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This article explores indigenous film in general within the layered contexts between indigenous 'being' and 'becoming' (from cultural, socioeconomic, epistemological, political, historical, esthetical, and cinematographic movements); particularly, the transformative emancipating closeness of the ONG Vídeo nas Aldeias (VNA 'Video in the Villages'): a Brazilian producer, distributor, developer, and indigenous film school. VNA reconsiders and redirects the indigenous 'self' and the 'common' other in a contemporary intercultural, transnational context, highlighting, at the same time, the particular Brazilian context as "vital towards the training of a new (demystified) look at the indigenous populations and to the deconstruction of deeply rooted prejudices." Film and video as ways of knowing, media (audiovisual technology), image, art and operations, genders, social processes, production methodologies and their politico-cultural appropriations could be a powerful tool to make people conscious and to challenge the sensible order within the dissentive game of otherness similarity. ; Este artículo explora el cine indígena en general en los "hojaldrados" contextos entre el "ser" y los "devenires" de la indigenidad (desde los movimientos culturales, socio-económicos, epistemológicos, políticos, históricos, estéticos y cinematográficos) y particularmente el acercamiento emancipatorio transformativo de la ONG Vídeo nas Aldeias (VNA 'video en las aldeas'): productora, distribuidora, promotora y escuela de cine indígena en Brasil. VNA reconsidera y redirige el "sí mismo" indígena y el otro "común" en un contexto contemporáneo intercultural, trans-nacional, resaltando a la vez el contexto particular brasileño como "vital frente a la formación de una nueva (desmitificada) mirada hacia los pueblos indígenas y al deshacer de los prejuicios profundamente enraizados". El cine y el video como formas y modos de conocer, medio (tecnología audiovisual), imagen, arte y operaciones, géneros, procesos sociales, metodologías de producción y sus apropiaciones político-culturales pueden ser una herramienta poderosa para despertar conciencia y desafiar el orden de lo sensible en el juego disensual de la semejanza con la otredad.

President Rafael Correa (2007-2017) led the Ecuadoran Citizens' Revolution that claimed to challenge the tenets of neoliberalism and the legacies of colonialism. The Correa administration promised to advance Indigenous and Afro-descendant rights and redistribute resources to the most vulnerable. In many cases, these promises proved to be hollow. Using two decades of ethnographic research, Undoing Multiculturalism examines why these intentions did not become a reality, and how the Correa administration undermined the progress of Indigenous people. A main complication was pursuing independence from multilateral organizations in the context of skyrocketing commodity prices, which caused a new reliance on natural resource extraction. Indigenous, Afro-descendant, and other organized groups resisted the expansion of extractive industries into their territories because they threatened their livelihoods and safety. As the Citizens' Revolution and other "Pink Tide" governments struggled to finance budgets and maintain power, they watered down subnational forms of self-government, slowed down land redistribution, weakened the politicized cultural identities that gave strength to social movements, and reversed other fundamental gains of the multicultural era.

Globalization has created the space for indigenous peoples to seek rights in new and creative ways. This article introduces the relational concept between indigenous peoples and others. Then it defines human rights and identifies three generations of human rights as expressed in doctrine and the protections they provide. After discussing the application of human rights to indigenous peoples, the author examines human rights in two cases: the Native Hawaiian sovereignty movement and the Zapatistas (Maya) movement. In each case she seeks to discover which structure—either the state or international system—offers greater openings for the rights that the indigenous groups seek. To discover the range of rights apportioned to indigenous peoples, the author also looks at several state constitutions in the Americas. The findings suggest that the rights of indigenous peoples are better protected by international doctrine.

This fully revised and updated edition of Social Movements and Protest Politics provides interdisciplinary perspectives on the sociology of protest movements. It considers major theories and concepts, which are presented in a clear, accessible, and engaging format. The second edition contains new chapters on methods and ethics of social movement research, and legal mobilization, protest policing and criminal justice activism, including calls to abolish or defund police made at protests during the COVID-19 pandemic. This edition also introduces readers to the concept of the 'post-protest society' wherein the right to protest is whittled away to near vanishing point and authorities have considerable legal recourse to ban protests and render the tactics of protest movements ineffective. This edition also looks at recent developments and novel protest movements, including Black Lives Matter, Extinction Rebellion, Gilets Jaunes, #MeToo and Hong Kong's Umbrella Movement, as well as the rise of contemporary forms of populism in democratic societies. The book presents specific chapters outlining the early origins of social movement studies and more recent theoretical and conceptual developments. It considers key ideas from resource mobilization theory, the political process model and new social movement approaches. It provides extensive commentary on the role of culture in social protest (including visual images, emotions, storytelling, music, and sport), religious movements, geography and struggles over space, media and movements, and global activism. Historical and contemporary case studies and examples from a variety of countries are provided throughout, including the American civil rights movement, Greenpeace, Pussy Riot, indigenous peoples' movements, liberation theology, Indignados, Occupy, Tea Party, and Arab Spring. Each chapter also contains illustrations and boxed case studies to demonstrate the issues under discussion.

Nowadays many scientists analyze the institutionalization of social movements as a sign of political maturity and of advancement toward social democratization. Nevertheless the case of the current Latin American social movements show the complexity of the unfinished processes related to the yearned democratic consolidation. This article examines how much the institutionalization has improved the democratization of the indigenous movement in the Colombian political system. Firstly, this text analyzes the political function of this movement in the promotion of a multicultural and pluriethnic nation at the Constitutional Assembly and in the Constitution of 1991. Secondly, the article contrasts the legal logic behind the implementation of indigenous participation with the dynamics of the native communities. Finally, the internal reflection of this movement is described, after nearly two decades of experience that simultaneously combines the upholding of their struggle with their institutionalization ; En la actualidad, muchos analistas interpretan la institucionalización de los movimientos sociales como una señal de su madurez política y de avance hacia la democratización social. Sin embargo, en el caso de los actuales movimientos sociales de América Latina, dicho fenómeno político muestra la complejidad de los procesos inconclusos relacionados con la anhelada consolidación democrática de la región. En este artículo se revisa hasta qué punto la institucionalización ha favorecido la democratización del movimiento indígena en el sistema político colombiano. Este texto analiza en un primer momento el papel político del movimiento para promover una nación multicultural y pluriétnica, tanto en la Asamblea Constituyente como en lo emanado de la Constitución de 1991. En un segundo momento, se contrastan las lógicas legales de implementación de la participación indígena con las dinámicas propias de estas comunidades nativas. Finalmente se describe la reflexión interna del movimiento después de casi dos décadas de combinar el mantenimiento de su lucha con su institucionalización.

Der Kampf der Organisationen der Indigenenbewegung in Ecuador seit den 1980ern war nicht nur ein Kampf für gleiche wirtschaftliche, politische oder kulturelle Rechte, sondern auch einer für einen Wiederaufbau der ecuadorianischen Gesellschaft und des ecuadorianischen Staates. Dieser Wiederaufbau soll an bestimmten Begriffen, wie Interkulturalität und Plurinationalität, entlang erfolgen. Auch wenn diese Begriffe in der Verfassung von 2008 übernommen wurden, müssen sie, aus Sicht der Indigenenbewegung, erst noch umgesetzt werden. Der vorliegende Text ist eine Analyse der Entwicklung sowohl der Indigenenbewegung, als auch ihrer Begriffe mit einem Schwerpunkt auf die Beziehungen zwischen den verschiedenen Organisationen und Begriffen. ; The fight of indigenous movement organizations in Ecuador since the 1980s has been not only for equal economical, political or cultural rights, but also for a reconstruction of the Ecuadorean society and State. This reconstruction is formed alongside quite specific concepts, such as Interculturality and Plurinationality. Even if those concepts has been adopted in the 2008 Constitution, from the perspective of the indigenous movement, they are yet to implement. This text is an analysis of the development of both indigenous movement and their concepts with a focus on the interrelation between the different organizations and concepts.

Shifting Social Media and the Idle No More Movement / Alex Wilson & Corals Zheng -- From #Mniwiconi to #StandwithStandingRock: How the #NODAPL Movement Disrupted Physical and Virtual Spaces and Brought Indigenous Liberation to the Forefront of People's Minds / Nicholet A. Deschine Parkhurst -- Anger, Hope and Love: The Affective Economies of Indigenous Social Media Activism / Bronwyn Carlson and Ryan Frazer -- Responding to White Supremacy: An Analysis of Twitter Messages by Māori after the Christchurch Terrorist Attack / Steve Elers, Phoebe Elers and Mohan Dutta -- How We Connect: An Indigenous Feminist Approach to Digital Methods / Marisa Elena Duarte and Morgan Vigil-Hayes -- Indigenous Social Activism Using Twitter: Amplifying Voices Using #MMIWG / Taima Moeke-Pickering, Julia Rowat, Sheila Cote-Meek, & Ann Pegoraro -- Radical Relationality in the Native Twitterverse: Indigenous Women, Indigenous Feminisms and (re)writing/(re)righting Resistance on #NativeTwitter / Cutcha Risling Baldy -- The Rise of Black Rainbow: Queering and Indigenizing Digital Media Strategies -- Resistance, and Change / Andrew Farrell -- Artivism: The Role Of Art and Social Media in the Movement / Miranda Belarde-Lewis -- Interview with Debbie Reese, Creator of the Blog, American Indians in Children's Literature / Debbie Reese with Jeff Berglund -- United Front: Indigenous Peoples' Resistance in the Online Metal Scene / Tristan Kennedy -- Interview with Carly Wallace, Creator of Cjay's Vines / Carly Wallace with Bronwyn Carlson -- "We're alive and thriving-- we're modern, we're human, we're here!": The 1491s' Social Media Activism / Jeff Berglund.

AbstractThis article proposes a revised conceptual definition of consensus social movement. By using the example of the Catholic Worker, I construct a workable concept of a consensus social movement based on Quaker consensus and indigenous decision-making. The new definition of consensus social movement brings theoretical strength as demonstrated in the illustration of the Catholic Worker. The concept of a consensus social movement offers a revised theoretical tool for the social movement literature toolkit.

Since the 1970s there has been increased focus by institutions, government, and Indigenous nations on improving Aboriginal peoples participation and success in Canadian higher education; however disparity continues to be evident in national statistics of educational attainment, social determinants of health, and socio-economic status of Aboriginal compared to non-Aboriginal Canadians. For instance, post-secondary attainment for Aboriginal peoples is still only 8% compared to 20% of the rest of Canada (Statistics Canada, 2008, 2013). A challenge within higher education has been creating the space within predominately Euro-Western defined and ascribed structures, academic disciplines, policies, and practices to create meaningful spaces for Indigenous peoples. Indigenization is a movement centering Indigenous knowledges and ways of being within the academy, in essence transforming institutional initiatives, such as policy, curricular and co-curricular programs, and practices to support Indigenous success and empowerment. Drawing on research projects that span the last 10 years, this article celebrates the pockets of success within institutions and identifies areas of challenge to Indigenization that moves away from the tokenized checklist response, that merely tolerates Indigenous knowledge(s), to one where Indigenous knowledge(s) are embraced as part of the institutional fabric.

Two movements are shaping social work in Hawai'i in the era of globalization: (a) the Assets Movement, and (b) the Indigenous Peoples Movement. Data from an asset-based Individual Development Account (IDA) program for indigenous Hawaiians are analyzed. Findings suggest that, under certain conditions, asset-based interventions may promote social development among indigenous peoples.