which arguments the two parties put forward in their persuasive documents. Within the scope of the research study, the yes and no themed booklets and promotional videos prepared by AK Party and CHP were examined. As a result of the study, it was seen that both parties used the common arguments in both the written and video introductions in order to bring the voters to the point they wanted. As a result, it was observed that the use of arguments in political communication which was also was heavily used in the 2017 referendum - was an important tool in terms of persuasion.

This article explains why the Framers (the authors of the U.S. Constitution of 1787) did not include a Bill of Rights. It challenges the conventional understanding that portrays the Framers as insensitive to individual rights, & argues that the historical record clearly shows that it was out of a concern for the legal concept known as "negative pregnant" that explains their actions. It also challenges the conservative interpretation of the Ninth Amendment given by Robert Bork. The Ninth Amendment was designed by Madison as a solution to the negative pregnant, but has been mostly ignored by the US Supreme Court. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractThis study aims to shed light on the experience of the Jordanian constitutional reforms during the era of King Abdullah II and the Arab Spring. Moreover, this study provides a comprehensive and integrated view of these vital reforms and the democratic process in Jordan. With due consideration to the fact that the constitution represents the backbone of any political regime, constitutional developments in Jordan have been reviewed since the first Jordanian Constitution was drafted in 1928. By analyzing the most recent constitutional amendments, we identify the main features of these amendments as well as their strengths and weaknesses, potential for success or risk of failure, and the positive and negative reactions thereto. This study provides a summary and recommendation, notably, the need for further constitutional amendments to consolidate the process of reform and democracy in Jordan.