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This text presents the results of an analysis on the coverage of migration issues by the Russian mass media. The author comes to the conclusion that migration policy is examined by the Russian mass media within the context of domestic political confrontation, and that the political orientation of a publication predetermines its approach to the coverage of migration issues. In the majority of articles, an emotional description of migration issues and the construction of a negative perception of migrants by public opinion are prevalent. Mass media relay stereotypes of the public conscience with its rooted xenophobic moods. In the Russian information space, alarmist moods are dominant, transforming the discussion of migration issues into a discourse of crisis and a discourse of trauma. ; Consortium for Applied Research on International Migration (CARIM-East) is co-financed by the European University Institute and the European Union

Political campaigns have changed in techniques and intensity of effort, particularly during the past three decades. How may these changes be related to the changes which have occurred in the mass media? A look at the 1976 primaries makes it clear that the whistle-stop technique is still a basic part of political campaigning, even if candi date appearances are designed in part to entice media coverage, particularly by television cameras. Combining the advantages of television penetration of masses of voters with the excitement of the political rally and personal appearance became the ultimate goal of political managers. Returns from 1976 primaries through April, and opinion poll findings, indicate the mass media projected the image of front-running candidates to Americans in all parts of the country. In this sense, the mass media remained an im portant part of the political structure—including the print media. Since all available research evidence indicates rela tively few voters change their minds or make them up during an actual campaign (rather they vote traditionally), the media cannot have a massive effect upon voter decision-making. But since many elections are decided by small percentages of voters, media influences can become crucially important. Their rivals are, of course, interpersonal communication, group associations, and opinion leader influences. At times, television has played a key role in political campaigns, particularly when it brings an event directly to the viewer.

'Religion and the Mass Media: Audiences and Adaptations' edited by Daniel A. Stout and Judith M. Buddenbaum is reviewed.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- About the Authors -- Contributors -- Foreword -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- 1 Introduction to Mass Media, Aging Americans, and Baby Boomers -- Bridging Communication and Gerontology -- Ageism, Stereotypes, and Culture -- The Importance of Mass Media in Society -- Chapter Summary -- Review Questions -- 2 Theory and Research on Communication and Gerontology -- Intergenerational Communication, Identity, and Families -- Portrayal and Effects -- Psychological and Sociological Impact of Portrayals -- Uses and Gratifications

The article is devoted to the characterization of the state, the key features and trends of modern domestic regional mass media. There are determined and specified informational, social, ideological, political and economic objectives of current regional mass media also revealed specific features of regional mass communication.

Study concludes that mass media tend to reinforce existing ethnic attitudes rather than inculcate more universal, less-parochial values.

The average citizen often does not experience government policy directly, but learns about it from the mass media. The nature of media coverage of public policy is thus of real importance, for both public opinion and policy itself. It nevertheless is the case that scholars of public policy and political communication have invested rather little time in developing methods to track public policy coverage in media content. The lack of attention is all the more striking in an era in which media coverage is readily available in digital form. This paper offers a proposal for tracking coverage of the actual direction of policy change in mass media. It begins with some methodological considerations, and then draws on an expository case—defense spending in the United States—to assess the effectiveness of our automated content‐analytic methods. Results speak to the quantity and quality in media coverage of policy issues, and the potential role of mass media—to both inform and mislead—in modern representative democracy.

Scientific study, especially since the 1940s, has shown that the conventional wisdom regarding the power of the press requires qualification. For about 20 or 30 years before 1960, communication researchers studied the effects of the mass media in their laboratories, but they were disappointed by the contradictory findings and their inability to replicate them in natural, uncontrolled surroundings. A reversal of their model, so that it is not the communicator but the audience that decides on the messages that are re ceived, resulted in greater consistency in research findings. The new "uses and gratifications" or "information-seeking" theory requires that we distinguish between the informa tional and persuasive role of communication. The mass media are generally unsuccessful in persuading; however, they not only are eminently successful in informing, but on many topics and for most people they are also the sole source of information. This is the underlying principle of the agenda- setting model that is being used in much current research on the effects of mass communication. The mass media not only tell people what to think about, but they are a powerful determinant of the relative importance of the issues they choose to discuss. In this regard, newspapers appear to have an edge over television.

The question is examined whether restricted opportunity structures are associated with escapist or instrumental media preferences. Data from a survey of 18 selected communities in Ru Brazil in which 1,154 farm operators were interviewed show that the exposure to instrumental media is greater in the more 'constricted' communities, though within these communities it is directly r'ed with SS. Despite lower yrly income, the poorer farmers from constricted communities are more likely to visit Ur centers than their counterparts in open communities. The signif interaction effect appears to result from the much higher tendency for fam & esp subsistence farmers in the constricted community to travel. For farmers in the 2 upper strata, the diff's between community types appeared negligible. These findings are interpreted as attesting to the essential rationality of the peasant in confronting his situation. 5 Tables. Modified HA.

This research deals with euphemism which is found in political news in Republika mass media. The objectives of this were: (1) to investigate the types of euphemism used in political news in online mass media, (2) to describe the realization of euphemism in political news in mass media and (3) to explain the reason for realization of euphemism in political news in mass media. The research design of this study was descriptive qualitative research where the researcher explained the result of research by describing the data gained. There were 26 news with different titles with 54 euphemism. There were ten types of euphemism found in political news in Republika online mass media, namely indirection 31.4 %, abstraction 12.9 %, agreement 11.1%, remodeling 9.2%, semantic shift 9.2%, emotive 7.4%, understatement 5.5%, widening 5.5%, borrowing 3.7%, circumlocution 3.7%. Furthermore there were four ways of euphemism realized namely, implicit, explicit, direct, and indirect. Then there were five reasons using the euphemism found in political news in Republika, namely to cohesive, to protective, to underhand, to uplifting, and to ludic. The most reason using euphemism is to cohesive.Keywords: Euphemism, Political News, Republika Mass Media