Suchergebnisse

Ce texte a été publié dans une version remaniée et illustrée sous un autre titre : " L'enseignement : les amphithéâtres ", Universités et grandes écoles à Paris, Les palais de la Science, Paris, AAVP, 1999, 222 p., p. 45-52. Ce thème a été développé dans une communication : « Prisca amphitheatra ad caedes hominum patebant, nostra ut logum vivere discant aperiuntur : l'espace du cours magistral dans l'enseignement supérieur du XVIIIe au XXe siècle », intervention au séminaire INRP – ENS – CNRS « Le cours magistral », Paris, 9 février 2006. Le texte de cette conférence sera ultérieurement repris et développé dans deux articles : "L'amphithéâtre sous la troisième République : entre apogée architecturale et critique fonctionnelle" (A paraître dans un numéro de la revue Histoire de l'éducation consacré au thème du cours magistral) Résumé du projet : Le titre proposé pour l'article indique une perspective légèrement différente de celle de la communication donnée au séminaire de l'INRP en février 2006 : on s'était alors proposé dans un premier temps de retracer largement l'histoire de l'espace du cours magistral dans l'enseignement supérieur, depuis sa genèse moderne jusqu'à la période contemporaine, tout en insistant sur l'architecture des amphithéâtres de la troisième République. Avaient ensuite été étudiées la fonctionnalité et la symbolique de ces espaces. Pour donner plus d'ampleur à une réflexion qui avait suscité l'intérêt des participants et proposer en vue d'une publication collective une réflexion plus problématisée, on envisage ici de se concentrer sur l'architecture des amphithéâtres sous la troisième République, et même plus particulièrement sur la période 1870-1914, qui correspond à une phase d'intense activité architecturale. Ces années sont celles qui voient, avec la reconstruction ou l'agrandissement de nombreux établissements d'enseignement supérieur, l'édification de très nombreux amphithéâtres. Le cours magistral des universitaires français, dont les brillantes envolées étaient jusqu'alors condamnées à résonner dans des salles d'apparence médiocre ou vétuste, se déploie désormais dans de vastes salles richement décorées, au cœur de bâtiments aménagés avec luxe à défaut d'être toujours pratiques. Simultanément, les architectes travaillent à faire de ces salles un espace susceptible de favoriser une transmission optimale des savoirs scientifiques : l'acoustique, la luminosité, la visibilité font l'objet d'études précises. La mise en scène de la démarche scientifique est rendue possible par l'implantation de tout une série d'équipements sensés permettre « la monstration de la démonstration » en temps réel : panneaux coulissants donnant sur les laboratoires, tableaux multiples, procédés d'occultation, etc. Le décor, à défaut d'avoir une valeur didactique magnifie l'espace de la chaire magistrale. Mais, dans la salle, l'agencement des rangs et des tables officialise la naissance de l'étudiant professionnel, tandis que les auditeurs libres sont repoussés vers l'extérieur ou sur les côtés de la pièce : cela n'est il pas une indication d'une certaine inadéquation entre l'amphithéâtre et les formes modernes de transmission, voire d'élaboration des connaissances scientifiques ? De fait, les critiques sont nombreuses, principalement chez les universitaires, pour dénoncer l'inadaptation de ces vitrines dorées et enchâssées dans de coûteux mais inefficaces « palais universitaires ». A l'amphithéâtre, on pourrait opposer la salle de séminaire, avec son mobilier réduit, son absence de chaire (et donc de hiérarchie visible), ses bibliothèques en accès libre. Mais la salle de séminaire n'est elle pas elle-même l'avatar littéraire et humaniste, certes imparfait mais néanmoins désiré, du laboratoire scientifique, véritable lieu emblématique de l'avènement de la Science et espace effectif de l'élaboration des sciences ? Dans cette critique de l'amphithéâtre est perceptible l'admiration pour les méthodes allemandes de diffusion des savoirs. Reste à se demander si cette simplicité revendiquée ne renvoie pas également au souvenir de l'université médiévale, libre car dépourvue de bâtiments, pure et simple communauté savante fondée sur l'échange entre maîtres et disciples : une relation que l'amphithéâtre, où l'espace est parcouru de barrières invisibles mais infranchissables, ne facilite guère. ET Patrimoine universitaire : Les amphithéâtres parisiens (A paraître dans In situ, revue en ligne de l'Inventaire général du patrimoine culturel) ; « Ad caedes hominum prisca amphitheatra patebant, ut longum vivere discant nostra patent » , ce distique latin de Santeul ornait l'amphithéâtre de Saint-Cosme et Saint-Damien , maison des chirurgiens parisiens avant leur installation dans l'édifice construit par Gondoin. Tout en opposant résolument leurs destinations respectives, ce texte souligne la lointaine parenté qui unit les amphithéâtres du monde antique et ces salles de cours, souvent circulaires ou disposées en hémicycle, qui se sont développées depuis l'époque moderne au point de devenir le lieu par excellence de la transmission du savoir universitaire. La famille des espaces dérivés des premiers amphithéâtres est très vaste, tant cette disposition rayonnante du public semble naturelle pour les lieux destinés à la diffusion des paroles : théâtres, salles des assemblées politiques (Sénat, Assemblée nationale, Congrès à Versailles), églises et temples . Les amphithéâtres universitaires ne constituent qu'une branche de cette famille. Peu à peu, en fonction de l'évolution des besoins (nombre d'étudiants, méthodes pédagogiques), leur conception et leur équipement ont évolué, rendant ténue la ressemblance entre les amphithéâtres actuels et ceux des siècles passés. Il est vrai que les amphithéâtres contemporains, très vastes et surpeuplés diffèrent profondément des amphithéâtres anatomiques de la Renaissance. Les amphithéâtres furent d'abord le lieu privilégié des dissections pratiquées par les médecins et les chirurgiens : les premières salles parisiennes témoignent de cette époque. A l'Ecole de Chirurgie de Gondoin, construite entre 1776 et 1786, l'amphithéâtre est toujours destiné aux dissections, mais, par ses dimensions considérables, sa forme majestueuse et sa décoration murale, il annonce les salles de l'époque postérieure : le XIXe siècle sera l'âge d'or des amphithéâtres, le temps des "grands amphithéâtres" avant celui des "gros amphithéâtres", pour reprendre l'expression de Denis Lenglart et Agnès Vince. Au XIXe siècle, la forme de l'amphithéâtre s'impose dans toutes les disciplines. Il est par excellence le lieu du grand cours public, ouvert à tous, à la Sorbonne comme au Collège de France. L'espace professionnel est devenu un lieu de prestige et de représentation comparable aux théâtres et aux opéras. Après 1880, dans les facultés de l'Université de Paris, des amphithéâtres sont construits en grand nombre : conçus avec une grande attention portée aux problèmes techniques, dotés des équipements les plus modernes et les mieux adaptés à la discipline enseignée, décorés somptueusement, ils sont en outre un lieu où se côtoient différents acteurs (professeurs, étudiants, simples auditeurs) et où s'expriment divers rites.

The Silk Route Between Past and Present. A Paradigm Beyond Space and Time. On the threshold of the third millennium, in an atmosphere of anachronisms and contradictions, dominated and conditioned by scientific and technological discoveries, new ideas seem to take flight whilst regional barriers and territorial boundaries are collapsing to give way to a new form of comprehensiveness. Sharing ideas and intellectual stimuli, amalgamating cultural elements circulating along its intertwining branches, the Silk Route has more than once given life to new scientific forms, cultural and intellectual systems and, amongst these, artistic shapes and religious syncretism. The "Silk Route", which, with its articulated network of twisting routes and sub-routes, even now well represents the challenging paradigm of a new age yet standing at its threshold.
A paradigm beyond time and space. The following paper aims at focusing on the Silk Route's Religious-Cultural dimension in the middle-inner Asia of the 13th-15th Centuries, when, whatever may have happened regarding local realms and rulers, it played the role of junction and meeting point of different worlds and their civilisations. Even now we are confronted with a political trend that is at once and the same time a cultural current; emanating from the past, it is re-linking Europe and Asia and, re-uniting territories with their individual and traditional cultural forms, is shaping a renewed kaleidoscopic framework. We are confronted with new forces deeply rooted in the past, which, emanating from the far eastern fringes of Asia, by the second decade of the 21st century have reached the far western fringes of Europe, dynamics that are not only 'economics' and 'scientific technologies' but also thought, religion, and other intellectual values. These forces are heir of past times, nevertheless they endure in the present and are the active lively projection of a future time…though still largely to be understood and matured. A vision of life and universe where speculative and religious values coexist with astounding technological and scientific discoveries in a global dimension without space and time.
At the verge of this millennium, the Information and Communication Revolution has given life with its advanced technologies to a new space conditioned and dominated by no-distances. And this space with its always-evolving scientific discoveries today involves the society in its entirety (what is commonly named as "global space" actually symbolised by the Silk Route), endeavours to amalgamate it creating new links between civil and political society and positioning them in a new military dimension. New forms and structures that are rapidly evolving in search of some balance between technological development and preservation of ancient traditions, which might make possible social and economic justice, yet an utopia more than a reality. However, both (social and economic justice) form the ideological basis of order and stability, anxiously pursued by the young generation in search of an economic and speculative order where stability, security (hard and soft security) and religious structures should in their turn become the platform of new political-institutional structures.
Be that as it may, this is not a new phenomenon. Technological advancements are astoundingly new, but not the process and its aims. We are confronted with a phenomenon that has already occurred in more than one historic phase. Epochal phases. That is the human search for economic and social justice, and their framing into new conceptual schemes. And within this ratio, it would be unrealistic to ignore an additional key-factor. It would be unrealistic to deny that Religion has always been a major player. It has been at the basis of more than one revolution, it has represented the culturalpolitical response to foreign challenges, it has legitimised military action, it has given life to new spaces and political systems, it has filled with its pathos cultural and political voids. It has given to Mankind and Universe a new centrality, creating a new space within which Man and Mankind, History and Philosophy, Cosmos and Universe with their laws meet and merge in new systems and structural orders. The World and its Destiny, core of lively debates, conditioned by the eternal dialectic between economics and society, between society and religion, between science and technology on the one hand, and religion on the other, between formal ratio and ideologies or myths, which underline with their voice the eternal antithesis between cultures and civilisations.
At the verge of the third millennium, the intellectual world is facing a new historiographical debate, into which the Religious Factor has also entered. Knowledge and the vision of the world and its new order/disorder are translated into a new philosophy of culture and history, of society and religion. Rationality, historicity of scientific knowledge, nature and experience, nature and human 'ratio', science and ethics, science and its language, science and its new aims and objectives are amongst some of the major themes of this debate. But not only this: which aims, which objectives? And within which new order that might ensure security and stability, social and economic justice? Thence, revolution and power are coming to the fore with another factor: Force and its use…a stage that, however, does not disregard dialogue and tolerance, or, as recently stated by Francesco Bergoglio, more than tolerance, "reciprocal respect". These are only 'some' amongst the main issues discussed and heard of also in the traditional culture of ordinary people.
Undoubtedly, the end of the Cold War and the well-known "global village" dealt with by Samuel Huntington, the global village with its technological revolutions, have induced to re-think our own speculative parameters, traditional paradigms and models of society and power, mankind and statehood. And once again we have been confronted with elements that might bring to new forms of sharp opposition and a global disorder. However, beyond and behind the Huntingtonian cliché of the "clash of civilizations", a new cultural current seems to take flight spurring from the roots of a traditional past, which however has not yet disappeared. The Silk Route stems out emanating from the far-eastern lands of Asia as the conceptual image, the paradigm of a conceivable new order. By merging the material, scientific-technological and economic dimension of life with a new cultural (or neo-cultural) vocation it seeks (and seems to be able) to give life to a new social body and new systemic-structural answers, a comprehensive order capable of tackling the challenges opened by the collapse of the traditional cultural parameters and the dramatic backdrop of a mere clash of civilisations.
Middle-Inner Asia of the 13th -15th Centuries: the Silk Route and its Reflection on Painting and Architectonic Forms. As just pointed out, nothing is new in the course of History. Professor Axel Berkowsky has authoritatively lingered on the Silk Route – or better "the New Silk Route" – with specific regard on practical aspects of these last decades. In the following text, I wish to linger on a past historic period, particularly fertile when confronted with the collapse of traditional values and the challenges posed by new fearful forces and their dynamics: the Mongols with their hordes (ulus) and, some later, Tamerlane with his terrible Army. Sons of the steppe and its culture, these people suddenly appeared on the stage, raced it from Mesopotamia to the north-eastern corner of Asia with their hordes and their allied tribal groups, shattered previous civilisations and imposed a new dominion, a new political-military order and new models of life. But, with their Military superiority, they also brought the codes and the ancient traditional knowledge of the nomadic world. It is misleading to watch to this epochal phase only as a phase of devastation and horrors. With their codes, Mongols and Timurids brought with them the Chinese algebraic, mathematical and scientific knowledge, and fused it with Mesopotamian mathematical and medical sciences reaching peaks of astronomical, arithmetical, numerical, geometric, algebraic theoretical and practical knowledge. They also brought with them from vital centres of religious scholarship and life a large number of theologians, pirs, traditionists and legal religious scholars with their individual religious features and systems. Shamanism, Buddhism, Muslim forms, Nestorianism and other cults vigorously practised in the mobile world of the steppe gave life to an important phase of religious culture and multifarious practices largely imbued with mystic feelings and traditional emotional states.
Then, and once again, within the global space created by the military conquests of the new-comers, the Silk Route – or more precisely, the Silk and its Routes – reorganised and revitalised trades and business, gave life to close diplomatic connections and matrimonial allegiances reinforced by a vigorous traditional chancery and official correspondence, that tightly linked Asia with Europe. Within this new global order, the Silk and its routes played the crucial role, shaped new political, institutional, scientific and intellectual formulae, gave life to new conceptual forms that – at their core – had Man and Mankind as centre of the entire Universe. We are confronted with a cultural development begun at a time when the sons of the steppe were taking over lands of the classical Arabic civilisation (like Syria, Iraq and al-Jazīra), at a time when the Iranian world was still centre of intellectual life and its social norms were still spreading over large spaces of Inner Asian territories. Visual Arts wonderfully mirror this phenomenon.
We witness a process that renovated itself 'from within' in the course of three centuries and did not stop even when the arrival of the European Powers on the Asian markets seemed to sign, with the decay and end of the traditional market economy, also the closing of the cultural interactions created by the Silk Routes of the time. Once again, Visual Arts wonderfully mirror this phenomenon: a dramatic transitional, fluid period, marked by a distinctive timeless reality, which had no longer territories well delimited by frontiers to conquer or defend.
Herewith I have dealt, as an example, with the reflection of the new conceptions of Life and Universe on visual Fine Arts in the 13th-15th centuries, specifically painting and architectonic forms. Ideological values that aimed to forge new relationships among different peoples and their individual human values, religious thinking, moral codes…and economic, scientific, technological achievements.
'Fine Arts'. Visual fine arts, in my case painting and architecture, are the mirror of feelings shared by the Lords of the time, registered by painters and architects in plastic forms, the signal of these stances to an often confused Humanity. Here, I linger on two pictorial themes: Nature and Landscape on the one hand, and Religion with its very images on the other. With regard to architectonic forms, these reflect the same conceptual paradigm shaped through technical features. By those ages, Nature and Landscape were perceived by contemporary painters and architects with formal, stylistic and technical characteristics which strongly reflected the impact with a world which lived its life in close, intimate contact with nature, a world and a culture which observed Nature and the Cosmos, and perceived them in every detail over the slow rhythmical march of days and nights, of seasons and the lunar cycles. These artistic features depict a precise image, that of a world which lives its life often at odds with nature for its very survival, a world which conditions nature or is conditioned in its turn. At that time, it was a world and a cosmic order which were often perceived by the artist in their tension with uncertainty and the blind recklessness of modern-contemporary times. However, to a closer analysis, these same artistic forms shape a celestial order which was at one and the same time a culture and a religion.
In the vast borderless space of the Euro-Asiatic steppes, cut by great rivers, broken by steep rocky mountainous chains and inhospitable desert fig.aux, the Silk succeeded in building and organising its own network of twisting routes and sub-routes, along which transited (albeit, yet still transit) caravans with their goods…but also cultural elements and their conceptual-philosophical forms. Of these latter and their syncretic imageries and dreams, the fine arts have left evocative pictures and architectonic images, which depicted a world that is the projection of a precise social and political reality and its underlying factors, such as the restlessness of a nomadic pattern of life and the culture of the Town and its urban life. Little is changed today despite the collapse of the Soviet empire and its order. Features and forms change, but in both cases they announce a different world with its order built on a robust syncretism, which is at the same time science, knowledge, harmony and religion (divine or human, or both). A world that is the projection of a precise political, social and economic reality. A reality that, at one and the same time, is the silent voice of a humanity often disregarded by contemporary writers, an 'underground world' that echoes traditional forms and their dynamics, and a no less authoritative de facto power that politically, economically and militarily conditions and dominates its times. A reality that finds an authoritative voice through the Silk Route.

Jurnal Ruang-Space mendedikasikan publikasinya untuk memperoleh pemahaman terhadap ruang dan lingkungan binaan. Jurnal ini ditujukan untuk menjembatani kesenjangan dalam publikasi ilmiah, khususnya yang menempatkan lingkungan binaan sebagai bagian yang tidak terpisahkan dari ilmu-ilmu sosial maupun politik. Dalam konteks ini, Jurnal Ruang mempublikasikan artikel-artikel yang mendorong kemunculan pemikiran-pemikiran kritis, sebagai salah satu karakteristik dari era pasca-modern dan globalisasi. Pemahaman terhadap lingkungan binaan secara menyeluruh dilaksanakan dengan memproposisikan pendekatan lintas disiplin, dan cara berpikir yang tidak semata dibatasi bidang keprofesian tertentu. Adapun fokus pembidangan Jurnal ini adalah pada isu-isu yang muncul sebagai akibat pembangunan keruangan untuk mengakomodasi kebutuhan bermukim umat manusia di era milenium ketiga. Fokus ini mencakup disiplin arsitektur, perencanaan, arsitektur landskap, perancangan kota, termasuk juga pandangan serta interprestasi terhadap lingkungan binaan dari kacamata urban geografi, sosiologi dan ilmu politik. Dalam mendukung visi global ini, kami mengundang partisipasi dari penulis, baik yang berasal dari dalam maupun luar Indonesia.Secara detil, Jurnal Ruang-Space menerima artikel yang membahas isu-isu berkenaan sustainabilitas, wujud kota (urban form), urban landskap (urban landscape), desain kontrol, wujud serta organisasi spasial kemasyarakatan, etnik arsitektur, perumahan untuk masyarakat berpendapatan rendah, kebijakan serta urban politik, and desain perkotaan. Jurnal ini menyambut baik kajian terhadap beragam teori dalam wujud aplikasi maupun temuan, baik yang berupa fakta maupun analisis baru. Dalam konteks ini, pendekatan serta pemikiran berbasis multidisiplin menjadi sebuah keharusan, dan bukan perkecualian. Pendekatan berpikir 'outside the box' akan menjadi karakter penting dalam pencapaian tujuan ini. Melalui publikasi Jurnal Ruang -Space kami berharap bisa membangun visi yang dinamik dan menarik, yang berbeda dengan wujud publikasi yang hanya dilandasi oleh pandangan bahwa perencanaan dan perancangan arsitektur sebagai satu-satunya elemen penentu kualitas fisik maupun sosial dari lingkungan binaan, dimana kita berada.Selain bertujuan menyediakan ruang untuk publikasi terkait topik-topik di atas, Jurnal Ruang-Space juga mempublikasikan artikel berdasarkan tema spesifik, yang secara khusus dan mendalam membahas isu-isu tertentu. Tema ini dibangun dalam batas lingkup topik publikasi, misalnya: pembangunan keruangan desa, ruang pada sistem kemasyarakatan tradisional, pengaruh globalisasi terhadap budaya keruangan lokal, dan mekanisme penggendalian pembangunan keruangan di daerah. Disamping itu, sebagai sebuah produk publikasi dari Program Studi Magister Arsitektur, Universitas Udayana, Bali, kami memiliki misi menjadikan Jurnal ini sebagai media untuk mendiskusikan isu-isu penting yang sedang dihadapi masyarakat di Pulau Dewata. Ini khususnya mencakup permasalahan pembangunan dan budaya secara keseluruhan. Di permukaan, debat berkenaan topik ini bertautan erat dengan industri kepariwisataan, yang dampaknya sudah sangat jelas bisa diidentifikasi, dan telah diinterprestasikan secara beragam. Di satu sisi, industri ini seringkali dipandang memiliki peran destruktif terhadap lingkungan dan budaya lokal, namun pada saat yang sama telah berkontribusi secara besar-besaran terhadap pembangunan ekonomi. Sirkumsatansi ini bukanlah hal langka yang hanya dialami Bali, namun pulau ini memiliki potensi untuk dijadikan sebagai laboratorium, dimana permasalahan yang muncul sebagai akibat pembangunan pariwisata bisa dipelajari secara mendalam. Selain mempublikasikan artikel dengan format dan substansi tersebut di atas, ke depannya, Jurnal Ruang-Space juga mengundang tiga tipe publikasi. Pertama, book review (maksimum 1000 kata). Kedua, viewpoints yang memamaparkan pandangan-pandangan kekinian atau kritik terhadap sebuah teori, metode, topik-topik tertentu, dan lain-lain yang dipandang oleh penulis telah terlalaikan atau dimisinterprestasikan (1000-2000 kata). Ketiga, review terhadap artikel yang tidak hanya mereview buku tertentu, tetapi melingkup juga sejarah, dampak, buku-buku yang memiliki kemiripan, kritik terhadap teori (2000-3000 kata). Melalui kesempatan ini, kami ucapkan selamat bergabung kepada anggota Dewan Editor Jurnal Ruang-Space. Terima kasih yang sedalam-dalamnya kami sampaikan kepada Ibu dan Bapak Anggota Dewan Editor atas kesediaannya untuk berpartisipasi dalam publikasi ini. Kami berharap, melalui dukungan Ibu dan Bapak, Jurnal Ruang-Space akan mencapai misinya untuk berperan sebagai media komunikasi bagi pemikiran-pemikiran baru serta hasil-hasil studi di bidang lingkungan terbangun. Anggota Dewan Editor Jurnal Ruang-Space memiliki latar belakang kepakaran yang beragam dan telah memiliki pengakuan di bidangnya masing-masing. Ini melingkup kepakaran di bidang rancang bangun, pembangunan dan perencanaan, perancangan kota, politikal ekonomi, sosiologi, sejarah dan antrofologi. Edisi perdana Jurnal Ruang-Space diawali dengan artikel yang dikontribuskan oleh Profesor Alexander Cuthbert (UNSW, Australia), salah satu guru besar tamu di Universitas Udayana. Artikel pertama ini mempersonifikasikan beberapa aspek dari permasalahan yang dihadapi dalam perancangan kota, dengan menawarkan sebuah pendekatan teoritis baru. Tulisan ini memandang bahwa estetika dan interprestasi terhadap budaya di bidang arsitektur bisa dilihat melalui kacamata teori-teori sosial. Artikel kedua ditulis Ni Made Dhina Avianthi Irawan, salah seorang staf Kementrian Pekerjaan Umum Bali di bidang Penataan Bangunan dan Lingkungan. Dhina membahas tentang pembangunan citra Kota Blahkiuh berdasarkan pengalaman serta pandangan masyarakat pengamat perkembangan kota. Blahkiuh merupakan salah satu contoh kota golongan IV di Bali. Tulisan ketiga disajikan oleh Ni Made Emmi Nutrisia Dewi, salah satu staf pengajar dari Sekolah Tinggi Desain, Bali. Tulisan Emmi mengkaji tentang pemanfaatan ruang-ruang komunal di Desa Pedungan (Denpasar), wujud perubahan fungsi yang ada dan faktor-faktor penyebab perubahan ini. Artikel keempat ditulis oleh I Made Wirata (arsitek profesional) dan Ngakan Putu Sueca (profesor Jurusan Arsitektur, Universitas Udayana). Tulisan ini membahas tentang konsep rumah adat Suku Sasak di Dusun Segenter, Lombok Utara. Keunikan permukiman ini adalah pada penempatan ruang-ruang yang sangat tergantung dari penempatan pintu dan bale sakanem (bangunan dengan 6 tiang struktur). Artikel kelima ditulis oleh Dinar Sukma Pramesti, seorang arsitek profesional. Tulisan Dinar mendiskusikan tentang tipe rumah panggung di Kampung Loloan, Kabupaten Jembrana, Bali. Dinar menggarisbawahi jika bentuk arsitektur rumah panggung kampung ini telah berkembang, menyesuaikan kondisi sosial-budaya, ekonomi, umur bangunan, ketersediaan lahan, dan preferensi dari penghuni. Artikel keenam disusun oleh I Nengah Riana, Widiastuti, dan Ida Bagus Gde Primayatna, staf akademik dari Jurusan Teknik Sipil, Universitas Pendidikan Nasional, (Bali) dan Jurusan Arsitektur, Universitas Udayana. Paper ini menstudi salah satu permasalahan serius yang semakin dihadapi Kota Denpasar, yaitu perubahan pemanfaatan ruang terbuka hijau. Perubahan ini dilihat dari wujud perubahannya serta faktor-faktor yang menyebabkan terjadinya alih fungsi ini. Artikel ketujuh mengkaji tentang relevansi dari perumahan berlantai banyak dalam pemenuhan kebutuhan perumahan untuk masyarakat berpendapatan rendah di daerah perkotaan di Indonesia, yang ditulis oleh Gusti Ayu Made Suartika, seorang akademik dari Program Studi Magister Perencanaan dan Pembangunan Spasial Desa/Kota, Universitas Udayana. Akhirnya terima kasih yang sebesar-besarnya disampaikan kepada para penulis, wakil editor, anggota dewan editor, staf editor, dan team produksi, yang telah berkontribusi dan bekerja keras sehingga publikasi Jurnal RUANG-SPACE terealisasikan. ??? Ruang-Space is a new journal dedicated to the understanding of space and the built environment. It has been created to fill a major gap in academic publishing in Indonesia, where the physical built environment remains somewhat detached from its counterparts in social science and urban politics. To this extent Ruang-Space focuses on development in general, encouraging lateral thinking as a dominant characteristic of post-modern thought and the politics of globalisation. The intention is to address the built environment as a whole, and to dispense with the barriers and silos that define professional thinking. So the subject matter of the journal will focus on major issues emerging from the development of human settlements in the third millennium. These will of necessity include the disciplines of architecture, planning, landscape architecture and urban design, as well as interpretations of the built environment emerging from urban geography, sociology and political science. In order to support our global vision, we encourage articles and reviews from around the world. In greater detail, we welcome submissions dealing with sustainability, urban form, the urban landscape, design control, community organisation, ethnic architecture, housing for the poor, urban politics and policy, and the design of cities. But in addition to our overall intention to broaden the analysis of settlement form and structure in Indonesia and abroad, we wish to push forward the barriers on significant theory, either in its application or in the discovery of new facts and forms of analysis. In so doing we accept that in the increasingly globalising world of postmodernity, cross disciplinarity is becoming the rule rather than the exception, and that thinking 'outside the box' is now a necessary characteristic of this process. Hence submissions which further these ideas will be encouraged in the peer-refereeing process that we will pursue. Under the umbrella of Ruang-Space, we hope to generate a dynamic and interesting vision of the built environment that stands in contrast to journals whose subject matter is contained within a narrow vision of architecture and planning as constraining determinants of social space. While it is our intention to make space available on a continuing basis to a diversity of submissions, as is now the norm we intend to publish occasional 'themed' issues that cover particular subjects in significant depth, for example in kampung development, space in traditional societies, the impact of globalisation on local cultures and development control. Additionally, since this journal is being produced by the Masters Program in Architecture at Udayana University in Bali, it is also our intention to use it as a forum for the diversity of problems that now inundate Balinese society, specifically those that affect development and culture as a whole. In the forefront of this debate lies the nemesis of tourism. Its impacts are ubiquitous and variously interpreted on the one hand as destructive of environment and culture yet on the other as a making a massive contribution to the local economy. While Bali's problems are not original, the island paradise offers a singular laboratory where the conflicts brought by tourism can be studied in significant depth. It is also our intention to generalise our content, not only in subject matter but also in the form in which it is presented. In future issues we will also welcome three other types of submission. First, book reviews (up to 1000 words). Second, viewpoints which provide a new insight or critique of a theory, method, subject matter etc that the author feels is being ignored or is otherwise misinterpreted (1000-2000 words). Third, review articles which not only review a particular book, but cover its history, influences, similar texts and a theoretical critique of content (approx 2-3000 words). We also take this opportunity to welcome our editorial board members, whom we gratefully thank for their participation. We hope that with your support, this journal will achieve its mission to be a medium for communication for new thoughts and study findings in the area of the built environment. Our editorial board includes experts in a variety of fields dealing with the built environment, individuals who have attained great respect in their diverse disciplines, including architecture, urban planning, urban design, political economy, sociology, sustainability, anthropology and history. This first Volume and first issue is opened by Professor Cuthbert who is a distinguished Visiting Professor at our University (Guru Besar Tamu), whose work has had international acclaim in the area of urban design. His article personifies many of the above qualities by offering a new theoretical framework for urban design from within the realm of social theory that he suggests can replace aesthetic and 'cultural' interpretations of architecture. This is followed by the second article written by Ni Made Dhina Avianthi Irawan, a civil servant of Ministry of Public Works, Department of Building and Environment in Bali. Dhina discusses the development of Blahkiuh image based on observers experiences and perception. Blahkiuh is classified as a city of class IV status in Bali. The third paper is authored by Ni Made Emmi Nutrisia Dewi, an academic of the Design Institute of Bali. Emmi's article studies the use of communal spaces of Pedungan Village (Denpasar), and the changes and factors behind them. The fourth article is written by I Made Wirata, a professional architect, and Ngakan Putu Sueca (Professor in the Department of Architecture, Udayana University). It discusses concepts behind the Sasak houses of Segenter Village, North of Lombok. The uniqueness of these settlements is the layout of spaces that relies heavily on the placement of doors and the bale sakanem (building with six structural columns). The fifth article is authored by Dinar Sukma Pramesti, a professional architect. Dinar studies the stilt houses of Loloan community, Jembrana, Bali. She underlines that the form of stilt houses has changed over time in line with various elements including socio-cultural aspects, economic factors, building age, land availability, and occupants' preferences. The sixth article is written by I Nengah Riana, Widiastuti, and Ida Bagus Gde Primayatna, academic staff from the Department of Civil Engineering, National University (Bali) and the Department of Architecture, Udayana University. It examines the conversion of green open spaces, a major problem in Denpasar. The seventh paper is authored by Gusti Ayu Made Suartika. It examines the relevance of multi storey housing in fulfilling the need for affordable houses by low income urban dwellers in Indonesia. Finally, a big thank you to all our contributors, editorial board, production team and publishing staff who have worked faithfully to bring the journal RUANG- SPACE into being.

The global toll of human suffering and material loss due to disasters has led to growing public concern and expanded institutional response in the form of disaster relief and recovery assistance from individuals, governments, and intergovernmental organizations. Initial humanitarian concern has primarily been focused on dealing with the consequences of disasters. However, we must begin to address the causes of these events while ensuring the implementation of policies to reduce disaster risks or losses. Low- and middle-income countries will experience a doubling of their building stocks in the next 15- 20 years, and it is crucial to assure that this new construction does not recreate and expand the disaster vulnerability of the present. Priority must be placed on the production of safe and resilient cities, communities, and homes. While safer, code-compliant construction may add to initial construction costs, these investments can be balanced against the reduced loss of life and property in future disasters. The agenda provides the international community with an opportunity to leverage regulatory governance as a powerful means to shift the focus from post-disaster relief and response to proactive population protection, disaster prevention, and sustainable and resilient urban development.

 Troll is a fairly entertaining movie (but that is not what this post is about)To repeat something I have said before, if,  as it has often been claimed, philosophy begins with Socrates then it also begins with its particular antagonism, its particular anti-philosophy in the sophist and sophistry. It seems to me that if one wanted to read the history of philosophy in this way, with a founding event and founding antagonism, then one might want to consider who is our anti-philosopher today, who is the contemporary equivalent of the sophist? The answer would seem to have to be the troll. This is my preamble to what is now becoming an ongoing discussion of Florida's vanguard fight against knowledge and reason; or more to the point, destruction of knowledge and truth in order to preserve whiteness.  As it was revealed recently, the new curriculum of black history in Florida teaches middle schoolers that "slaves developed skills which, in some instances, could be applied for their personal benefit." There is so much to unpack about this claim, as they say in grad school. First, there is the assumption that the people captured from Africa had no skills, no knowledge, no history, nothing but their bodies and skin. Such a claim not only follows from the mythology of a Dark Continent, outside of civilization and history, it confuses an effect from a cause. The people who became slaves were stripped of their knowledge, culture, and social relations. What Orlando Patterson calls a social death was also the reduction of a person to pure labor power, to a capacity to work and nothing else, an animate tool, as Aristotle put it. Second, as the architects of this change doubled down on this claim, since that is what trolls do, providing a list of individuals who gained "valuable job skills" during their "unpaid internship" on a plantation, they provided a list of mostly false claims, listing individuals who were never enslaved, or, in the case of Booker T. Washington, learned literacy and other skills after their emancipation. This "feel good" story about slavery is, like so many feel good stories about history, just not true. Of course there might be a case, or even a few, of people who learned a valuable skill during slavery--it could have happened. That does not defend the claim, or, more importantly does not defend its inclusion in a curriculum. It is, I would argue, an example of exception trolling, in which an isolated case or incident is used to obscure or confuse a general or structural tendency. Focusing on these isolated or unique cases, which often appeal to an anecdotal way of thinking that is predominant in our culture, is used to obscure what is generally the case. I would argue that part of gaining knowledge, part of thinking, is understanding the difference between an exception and a rule. Once, when I was in sixth grade, I think, I had the job of feeding the school's snake, a python or boa constrictor. I dropped the live rat in the tank with the snake, watched the snake coil and strike, and saw the rat bite the snake in the eye, blood spurting everywhere, eventually killing it. (This is probably why feeding live animals to snakes is no longer recommended. Not only is it cruel; It is also potential risky). This happened, I saw it with my own eyes, but I would still say that snakes kill and eat rats, and not the other way around. Exceptions exist as do rules, and the former does not negate the latter. Exception trolling is a persistent strategy of trolling, in which exceptions are made to obscure or conceal rules.I should say, as something of an aside, that this exception trolling has one of its conditions the transformation of all knowledge into discrete bits of information, facts, that can be found, cited and circulated independent of context, conditions, and larger implications. Joseph Vogl's book Capitalism and Ressentiment does an interesting job of charting the history of the current regime of contextless and thoughtless information, but that is for another time. (I just finished a review of that book.) In this reduction of all knowledge to isolated facts and bits of information any discussion of meaning or significance of this or that fact, its place within history or a system of values is impossible. As the clip below makes clear, anyone arguing against the claim that slaves learned skills is either an idiot or lying. Meaning, significance, and importance disappear in the absolute binary of facts. One exception is all that it takes to disprove any claim about systemic discrimination, exploitation, or marginalization. This is why the exception troll has a well stocked set of links and tabs of these exceptions, "reverse racism," false claims of sexual harassment,  happy slaves, etc., It is not facts and logic, as is often claimed, but the logic of the (singular and isolated) fact. This raises the question, what goal does this trolling serve? I think that trolling has to be understood as not just a failure to think, to distinguish exceptions from rules, but as itself the articulation of its own logic. In other words, trolling must be read symptomatically. It is necessary to see what is being said in what is not being said, or what is not being said by being said. In some sense these remarks about the virtues of slavery, and, if you watch the clip above, the holocaust could be understood as the culmination of "negative solidarity." Even the slave, the denizen of the concentration camp, cannot complain, they are gaining valuable job training, they just have to make themselves useful and everything will turn out fine. There is nothing to criticize, nothing to complain about. (I see culmination because I cannot imagine something worse than someone saying "slavery was not that bad, they were gaining job skills," but what I can imagine and what monstrosities history can produce are two different things). As such it also can be considered the culmination of "right workerism." Work is the ultimate meaning and justification of existence, those who do not work not only do not eat, but do not have a right to exist. The arguments about slavery and the holocaust are not just horrible distortions of a horrible past, they are alibis for a darker future. One in which the worst possible jobs, or unpaid internships, are seen as building valuable skills, or, if there are no skills involved, developing a solid work ethic. Anyone who praises slavery is preparing for you to become a slave. 

Il numero 7 di AGATHÓN raccoglie saggi, studi, ricerche e progetti sul tema dal titolo 'Dal Mega al Nano: la Complessità del Progetto Multiscalare', tema indissolubilmente legato alla sempre maggiore richiesta di trans e multidisplinarietà del progetto. La capacità di effettuare 'salti di scala', di agire su scale diverse e di costruirne di nuove o di mutare il senso di quelle comunemente accettate è una pratica comune dell'approccio al progetto, e riguarda da sempre gli architetti, gli ingegneri, i designer e gli artisti, nei molteplici significati simbolici e reali della misura di un territorio, di una città, di un'architettura e di un oggetto. I concetti di scala e di misura sono indispensabili per correlare, in un'ottica sistemica, il particolare con il generale, il dettaglio con l'insieme, per interpretare e rappresentare, per discretizzare e ricomporre elementi e parti tra loro in un rapporto di gerarchia o di interconnessione, per indagare il fisico e il sociale, per delinearne criticità e potenzialità, ma soprattutto per stabilire l'importanza degli aspetti relazionali fra l'insieme e le sue parti come chiave di lettura della loro identità, della loro natura e organizzazione, dei principi di regolazione e del ruolo svolto nei diversi contesti, ovvero di quei fattori indispensabili per individuare forma e struttura di un territorio, di una città, di un'architettura e di un oggetto. La nozione di scala in Architettura regola la dimensione dello spazio antropico, ponendo sempre come riferimento la dimensione umana. La scelta della scala è inevitabilmente una selezione concettuale di ciò che in effetti il progetto vuole rappresentare. Quando invece si utilizza la rappresentazione multiscalare si cerca di esplicitare la complessità del reale servendosi di un maggior numero di criteri regolatori e di valutazioni specifiche, non solo descrivendone gli aspetti dimensionali e geometrici, ma soprattutto evidenziandone in maniera significativa gli aspetti qualitativi e quelli legati all'identità, alla cultura e alla storia. Ciò significa che non esiste una sola scala per la rappresentazione del territorio, della città, dell'architettura, di un oggetto o di un dettaglio; tuttavia, nella logica della necessaria multiscalarità il progetto seleziona di volta in volta la scala più adeguata allo svolgimento delle pratiche. La scala, quindi, ha un'interferenza logica sul progetto: grazie agli avanzamenti della tecnologia nell'ambito della progettazione a tutti i livelli, essa probabilmente è la componente del progetto su cui maggiormente il progettista agisce coordinando relazioni reali e virtuali in maniera simultanea; queste relazioni non terminano con la concretizzazione della forma, ma continuano nel tempo e modificano la gestione della complessità propria dell'oggetto. I saggi e le ricerche pubblicati dimostrano che, se misurare usando la scala come strumento significa prendere possesso delle cose del mondo stabilendone le differenze, il fuori-misura può costituire la base per nuovi assunti teorici in cui l'infinitamente grande (il 'mega') e l'infinitamente piccolo (il 'nano') concorrono simultaneamente nella definizione di questioni centrali come la sostenibilità ambientale, sociale ed economica, la resilienza, il governo del territorio, la concezione dello spazio, l'estetica, l'uso, lo sviluppo di nuovi prodotti, servizi e materiali, ecc. L'approccio multiscalare può quindi essere considerato un importante strumento progettuale operativo che, in un'ottica sistemica, può favorire la proposizione di adeguate strategie d'azione e di pianificazione degli interventi sostenibili, sviluppando nuove metodiche, tecniche operative e metriche condivise, attraverso ragionate gerarchie di priorità necessarie a ottimizzare le scelte del progetto e a determinare credibili bilanci costi/benefici (soprattutto di natura ambientale). ; AGATHÓN issue number 7 is a collection of essays, studies, research and projects on the subject entitled 'From Mega to Nano: the Complexity of a Multiscalar Project', inextricably linked to the ever-increasing request of trans and multidisciplinarity of the project. The ability of 'change of scales', work on more different scales – multiscalarity – create new ones or change the meaning of the scales commonly accepted, it is common practice in the approach to the project and has always concerned architects, engineers, designers and artists for the multiple symbolic and real meanings of the size of a territory, a city, an architecture and an object. The concepts of scale and size are fundamental to link, in a systemic point of view, the detail with the big picture, the detail with the group, to interpret and represent, to discretize and recompose elements and parts that stand in a hierarchy or interconnection relation, to investigate the physical and social, to outline critical issues and potential, but especially to establish the importance of relational aspects between the group and its component as a way to understand their identity, their nature and organization, their regulation rules and the role played in different contexts, namely the fundamental elements to identify the form and structure of a territory, a city, an architecture and an object. The concept of scale in Architecture regulates the size of the anthropic space, always keeping human dimension as reference. The choice of the scale inevitably becomes a conceptual selection of what the project actually wants to represent. When using multiscalar representation, we try to show the complexity of reality, by using as many regulation criteria and specific evaluations as we can, not only by describing its size and geometric aspects but most of all by significantly highlighting its qualitative aspects and those related to identity, culture and history. This means that there is not just one scale to represent a territory, a city, architecture, an object or a detail; however, in terms of a necessary multiscalarity, the project chooses the most fitting scale to develop practices, on a case-by-case basis. Therefore, logically the scale influences the project: thanks to the progress of technology in the field of design at all levels, it is probably the component of the project on which the designer works the most, simultaneously coordinating real and virtual relations; these relations do not end when the form is created, but continue over time and modify the management of the object's complexity. The essays and research published show that if measuring, using the scale as a tool, means understanding the things in the world by establishing some differences, therefore 'off-size' can be the basis for new theoretical assumptions in which both the infinitely large (mega) and the infinitely small (nano) contribute to defining crucial topics, such as environmental, social and economic sustainability, resilience, territory government, the idea of space, aesthetics, use, development of new products, services and materials, etc. Therefore, the multiscalar approach can be considered as an important design working tool that, in a systemic point of view, can foster the proposal of adequate strategies for action and planning of sustainable actions, developing new methods, working techniques and shared measurements, through well-considered hierarchies of priorities necessary to optimize the choices of the project and to determine the reliable cost/benefit balances (especially of environmental nature).

Diese Forschungsarbeit beschäftigt sich damit, wie die Anpassung an die Folgen des Klimawandels in der kommunalen Stadtplanung angegangen und bewältigt werden kann. Dabei fokussiert sich diese Arbeit auf den Umgang mit zunehmenden Hitzebelastungen in den Städten. Der Weltklimarat geht davon aus, dass durch den Klimawandel in den nächsten Jahrzehnten extreme Wetterereignisse wie Hitzewellen, Dürren, Hochwasser und Starkregen zunehmen werden. Insbesondere in Städten verursachen Hochwasser- und Starkregenereignisse große wirtschaftliche Schäden. Hitzewellen stellen besonders in dicht bebauten Städten für Gesundheit, Wohlbefinden und Arbeitsleistung eine hohe Belastung dar. Deshalb ist es erforderlich, die Klimafolgen und ihre Anpassungsmöglichkeiten in Städten stärker in den Blick zu nehmen. Während der Klimaschutz seit geraumer Zeit ein wichtiger Bestandteil kommunaler Politik ist, stellt die Anpassung der städtischen Strukturen ein neues Aufgabenfeld dar. Der Gesetzgeber hat im Jahr 2011 mit der Novellierung des Baugesetzbuches deutlich gemacht, dass vorsorgende und schützende Maßnahmen zur Klimaanpassung im Rahmen der Stadtplanung umgesetzt werden sollen. Daraus wird deutlich, dass die Stadtplanung aufgrund ihrer Kernkompetenzen und Steuerungsinstrumente eine wichtige Rolle bei der Klimaanpassung einnehmen soll. Ziel dieser Arbeit ist es, aktuelle Erkenntnisse und Grundlagen aus Forschung und Praxis für die Klimaanpassung zusammenzutragen und auszuwerten, um abschließend Handlungsempfehlungen für die kommunale Planungspraxis abzuleiten. Es sind drei übergeordnete Themenfelder identifiziert worden, die im Rahmen dieser Arbeit betrachtet werden: Klimafolgen & Handlungsbedarf, Strategien & Maßnahmen und Umsetzung & Instrumente. Einleitend werden die Erkenntnisse zum Klimawandel und der Entwicklung der Hitzebelastung zusammengetragen und die kommunale Aufgabe der Klimaanpassung verdeutlicht. Zum anderen wird die Thematik der Betroffenheit in den Städten dargestellt. Außerdem wird untersucht, welche Hitzebelastungen zukünftig zu erwarten sind und welche Strategien und Maßnahmen geeignet sind, um den Hitzestress der Menschen zugunsten von Lebensqualität und Gesundheit in Städten zu minimieren. Außerdem wird betrachtet, wie Maßnahmen in der Planungspraxis umgesetzt werden können. Ergänzend werden die klimatischen Datengrundlagen und Werkzeuge betrachtet, die der Stadtplanung im Planungsprozess und für die Abwägung zur Verfügung stehen. Die Arbeit zeigt, dass die Stadtplanung einen maßgeblichen Beitrag zum Umgang mit Hitzestress in den Städten leisten kann. Im Rahmen der Betrachtungen wurde deutlich, dass wesentliche Grundlagen und Erkenntnisse zu möglichen Maßnahmen aus der Stadtklimatologie und Human-Biometeorologie bereits vorliegen, jedoch der Transfer dieser Erkenntnisse in die Stadtplanung weiter auszubauen ist. Wesentliche Handlungsansätze ergeben sich bei der Durchlüftung der Stadt sowie der Straßenraum-, Oberflächen- und Gebäudegestaltung. Mithin wird die Herausforderung darin bestehen, hitzeangepasste Städte und Quartiere zu entwickeln - also die Stadträume klimatisch weiter zu qualifizieren sowie klimatisch bedeutsame Flächen von weiterer Bebauung freizuhalten. Es wird empfohlen, die grüne und blaue Infrastruktur einer Stadt zu erhöhen und die Aufenthaltsqualität im öffentlichen Raum insbesondere durch Beschattung und Wasserangebote im Sommer zu verbessern. Ein noch weiter zu erforschendes Handlungsfeld ist der Einsatz hochreflektierender Materialien, um die Aufheizung der Stadtstrukturen zu reduzieren. Lokale Kaltluftflüsse können die nächtliche Auskühlung der Stadträume unterstützen. Untersuchungen zeigen, dass die verschiedenen Stadtquartiere aufgrund ihrer stadtstrukturellen Rahmenbedingungen unterschiedliche Anwendungspotenziale aufweisen. Außerdem ist im Einzelfall zu definieren, ob mit den angewandten Maßnahmen die Überwärmung der Stadt gemindert oder der lokale Klimakomfort des Menschen verbessert werden soll. Bei der Anwendung der Planungsinstrumente ist von Bedeutung, dass klimatische Aspekte frühzeitig und stärker in Planungsprozessen berücksichtigt werden und die verschiedenen Instrumente zielgerichtet eingesetzt werden. Für das Stadtklima bzw. Mikroklima gibt es kein Fachgesetz und damit keine Richt- oder Grenzwerte, so dass eine Umsetzung von Maßnahmen stark vom politischen Willen und von der Fachkompetenz der Fachverwaltung sowie beteiligten Büros abhängig ist. Außerdem lässt sich ableiten, dass die lokale Betroffenheit gegenüber Hitzebelastungen in den verschiedenen Regionen Deutschlands unterschiedlich ist, weshalb der individuelle Handlungsbedarf lokal zu bestimmen ist. Dafür eignet sich zum Beispiel die Entwicklung einer kommunalen Anpassungsstrategie mit einem breit angelegten Beteiligungsprozess unter Einbindung von Fachverwaltung, Politik und Öffentlichkeit. Fakt ist, dass die Integration der Klimaanpassung in die Planungspraxis erst begonnen hat und ein kontinuierlicher Erfahrungsaustausch sowie staatliche Förderprogramme weiterhin erforderlich sind. Wichtige weitere Forschungsthemen sind u. a. die mikroklimatischen Wirkungen von Maßnahmen auf Stadtquartiers- und Vorhabenebene, die Einbindung der Klimaanpassung in die Städtebauförderung und Bauleitplanung sowie die Weiterentwicklung von stadtklimatischen Analyse- und Bewertungstools für die städtebauliche und freiraumplanerische Entwurfsplanung. ; This research study investigates how climate adaption can be solved and integrated into urban planning. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) predicts an enormous increase of extreme weather events like heat waves, droughts, floods and strong rain through global warming within the upcoming decades. Floods and strong rain cause severe economic damage particularly within city structures. Heat waves however lead to health risks and cause strain on well-being and performance at work of the population particularly within densely built cities. Therefore it has become necessary to focus on climate change on city scale and on its potentials for climate adaption. While climate protection is since a while part of municipal politics, climate adaptation is a relatively new task. Due to its core competences and instruments urban planning is bound to play a key role within climate adaption. In the year 2011 the German federal parliament has made precautionary und protective measurements to obligatory tasks in the development of cities and towns in the Federal Building Code. The aim of this study is a subject-related documentation of current knowledge and planning-relevant basics dealing with climate adaptation extracting final recommendations for urban planning. The focus is on solutions in dealing with growing heat stress in cities due to climate change. This research study takes a closer look at three overarching subject areas that have been determined: • Climate change impact & need for action • Strategies & measures • Implementation & managements instruments At first current knowledge on possible climate changes, heat weaves and urban heat is being summarized. Secondly the municipal task of climate adaptation is being illustrated. Further the issue of the cities specific vulnerability is analyzed. This research points out future urban heat problems and discusses potential strategies and measures in urban planning, designed to minimize the overheating in cities in order to improve health-related quality of life. Furthermore it is examined how measures can be implemented in daily planning action. Additionally a closer examination of basic climatic data and tools available for planning and decision-making processes is being done. This research study indicates that urban planning can contribute to dealing with heat stress in cities. However, the challenge is to develope heat-adapted cities and urban quarters which means to qualify urban structures for climate changes and to prevent climate-relevant open spaces from further building development. It is shown that substantial basics and knowledge towards measures are already explored in urban climatology and human biometeorology whereupon the transfer of this knowledge in urban planning has still to be improved. Important fields of action lie within city ventilation and the design of urban spaces, ground and building surfaces. It is recommended to enhance the green and blue infrastructure of the cities. Further the quality of open public space should be improved by means of shading and water elements. Local flows of cold air can help to cool down city structures during night time. A further field of action yet to be explored in Germany is the use of highly reflective materials, designed to reduce the heating of urban structures. Further it becomes apparent that different urban quarters require varying strategies and solutions in order to their urban structure. In addition one has to look at whether measures rather should help to reduce urban heating or enhance thermal comfort of humans. Within planning processes it has been shown that it is crucial to consider climatic aspects to an early stage and with more significance as well as to use the planning instruments in a more target-orientated way. Missing legal requirements and therefore bench marks and critical value lead to the point that the implementation of measurements is strongly dependant on the willingness of local politicians as well as of the knowledge of municipal departments and external practices. Furthermore it can be derived that the local vulnerability within different regions in Germany needs to be estimated in order to identify the required need for action at local scale. For this a broadly based participation, for instance in the context of a municipal adaptation strategy, is suited involving administration, politics and the public. It could be illustrated that implementation of climate adaption into the planning process has just begun. Thus a continuing exchange of experience is yet required in the cities as much as the release of federal and state funding programmes. Topics of interest in research and practice include the micro-climatic effects of measures on the level of urban quarters, the implementation of measurements within the different planning instruments and the enhancement of urban micro climate assessment tools and simulations for urban designers and landscape architects.

Includes bibliography (p. 439-461). ; Number of sources in the bibliography: 304 ; Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Cyprus, Faculty of Engineering, Department of Architecture, 2016. ; The University of Cyprus Library holds the printed form of the thesis. ; Η έννοια της συλλογικής νοημοσύνης χαράσσει νέες κατευθύνσεις ως προς τον τρόπο προσέγγισης πολλών σύγχρονων θεμάτων πολιτικής, οικονομικής, κοινωνικής και ηθικής φύσης, αποδίδοντας μεγάλη έμφαση στις δυναμικές σχέσεις που αναπτύσσονται μεταξύ των συμβαλλόμενων μερών. Κατ' επέκταση, ο συλλογικός χώρος που προκύπτει ως αποτέλεσμα αυτής της 'ανοικτής' διαδικασίας, μπορεί να αποτελέσει το πεδίο όπου διάφορες αβεβαιότητες αποκαλύπτονται, αλλά και να λειτουργήσει ως το πεδίο όπου οι αντιθέσεις, συγκρούσεις και αντιπαραθέσεις συνιστούν τα κύρια στοιχεία που ορίζουν την αρχιτεκτονική δημιουργία. Εξετάζοντας οποιαδήποτε χωρική προβληματική, καλούμαστε να ανταπεξέλθουμε σε έναν τεράστιο αριθμό παραμέτρων που αναδεικνύουν την ανεπάρκεια των διαθέσιμων μεθόδων σχεδιασμού για την αντιμετώπιση πολύπλοκων αστικών προβλημάτων. Σε άλλους επιστημονικούς κλάδους, όπως αυτόν της πληροφορικής, η διαχείριση της πολυπλοκότητας φαίνεται να επιτυγχάνεται από τους ίδιους τους χρήστες, με την υιοθέτηση διαφόρων μοντέλων συλλογικών διαδικασιών, όπως είναι ο ανοικτός κώδικας (open source), η ομότιμη δυναμική (p2p), ο πληθοπορισμός (crowdsourcing), κ.λπ. Εν αντιθέσει, στον κλάδο του αστικού σχεδιασμού οι εκφάνσεις συλλογικών πρακτικών σχετίζονται με την έννοια του συμμετοχικού σχεδιασμού, ο οποίος συχνά περιορίζεται στην εμπλοκή διαφόρων ενδιαφερομένων στη διαδικασία σχεδιασμού και στην απόδοση ευθυνών σχεδιασμού προς αυτούς, για την παραγωγή χώρων που θα αφορούν τις ανάγκες των πραγματικών χρηστών. Παρότι ο σχεδιασμός συνήθως επικεντρώνεται στο τελικό προϊόν σχεδιασμού, στην πραγματικότητα τα στάδια της διαδικασίας σχεδιασμού, τα οποία ξεκινούν με τον προσδιορισμό ενός αστικού προβλήματος και με στόχο την ανάπτυξη ενός τελικού προϊόντος, συνήθως παραμένουν στην αφάνεια, παρόλο που αποτελούν ουσιώδες μέρος της αρχιτεκτονικής πρακτικής. Για τους λόγους αυτούς, η παρούσα μελέτη αποσκοπεί στη διερεύνηση της έννοιας της συλλογικής νοημοσύνης, εστιάζοντας στο σχεδιασμό ως μια διαδικασία η οποία εκτείνεται πέρα από τα όρια κάθε έργου και η οποία δύναται να συμβάλλει στη διάδοση της γνώσης. Το τελευταίο κατέστη δυνατό μέσα από την επιλογή της πλατφόρμας αρχιτεκτονικών διαγωνισμών Europan, ως περιπτωσιολογικής μελέτης. Για το σκοπό αυτό χρησιμοποιήθηκαν αναλυτικές μέθοδοι προσέγγισης συγκεκριμένων έργων από το αρχείο του Europan, σε συνδυασμό με ένα αριθμό συνεντεύξεων των εμπλεκόμενων μερών για τα επιλεγμένα έργα, καθώς επίσης πραγματοποιήθηκε διεξοδική μελέτη του 28-χρόνου αρχείου του Europan. Η διατριβή κατέδειξε ότι οι συλλογικές πρακτικές που διενεργούνται μεταξύ των παραγόντων ενός έργου (πόλεις, αρχιτέκτονες, εμπειρογνώμονες, φορείς ανάπτυξης) και οι οποίες διαμορφώνουν σταδιακά το σχεδιασμό ενός έργου, επωφελούνται και ενισχύονται από τις πλατφόρμες επικοινωνίας που προσφέρονται από το θεσμό του Europan (χώροι δημόσιας συζήτησης (forum, debates), εργαστήρια, εκθέσεις, κλπ.). Ως εκ τούτου, διαπιστώθηκε ότι ένα έργο αστικού σχεδιασμού μπορεί να αποκτήσει υβριδικά χαρακτηριστικά, επηρεαζόμενο τόσο από την ιδιαιτερότητα του χωρικού πλαισίου αναφοράς όσο και από τη δυναμική των δικτύων των παραγόντων τα οποία εκτείνονται σε όλες τις ευρωπαϊκές πόλεις που εμπλέκονται στο θεσμό. Κατά συνέπεια, διαπιστώθηκε ότι η πλατφόρμα του θεσμού Europan αποτελεί όντως ένα πρακτικό πολυεπίπεδο μέσο, μια κοινή πλατφόρμα επικοινωνίας των διαφόρων παραγόντων, ένα μέσο για την παραγωγή και διάδοση της γνώσης, ένα εν εξελίξει ερευνητικό πεδίο καθώς και ένα ενεργό μέσο στη διαμόρφωση πολιτικής. Η καινοτομία της εργασίας έγκειται στο γεγονός ότι ο συγγραφέας πρότεινε την ανάπτυξη μιας προσαρμοστικής μεθοδολογίας για τη χαρτογράφηση της πορείας εξέλιξης μιας αστικής κατάστασης, από το στάδιο προσδιορισμού της προβληματικής μέχρι και την υλοποίηση ενός έργου και η οποία αξιοποιεί πλήρως τη συσσωρευμένη γνώση που διαθέτει σήμερα ο θεσμός του Europan. Η επιστημονική αξία της εργασίας έγκειται στο ότι η γενίκευση της μεθοδολογίας αυτής θα μπορούσε να οδηγήσει στην εφαρμογή της πέρα από τα καθορισμένα όρια του θεσμού του Europan και να συμβάλει στην εμφάνιση ή την περαιτέρω ενίσχυση της συλλογικής νοημοσύνης. ; The concept of collective intelligence opens up new avenues in the potential approaches to many contemporary issues of a political, economic, social and moral nature, by laying great emphasis on the dynamic relations which are developed among the contributing parties. In turn, the collective space that emerges as the outcome of this 'open' process can function as the field where uncertainties are revealed as well as where the confrontation with differences, contrasts, conflicts and controversies that define architecture on the making, takes place. Coming across any problematic urban situation, we are faced with a vast number of parameters that highlight the inadequacy of our planning methods to respond to complex urban problems. In other disciplines, such as in Information Technology, the management of complexity appears likely to be resolved by the users themselves, by embracing several models of collective processes, such as open source, p2p, crowdsourcing, etc. That said, in urban design such manifestations of collective practices are usually related to the 'traditional' form of participatory design, that is often limited to engaging stakeholders in the design process and to attributing design responsibilities to them in order to produce environments for the actual users. Despite the perseverance of a design process being mainly focused on the end-product of the design, the process that starts from identifying the urban problem towards an end-product usually remains invisible but at the same time is a very challenging part of the architectural practice. On these grounds, this study explores the concept of collective intelligence by focusing on design as a process that stretches beyond the specific project and contributes to the spread of knowledge. The latter was made possible with the employment of Europan architectural competitions' platform as a case study. Analytical approach methods of selective Europan projects including interviews of key actors for the selected projects and the study of Europan's 28 year course archive were employed. The dissertation demonstrated that the collective practices between project actors (cities, architects, experts, developers) formulate gradually the design project, profiting from the platforms offered by the Europan institution (forums, workshops, debates). Therefore, it was found that the making of an urban design project can obtain hybrid characteristics, depending both on the specificity of the actual context and the dynamics of networks of actors that span all European cities involved. Consequently, it was found that the Europan platform is indeed a practical multi-level medium, a shared platform for the communication of diverse actors, a means of production and spread of knowledge, a domain of research in progress and an active argument in the formation of politics. The novelty of this study lies in the fact that the author suggested the development of an adaptive methodology for mapping an urban situation's course of evolution into an implemented project that fully exploits Europan's accumulated knowledge. The significance attached to the latter is that the methodology's generalization could lead to its use over and above the Europan's context and contribute to the emergence or the enhancement of collective intelligence.

The Neo-colonial style in the Mexican architecture of the 20th century is a subject that has not been explored in depth, even though it has had a very singular development built through 3 phases: the post-revolutionary educational work, the houses of the post-revolutionary wealthy bourgeoisie in Mexico City and the architecture in California. This thesis focuses on the first examples of Neo-colonial architecture identified in buildings in the education sector built by the Constructions Department of the Secretariat of Public Education (SEP, its acronym in Spanish) between 1921 and 1924. The architecture that the SEP supported had a solid reasoning but complicated reading. It is understandable since it was communicating channel of that historic moment (Mexican Revolution), the non-conformist ideologies generated during the Porfiriato, the modern education and architecture theory, as well as the educational project which justified its existence. In addition to this, the Neo-colonial style became the ideological container for nationalism and the identity that it intended to conform to. Although, the need to look for an architecture that stands alone without following foreign models was a request given at the end of the 19th century, the perfect justification for this change came with the revolutionary movement, by the relevance of creating architecture that was more closely identified with the majority of the population; by this reason it can be considered a post-revolutionary architecture. José Vasconcelos is a key character for understanding the work that took place, as Public Education Secretary defended and dictated the requirement to build in a Neo-colonial style, understandable due to his involvement in the "Ateneo de la Juventud" (Youth Athenaeum). The SEP was organized into three new Directorates: Schools, Libraries and Fine Arts; and they had a Constructions Department that innovated the structure and the government granted permissions to the public servants in charge of the national education system, so they could provide appropriate spaces for schools. The Constructions Department faced to the difficult task of interfacing with the Neo-colonial style and the new theories around its architectural work with an architecture that was more social and inclusive, as well as to planning spaces that were consistent with the building's purposes, One of the challenges, was design scientifically for labs and workshops with machines and the activities carried out in those spaces required lighting and hygiene. At the same time, building in Neo-colonial style not only meant rethinking the models of space distribution and formal elements of the building constructed in the past three centuries when Mexico was a Spanish colony, but also to praise the more evident and identifiable architectonic aspects with the surroundings of the majority of the habitants of Mexican cities and in that way build an architectonic imaginary, a more "mexican" architecture and as ostensible revolutionary message the architecture was used as pedagogical element complemented with visual arts like muralism and sculpture. In sum, the national and the modern aspects are strategic goals and the other aspects become subordinated to them. Vasconcelos' contribution in the architecture field was to accept as a revolutionary ideal the arrival of architecture for the Mexican people that stands alone, carried out by local professionals, from wich later emerged a new generation of young architects that would change the course of the modern Mexican architecture ; El estilo Neocolonial en la arquitectura mexicana del siglo XX es un tema poco explorado, aunque ha tenido un singular devenir y transitó por tres momentos: la obra educativa posrevolucionaria, las casas habitación de la burguesía posrevolucionaria con alto poder adquisitivo en la Ciudad de México y la arquitectura realizada en California (de ahí que se le llamara estilo californiano). La presente tesis se aboca a los primeros ensayos de este estilo, identificados en edificios del sector educativo y materializados por el Departamento de Construcciones de la Secretaría de Educación Pública (SEP) entre 1921 y 1924. La arquitectura que auspició la SEP tuvo un discurso sólido pero de complicada lectura, al ser vaso comunicante del momento histórico (la Revolución Mexicana), las ideologías contestatarias generadas en el Porfirismo, las teorías modernas en materia de educación y arquitectura, así como el proyecto educativo el cual justificaba su existencia. Aunado a esto, el estilo Neocolonial se convirtió en el recipiente ideológico del nacionalismo y la identidad que se pretendía conformar. Aunque la necesidad de buscar una arquitectura propia sin seguir modelos extranjeros fue una demanda que a finales del siglo XIX se dio, el cambio se logró en el propio movimiento armado por la pertinencia de hacer arquitectura más identificada con la mayoría poblacional; por lo tanto se puede considerar una arquitectura posrevolucionaria. José Vasconcelos es un personaje clave para entender la obra realizada, ya que como Secretario de Educación Pública defendió y dictó el requisito de construir en estilo Neocolonial, comprensible por su participación juvenil en las filas del Ateneo de la Juventud. La SEP se fundamentó en tres nuevas Direcciones: Escolar, Bibliotecas y Bellas Artes a las que se les creó un Departamento de Construcciones, innovando los esquemas y atribuciones que el gobierno confería a los encargados de la educación nacional, con la función de proveer de espacios escolares adecuados. El Departamento de Construcciones se enfrentó a la difícil tarea de congeniar el estilo Neocolonial y las nuevas teorías alrededor de su quehacer arquitectónico con una arquitectura más social e incluyente, así como proyectar espacios coherentes con la actividad propia del edificio. Uno de los retos fue diseñar científicamente para laboratorios y talleres con máquinas en inmuebles ya erigidos, por lo que utilizaron nuevas técnicas constructivas para lograr espacios con buena iluminación e higiene. A su vez, construir en estilo Neocolonial no sólo significaba repensar los modelos de distribución espacial y elementos formales de los antiguos edificios construidos en los tres siglos de colonización española, sino exaltar los aspectos arquitectónicos más evidentes e identificables con el entorno de la mayoría de los habitantes de las ciudades de México y así construir un imaginario arquitectónico, una arquitectura más "mexicana". Así también, al ostentar un mensaje revolucionario, la arquitectura se orientó como un elemento pedagógico, complementado con artes plásticas como el muralismo y la escultura. En síntesis, lo nacional y lo moderno fungieron como metas estratégicas a cuyo tenor las demás adquirieron un sitio subordinado. La aportación de Vasconcelos en el ámbito de la arquitectura fue asumir como ideal revolucionario arribar a una arquitectura propia, realizada por profesionistas autóctonos, de los que emergieron jóvenes arquitectos que posteriormente cambiarían el rumbo de la arquitectura moderna mexicana. ; Postprint (published version)

The Neo-colonial style in the Mexican architecture of the 20th century is a subject that has not been explored in depth, even though it has had a very singular development built through 3 phases: the post-revolutionary educational work, the houses of the post-revolutionary wealthy bourgeoisie in Mexico City and the architecture in California. This thesis focuses on the first examples of Neo-colonial architecture identified in buildings in the education sector built by the Constructions Department of the Secretariat of Public Education (SEP, its acronym in Spanish) between 1921 and 1924. The architecture that the SEP supported had a solid reasoning but complicated reading. It is understandable since it was communicating channel of that historic moment (Mexican Revolution), the non-conformist ideologies generated during the Porfiriato, the modern education and architecture theory, as well as the educational project which justified its existence. In addition to this, the Neo-colonial style became the ideological container for nationalism and the identity that it intended to conform to. Although, the need to look for an architecture that stands alone without following foreign models was a request given at the end of the 19th century, the perfect justification for this change came with the revolutionary movement, by the relevance of creating architecture that was more closely identified with the majority of the population; by this reason it can be considered a post-revolutionary architecture. José Vasconcelos is a key character for understanding the work that took place, as Public Education Secretary defended and dictated the requirement to build in a Neo-colonial style, understandable due to his involvement in the "Ateneo de la Juventud" (Youth Athenaeum). The SEP was organized into three new Directorates: Schools, Libraries and Fine Arts; and they had a Constructions Department that innovated the structure and the government granted permissions to the public servants in charge of the national education system, so they could provide appropriate spaces for schools. The Constructions Department faced to the difficult task of interfacing with the Neo-colonial style and the new theories around its architectural work with an architecture that was more social and inclusive, as well as to planning spaces that were consistent with the building's purposes, One of the challenges, was design scientifically for labs and workshops with machines and the activities carried out in those spaces required lighting and hygiene. At the same time, building in Neo-colonial style not only meant rethinking the models of space distribution and formal elements of the building constructed in the past three centuries when Mexico was a Spanish colony, but also to praise the more evident and identifiable architectonic aspects with the surroundings of the majority of the habitants of Mexican cities and in that way build an architectonic imaginary, a more "mexican" architecture and as ostensible revolutionary message the architecture was used as pedagogical element complemented with visual arts like muralism and sculpture. In sum, the national and the modern aspects are strategic goals and the other aspects become subordinated to them. Vasconcelos' contribution in the architecture field was to accept as a revolutionary ideal the arrival of architecture for the Mexican people that stands alone, carried out by local professionals, from wich later emerged a new generation of young architects that would change the course of the modern Mexican architecture ; El estilo Neocolonial en la arquitectura mexicana del siglo XX es un tema poco explorado, aunque ha tenido un singular devenir y transitó por tres momentos: la obra educativa posrevolucionaria, las casas habitación de la burguesía posrevolucionaria con alto poder adquisitivo en la Ciudad de México y la arquitectura realizada en California (de ahí que se le llamara estilo californiano). La presente tesis se aboca a los primeros ensayos de este estilo, identificados en edificios del sector educativo y materializados por el Departamento de Construcciones de la Secretaría de Educación Pública (SEP) entre 1921 y 1924. La arquitectura que auspició la SEP tuvo un discurso sólido pero de complicada lectura, al ser vaso comunicante del momento histórico (la Revolución Mexicana), las ideologías contestatarias generadas en el Porfirismo, las teorías modernas en materia de educación y arquitectura, así como el proyecto educativo el cual justificaba su existencia. Aunado a esto, el estilo Neocolonial se convirtió en el recipiente ideológico del nacionalismo y la identidad que se pretendía conformar. Aunque la necesidad de buscar una arquitectura propia sin seguir modelos extranjeros fue una demanda que a finales del siglo XIX se dio, el cambio se logró en el propio movimiento armado por la pertinencia de hacer arquitectura más identificada con la mayoría poblacional; por lo tanto se puede considerar una arquitectura posrevolucionaria. José Vasconcelos es un personaje clave para entender la obra realizada, ya que como Secretario de Educación Pública defendió y dictó el requisito de construir en estilo Neocolonial, comprensible por su participación juvenil en las filas del Ateneo de la Juventud. La SEP se fundamentó en tres nuevas Direcciones: Escolar, Bibliotecas y Bellas Artes a las que se les creó un Departamento de Construcciones, innovando los esquemas y atribuciones que el gobierno confería a los encargados de la educación nacional, con la función de proveer de espacios escolares adecuados. El Departamento de Construcciones se enfrentó a la difícil tarea de congeniar el estilo Neocolonial y las nuevas teorías alrededor de su quehacer arquitectónico con una arquitectura más social e incluyente, así como proyectar espacios coherentes con la actividad propia del edificio. Uno de los retos fue diseñar científicamente para laboratorios y talleres con máquinas en inmuebles ya erigidos, por lo que utilizaron nuevas técnicas constructivas para lograr espacios con buena iluminación e higiene. A su vez, construir en estilo Neocolonial no sólo significaba repensar los modelos de distribución espacial y elementos formales de los antiguos edificios construidos en los tres siglos de colonización española, sino exaltar los aspectos arquitectónicos más evidentes e identificables con el entorno de la mayoría de los habitantes de las ciudades de México y así construir un imaginario arquitectónico, una arquitectura más "mexicana". Así también, al ostentar un mensaje revolucionario, la arquitectura se orientó como un elemento pedagógico, complementado con artes plásticas como el muralismo y la escultura. En síntesis, lo nacional y lo moderno fungieron como metas estratégicas a cuyo tenor las demás adquirieron un sitio subordinado. La aportación de Vasconcelos en el ámbito de la arquitectura fue asumir como ideal revolucionario arribar a una arquitectura propia, realizada por profesionistas autóctonos, de los que emergieron jóvenes arquitectos que posteriormente cambiarían el rumbo de la arquitectura moderna mexicana. ; Postprint (published version)

Aan de rij biografieën gewijd aan Nederlandse hoofdrolspelers in de Indonesische dekolonisatiekwestie is dan eindelijk ook die over Van Mook toegevoegd. Het werd tijd. Immers, de twee boekwerken over hem dateren alweer van 1982. Het betreffen de gedegen, maar verouderde studie van de hand van de Singaporese historicus Yong Mun Cheong en de oppervlakkige monografie van J.C. Bijkerk. Zou de Leidse historicus Tom van den Berge dan op basis van alle informatie die de laatste decennia beschikbaar is gekomen met de definitieve biografie komen over Van Mook en met name zijn zo controversiële handelwijze als luitenant-gouverneur-generaal uit de doeken doen? Voor wie in deze verwachting zijn boek ter hand neemt is het resultaat een tegenvaller. Waar in biografieën over landsbestuurders doorgaans de nadruk ligt op hun publieke loopbaan, overheerst in deze publicatie de persoonlijke dimensie: niet de koloniale bestuurder en zijn werk staan centraal, maar veeleer de mens Van Mook en zijn privéleven. Dat Van den Berge voor deze invalshoek heeft gekozen vloeit voort uit het feit dat hij als eerste toegang kreeg tot diens persoonlijk archief dat nog bij de familie berust. Dit bleek een dusdanige Fundgrube dat daaruit overwegend door hem is geput. Het heeft erin geresulteerd dat Van Mooks optreden als koloniaal bestuurder, getuige ook de beperkte raadpleging van primaire bronnen met betrekking tot zijn beroepsmatige werkzaamheden, er bekaaid vanaf is gekomen. In dat opzicht schiet de studie tekort. Immers, het belang van Van Mook als de architect van het dekolonisatiebeleid schuilt toch vooral in zijn optreden als landvoogd. De lezer had graag meer willen weten over de sleutelrol die Van Mook gedurende de jaren 1945-1948 heeft vervuld dan wat al genoegzaam bekend is. Aldus is het wachten nog steeds op degene die Van Mooks handelwijze in de dekolonisatieperiode alsnog tot onderwerp van grondige studie maakt. Deze kritiek laat onverlet dat de fraai uitgegeven en goed geschreven biografie wel degelijk belangrijk is. Wat het privéleven van Van Mook betreft voegt de studie veel nieuws toe aan de bestaande historiografie. Dankzij de te berde gebrachte vele nieuwe wetenswaardigheden kijkt de lezer met een andere blik naar Van Mook. Daarin schuilt ook de meerwaarde van het boek. Centraal staat Van Mooks Indisch bestaan met als leidraad de vraag hoe zijn bestaan in de kolonie hem heeft gevormd en zijn doen en denken heeft bepaald in het verwerkelijken van een onafhankelijk Indonesië. Van den Berge heeft zijn hoofdpersoon in al zijn facetten geschetst zonder diens onvolmaaktheden te verbloemen of te vergoelijken. Uit de biografie komt een gedreven, maar ook autoritair bestuurder naar voren die, overtuigd van zijn eigen kunnen en van de juistheid van zijn denkbeelden, geneigd was tot eigenzinnig en eigenmachtig optreden om zijn ideaal van 'een vrij en gelukkig Indonesië' te verwerkelijken. Al als jongeling ontbrak het Van Mook niet aan eigendunk en zag hij het als zijn roeping om Indonesië onafhankelijk te maken. Ambitieus en snel carrière makend binnen de Indische bestuursdienst maakte Van Mook zich daar sterk voor, maar hij had in de jaren dertig het politieke tij tegen om gestalte te geven aan zijn doel, terwijl de Tweede Wereldoorlog al helemaal roet in het eten gooide. De oorlogsjaren vormden wat zijn werk betrof als ook persoonlijk een waterscheiding in zijn leven. Tijdens de Japanse bezettingstijd was hij de belangrijkste vertegenwoordiger van Nederlands-Indië in de vrije wereld. Hij rekte als plaatsvervangend gouverneur-generaal en korte tijd als minister van Koloniën al zijn bevoegdheden tot het uiterste op om zijn ideaal van een zelfstandig Indonesië te realiseren zodra de bevrijding een feit zou zijn. Het uitroepen van de Republiek Indonesië meteen na de Japanse capitulatie doorkruiste echter zijn uitgedacht scenario. De daaruit voortvloeiende verwikkelingen probeerde hij uit alle macht in de door hem gewenste richting van een verantwoorde dekolonisatie te kanaliseren. De tegenkrachten waren echter te groot om te beheersen. Ook privé betekenden de jaren 1942-1945 een fundamentele wending in zijn leven. Gescheiden van zijn in Japanse kampen geïnterneerde vrouw en kinderen raakte de buiten de kolonie verblijvende Van Mook geheel van hen vervreemd. Hij kreeg een verhouding met zijn secretaresse. Omdat zijn echtgenote na de bevrijding weigerde te scheiden, verbrak zijn nieuwe liefde de relatie. De worsteling van een zwaar aangeslagen Van Mook met zijn emoties, samenvallend met het escalerende dekolonisatieconflict met de eerste politionele actie als dieptepunt, maakt het centrale hoofdstuk in de biografie over de jaren 1945-1948 tot een waar Grieks treurspel. Van Mook figureert erin als een tragische held die naarmate hij de greep op de gebeurtenissen verloor en zich door iedereen verlaten en onbegrepen voelde, van de weeromstuit steeds monomaner opereerde om al doende het tegenovergestelde te bewerkstelligen van wat hij beoogde, om uiteindelijk op pijnlijke wijze de laan te worden uitgestuurd. Met de uitvoerige weergave van wat zich privé allemaal achter de schermen afspeelde in deze jaren – de politieke verwikkelingen zijn slechts achtergrond – maakt Van den Berge het zeer aannemelijk dat Van Mooks persoonlijke omstandigheden zijn weerslag wel moet hebben gehad op zijn werk als landvoogd. Maar in hoeverre en op welke wijze zij zijn doen en laten hebben beïnvloed, daar laat hij zich niet over uit. Het wordt aan de lezer overgelaten eigen conclusies te trekken. Terwijl het dekolonisatiechapiter al zeer dramatisch is, de hoofdstukken daaropvolgend zijn welhaast nog aangrijpender en vormen het beste deel van het boek. Van den Berge beschrijft in al zijn details, maar toch ook geserreerd, de teloorgang van zijn hoofdpersoon. Het is een treurig relaas over een gedesillusioneerd man die niet alleen zijn ideaal niet had weten te verwezenlijken, maar ook nog eens zijn thuisland verloor. Daarbij was zijn nieuwe liefde uit zijn leven verdwenen. Na Indonesië kwam het niet meer goed met hem. Het is schrijnend te lezen hoe Van Mook, zich in Nederland niet thuis voelend en ook om zijn gezin te ontvluchten, uitweek naar de Verenigde Staten met zijn nieuwe levenspartner – zijn laatste secretaresse in Indonesië – in de hoop daar een nieuwe carrière te kunnen opbouwen. Het werd een deceptie. Zwervend van de ene tijdelijke functie naar de andere kwam hij tot de slotsom dat ook daar niemand op hem zat te wachten. Zijn rol op het (inter)nationale toneel was definitief uitgespeeld. Volledig op een dood spoor beland, vestigde hij zich tenslotte in Zuid-Frankrijk, alwaar hij zich schamend voor zijn leeg bestaan en zijn ongemakkelijke privéomstandigheden afsloot van de buitenwereld, om daar kort voor zijn 71ste verjaardag te overlijden. Al met al heeft Van den Berge op knappe wijze een bovenal menselijk beeld van Van Mook geschetst. Zijn relaas biedt inzicht in wie hij werkelijk was: een naar de buitenwereld toe imposante man die achter zijn zelfverzekerde voorkomen eenzaam en ongelukkig was. Die paradox alsmede het contrast tussen zijn zo glansrijk en boeiend leven in de schijnwerpers in Indonesië en zijn vastgelopen carrière en ontworteld bestaan daarna is wat de onthullende biografie ondanks zijn tekortkomingen zo fascinerend maakt en het lezen meer dan waard. ; The biography is about the personal life of the last Governer-General of colonial Indonesia, H.J. Van Mook (1942-1948)

The research opens a new chapter about the studies conducted until now on the traditional architecture of the smaller towns in Sardinia, which I have been part from 2007 to 2010 and has been completed with the editing of Manuals Retrieval of the historical centers of Sardinia. The research started from a socio-anthropological knowledge of the characters, urban and technological centers and from the study of the traditional Sardinian architecture. Furthermore, having the opportunity to meet the Mediterranean architecture on the same viewpoints, the research investigates the archetypal elements of traditional architecture under the aspect of composition. It looks at the ways in which the contemporary design strategies, released by ideological references, take them over elaborating them, comparing with the memory of places, beyond of every stylistic affiliation. Belonging to minimalist positions, regionalist or post-modern resuming solutions, contextualizing and reinterpreting them in a practical and empirical way, even trying to see which characters and modes could be identified as typical and recurrent. This kind of research, which specifically aims to verify the composition and some elements of the experience of this project, needs to be based on the knowledge of the culture and the debate which marked the activity of designers in the near past, from the first modernity trying to recognize which characters were conditioners, which continue to influence the present and which are typical and original in the actuality. For this reason, the research has an introductory part which incorporates some emblematic moments of the debate on the architecture of the twentieth century, referring to reality and figures of the Mediterranean. One is the myth of modernity celebrated from the first rationalism, especially in Italy and Spain, the other one is the debate about the historical centers of the late twentieth century, still typical of our country: in the first season the traditional Mediterranean architecture is transformed into a progressive ideal used to specify shapes and intentions of the new architecture, especially in its character of anonymity and puristic reduction. The first part of the research, introduces the relationship between modern architecture and Mediterranean inspiration and deepens in a critical manner, the weakness of the concept of Mediterranean, founded on one hand in a sham and on the other on how rationalism looks at the historical landscape searching for a radical overhaul of the style of architecture. The Mediterranean myth in the Italian architecture is mainly influenced by the idea of the correspondence of the formal themes of modernity and is used for political reasons in order to find a place of modern Italian positions within the regime. The Mediterranean architecture is not, therefore, re-interpreted conservatively, but revised into a new paradigm, a new way of imagining the architecture. In the second part, by the pre-war myth, still literary and idealized, we move to a more critical and accurate knowledge to the empirical verification and philological sort order, losing the progressive tension of the first season and building a system of strict preservation rules, revealed, too deterministic and inhibitory. The weakness of the rationalist positions, reveals the architecture of the Second World War, who looked to the Mediterranean, devoid by now, of the ideal tension during the rationalism: it is less parallelism between cutting-edge research and charm of the Mediterranean landscape and the question begins to focus more on the relationship with the towns, with the existing environment, and for a certain range of the debate, with the preservation of historic centers, up to produce more and become part of the theories of critical regionalism, political manifesto, as Frampton says, of resistance towards globalization. The enhancement of local realities is no longer specific to the Mediterranean, but is extended: it is as if the great architecture of Mediterranean figures lost part of the universal value, which instead is recognized during rationalism. In the present, after the crisis of the great paradigms interpretive, the debate about relationship between new and old loses strength and becomes eccentric compared to issues considered preeminent. Some great works receive media attention representing particular methodologies, these are exceptional circumstances, related to charismatic personalities who avoid to define a strong theory. This research select a field of attentive investigation to the works of medium size on which you can recognize an empirical approach (not programmatic), which could be recognized as typical of this period. An approach that addresses issues that in the past were strongly ideological - the relation between modernity and tradition and continuity and rupture with the figures of history - out of those programmatic intentions and norms: in this way many architects of the younger generation, active in the Mediterranean territories, they built a sensitive and imaginative dialogue between the elements inherited from the context and strategies - even radical - of contemporary design, defining a fertile scene and interesting to build new methodologies and practices of intervention. Currently there is no attention to the great paradigm, but an open and practical approach. I will approach the scope of this study as part of the Mediterranean, in order to understand the outcome of discussions which are the current approaches and isolating a specific subject of the tradition, one of the most characteristic, trying to figure out how the projects chosen take up and rework the issue. The modulation of the light, treated according to the manner in which you relate to some elements of tradition: the dematerialization of the building mass, the dimming systems, gaps in the patio and courtyard and places of shade. Each of the examples treated, shows that there is a traditional way to control the light that has characterized the Mediterranean architecture of the past and that has been expressed by the categories identified. I prove that there are contemporary projects which reflect those solutions contextualizing and reinterpreting them in an empirical and practical way: this is very interesting because it demonstrates the vitality of the relationship between contemporary architecture and history and how certain paradigms of the Mediterranean tradition have survived as a cultural and architectural legacy, in the attempt to offer a possible answer to the complexity of the problems posed by the existing historic and how have been reinterpreted. Beyond each "nuovismo", as well as the obsession of memory, which often gave rise to an analytical mummification that carries with it the nostalgic for the unachievable quality of the ancient city and the assurance of the absence of quality of the city modern-contemporary, can be an alternative based on the careful study of places to go back to the essential qualities that the architectures are realized in it.

Exclusion of marginalized people in public spaces has been a recurrent topic of human geography (Smith, 1996, Mitchell, 1997) but explanations mainly refer to macrogeographical level and entrepreneurial production of iconic public spaces. But conflicts of appropriation also exist in banal public spaces (Padisson and Sharp, 2007). In this thesis, we analyse this kind of conflicts, in two peri-central neigborhoods : Shaugnessy Village in Montreal and La Goutte d'Or in Paris. Relying on the vision of space as a topological structure of positions (Hubert, 1993), we study the issue of exclusion in public space through space's experiences of people. By taking interest in banal public spaces, we show that appropriation of public spaces also refer to dwelling pratices. They are used, through social relations and investment of specific values in space, as a home for homeless and marginalized people and as an extension of home for residents. Involving contradictory uses of public spaces, these dynamics of appropriation induce conflicts. The inadequacy of presence and behaviors of marginalized people with the desired residential way of life in the neighborhoods induce the mobilization of the residents and the process of purification of space (Sibley, 1995). In the face of marginalized practices of public spaces, a residential " us " appears, based on the " common " residential values. This reveals the will to create a protective and " coexistential interior " (Sloterdijk, 2005) over the public spaces, in which marginalized persons are not admitted, except if they conform to it. Diffusion of residential values in public spaces finally restrict self-recognition and their feeling of belonging to the neighborhood. They feel more and more " out of place " (Cresswell, 1996), which incite them to leave, or to normalize their own behaviors if they want to stay. In fact, residential domestication of public space, through the injection of residential values in space, reduces the opportunities to make these public spaces a home for marginalized people. Therefore, in banal and residential public spaces, through actions on space and the transformation of landscape, a new kind of urban exclusion appears: a " soft dispersal " which substitute for " zero tolerance policies ". ; Constituant des réflecteurs d'urbanité, les espaces publics font aujourd'hui l'objet d'une attention accrue de la part des aménageurs et des planificateurs dans un contexte de compétition urbaine où l'attractivité devient l'une des principales stratégies de développement (Harvey, 1989). Dans cette perspective, de nombreuses transformations touchent les espaces publics, à l'instar de leur privatisation (Zukin, 1995 ; Le Goix et Loudier Malgouyres, 2005), de leur marchandisation (Sorkin, 1992 ; Zukin, 1995) ou de leur sécurisation (Németh et Hollander, 2010), soulevant alors des conflits d'appropriation. Les fonctions associées aux espaces publics, de sociabilité, d'interaction et de libre accessibilité (Ghorra-Gobin, 2001), évoluent donc considérablement. Ces changements ont été analysés par de nombreux auteurs, lesquels ont révélé les dynamiques de mise à l'écart et d'exclusion des personnes les plus marginalisées (Smith, 1996 ; Mitchell, 1997), dont la visibilité limite la portée des politiques urbaines de revitalisation. Pourtant, au-delà des espaces publics centraux et iconiques et de l'action des pouvoirs publics, des conflits d'appropriation se manifestent également dans les espaces publics ordinaires (Paddison et Sharp, 2007) et résidentiels. En construisant leurs " mondes ", certains groupes peuvent restreindre celui d'autres groupes et déclencher des cohabitations parfois difficiles. Comprendre ces conflits nécessite alors d'intégrer à l'analyse les rapports qu'entretiennent les citadins à leurs espaces de vie, primordiaux dans la structuration des espaces publics. En effet, dans leurs pratiques, dans la projection de soi dans l'espace urbain, les citadins participent à leur production (De Certeau, 1990 ; Lefebvre, 2000), et les appropriations mises en œuvre peuvent être vectrices de conflits, de mises à l'écart ou d'inaccessibilité à certains espaces publics. Plus particulièrement à une époque où les espaces publics tendent à être investis comme une extension du chez-soi, leur production dans la proximité et la participation des résidents peuvent déclencher des processus d'exclusion (Fleury, 2007) et de résistance des populations marginalisées qui investissent aussi ces lieux comme un " chez-soi ". Nous proposons dans cette thèse d'analyser ce type de conflits d'appropriation. Dans cette perspective, nous inscrivons notre réflexion dans l'interprétation de l'espace géographique comme structure topologique de positions (Desmarais, 1992 ; Hubert, 1993 : Parazelli, 1997). Ces préceptes épistémologiques nous permettent d'aborder le partage des espaces publics à travers les concepts d'appropriation et d'habiter, et de porter une attention particulière aux pratiques mises en œuvre par les riverains et les personnes marginalisées dans leurs espaces de vie. Cela nous permet notamment d'éclairer le sens de l'appropriation des espaces publics et d'expliciter les significations relatives aux conflits. En tissant également des liens théoriques avec les concepts de purification de l'espace (Sibley, 1995) et d' " out of place " (Cresswell, 1996), il s'agit de comprendre comment les pratiques mises en œuvre dans ces appropriations peuvent se contraindre les unes les autres et marginaliser davantage les personnes marginalisées. Nous nous sommes alors intéressés à deux quartiers, la Goutte d'Or à Paris et le Village Shaugnessy à Montréal, à vocation davantage résidentielle qu'iconique, et au sein desquels se manifestent des conflits pour l'appropriation des espaces publics. À travers une cinquantaine d'entrevues avec divers acteurs : des riverains et des personnes marginalisées ou des travailleurs communautaires mais également des responsables politiques, des urbanistes et architectes, nous montrons comment les espaces publics s'avèrent particulièrement importants dans les pratiques d'habiter. Ceux-ci constituent des positions attractives que les personnes marginalisées et les riverains investissent de manière à se les approprier et à pouvoir s'y reconnaître. Par les socialisations et leur occupation, les personnes marginalisées parviennent ainsi à constituer un " chez-soi " identificatoire tandis que par leur réappropriation, par l'animation et leur embellissement, les riverains les instituent comme une extension résidentielle du " chez-soi ". Or, ces dynamiques d'appropriation, et les prégnances qu'elles inscrivent dans l'espace, vont à l'encontre les unes des autres. L'inadéquation de la présence et des comportements des personnes marginalisées avec le mode de vie résidentiel désiré du quartier constitue l'un des éléments moteurs de la mobilisation des riverains et des désirs de purification de l'espace (Sibley, 1995). Face aux pratiques des personnes marginalisées s'affirment alors le " commun " des valeurs résidentielles désirées et la constitution d'un " nous ". Or ces exigences résidentielles renvoient à la volonté des riverains de créer un " intérieur coexistentiel " (Sloterdijk, 2005) protecteur dans l'ensemble des espaces publics du quartier, au sein duquel les personnes marginalisées ne sont pas incluses, à moins de s'y conformer. La diffusion de valeurs résidentielles dans les espaces publics limiterait ainsi les prégnances associées à la marginalité, réduisant leur sentiment d'appartenance au quartier et la reconnaissance de soi, et les incitant alors à se déplacer, à adopter des tactiques de résistance pour maintenir leur occupation des lieux ou à normaliser leurs comportements. De fait, dans ces espaces publics ordinaires, des rapports de force se manifestent également pour leur appropriation, mettant en lumière des rapports de pouvoir qui s'éloignent du revanchisme ou de la tolérance zéro. Ceux-ci prennent une forme plus subtile de dispersion, à travers le contrôle des références topologiques associées aux diverses positions. Ces résultats invitent alors à interroger le partage des espaces publics à travers la cohabitation et à réfléchir aux moyens de faire des espaces publics des lieux dans lesquels l'ensemble des habitants d'un quartier puisse se reconnaître.

Exclusion of marginalized people in public spaces has been a recurrent topic of human geography (Smith, 1996, Mitchell, 1997) but explanations mainly refer to macrogeographical level and entrepreneurial production of iconic public spaces. But conflicts of appropriation also exist in banal public spaces (Padisson and Sharp, 2007). In this thesis, we analyse this kind of conflicts, in two peri-central neigborhoods : Shaugnessy Village in Montreal and La Goutte d'Or in Paris. Relying on the vision of space as a topological structure of positions (Hubert, 1993), we study the issue of exclusion in public space through space's experiences of people. By taking interest in banal public spaces, we show that appropriation of public spaces also refer to dwelling pratices. They are used, through social relations and investment of specific values in space, as a home for homeless and marginalized people and as an extension of home for residents. Involving contradictory uses of public spaces, these dynamics of appropriation induce conflicts. The inadequacy of presence and behaviors of marginalized people with the desired residential way of life in the neighborhoods induce the mobilization of the residents and the process of purification of space (Sibley, 1995). In the face of marginalized practices of public spaces, a residential " us " appears, based on the " common " residential values. This reveals the will to create a protective and " coexistential interior " (Sloterdijk, 2005) over the public spaces, in which marginalized persons are not admitted, except if they conform to it. Diffusion of residential values in public spaces finally restrict self-recognition and their feeling of belonging to the neighborhood. They feel more and more " out of place " (Cresswell, 1996), which incite them to leave, or to normalize their own behaviors if they want to stay. In fact, residential domestication of public space, through the injection of residential values in space, reduces the opportunities to make these public spaces a home for marginalized people. Therefore, in banal and residential public spaces, through actions on space and the transformation of landscape, a new kind of urban exclusion appears: a " soft dispersal " which substitute for " zero tolerance policies ". ; Constituant des réflecteurs d'urbanité, les espaces publics font aujourd'hui l'objet d'une attention accrue de la part des aménageurs et des planificateurs dans un contexte de compétition urbaine où l'attractivité devient l'une des principales stratégies de développement (Harvey, 1989). Dans cette perspective, de nombreuses transformations touchent les espaces publics, à l'instar de leur privatisation (Zukin, 1995 ; Le Goix et Loudier Malgouyres, 2005), de leur marchandisation (Sorkin, 1992 ; Zukin, 1995) ou de leur sécurisation (Németh et Hollander, 2010), soulevant alors des conflits d'appropriation. Les fonctions associées aux espaces publics, de sociabilité, d'interaction et de libre accessibilité (Ghorra-Gobin, 2001), évoluent donc considérablement. Ces changements ont été analysés par de nombreux auteurs, lesquels ont révélé les dynamiques de mise à l'écart et d'exclusion des personnes les plus marginalisées (Smith, 1996 ; Mitchell, 1997), dont la visibilité limite la portée des politiques urbaines de revitalisation. Pourtant, au-delà des espaces publics centraux et iconiques et de l'action des pouvoirs publics, des conflits d'appropriation se manifestent également dans les espaces publics ordinaires (Paddison et Sharp, 2007) et résidentiels. En construisant leurs " mondes ", certains groupes peuvent restreindre celui d'autres groupes et déclencher des cohabitations parfois difficiles. Comprendre ces conflits nécessite alors d'intégrer à l'analyse les rapports qu'entretiennent les citadins à leurs espaces de vie, primordiaux dans la structuration des espaces publics. En effet, dans leurs pratiques, dans la projection de soi dans l'espace urbain, les citadins participent à leur production (De Certeau, 1990 ; Lefebvre, 2000), et les appropriations mises en œuvre peuvent être vectrices de conflits, de mises à l'écart ou d'inaccessibilité à certains espaces publics. Plus particulièrement à une époque où les espaces publics tendent à être investis comme une extension du chez-soi, leur production dans la proximité et la participation des résidents peuvent déclencher des processus d'exclusion (Fleury, 2007) et de résistance des populations marginalisées qui investissent aussi ces lieux comme un " chez-soi ". Nous proposons dans cette thèse d'analyser ce type de conflits d'appropriation. Dans cette perspective, nous inscrivons notre réflexion dans l'interprétation de l'espace géographique comme structure topologique de positions (Desmarais, 1992 ; Hubert, 1993 : Parazelli, 1997). Ces préceptes épistémologiques nous permettent d'aborder le partage des espaces publics à travers les concepts d'appropriation et d'habiter, et de porter une attention particulière aux pratiques mises en œuvre par les riverains et les personnes marginalisées dans leurs espaces de vie. Cela nous permet notamment d'éclairer le sens de l'appropriation des espaces publics et d'expliciter les significations relatives aux conflits. En tissant également des liens théoriques avec les concepts de purification de l'espace (Sibley, 1995) et d' " out of place " (Cresswell, 1996), il s'agit de comprendre comment les pratiques mises en œuvre dans ces appropriations peuvent se contraindre les unes les autres et marginaliser davantage les personnes marginalisées. Nous nous sommes alors intéressés à deux quartiers, la Goutte d'Or à Paris et le Village Shaugnessy à Montréal, à vocation davantage résidentielle qu'iconique, et au sein desquels se manifestent des conflits pour l'appropriation des espaces publics. À travers une cinquantaine d'entrevues avec divers acteurs : des riverains et des personnes marginalisées ou des travailleurs communautaires mais également des responsables politiques, des urbanistes et architectes, nous montrons comment les espaces publics s'avèrent particulièrement importants dans les pratiques d'habiter. Ceux-ci constituent des positions attractives que les personnes marginalisées et les riverains investissent de manière à se les approprier et à pouvoir s'y reconnaître. Par les socialisations et leur occupation, les personnes marginalisées parviennent ainsi à constituer un " chez-soi " identificatoire tandis que par leur réappropriation, par l'animation et leur embellissement, les riverains les instituent comme une extension résidentielle du " chez-soi ". Or, ces dynamiques d'appropriation, et les prégnances qu'elles inscrivent dans l'espace, vont à l'encontre les unes des autres. L'inadéquation de la présence et des comportements des personnes marginalisées avec le mode de vie résidentiel désiré du quartier constitue l'un des éléments moteurs de la mobilisation des riverains et des désirs de purification de l'espace (Sibley, 1995). Face aux pratiques des personnes marginalisées s'affirment alors le " commun " des valeurs résidentielles désirées et la constitution d'un " nous ". Or ces exigences résidentielles renvoient à la volonté des riverains de créer un " intérieur coexistentiel " (Sloterdijk, 2005) protecteur dans l'ensemble des espaces publics du quartier, au sein duquel les personnes marginalisées ne sont pas incluses, à moins de s'y conformer. La diffusion de valeurs résidentielles dans les espaces publics limiterait ainsi les prégnances associées à la marginalité, réduisant leur sentiment d'appartenance au quartier et la reconnaissance de soi, et les incitant alors à se déplacer, à adopter des tactiques de résistance pour maintenir leur occupation des lieux ou à normaliser leurs comportements. De fait, dans ces espaces publics ordinaires, des rapports de force se manifestent également pour leur appropriation, mettant en lumière des rapports de pouvoir qui s'éloignent du revanchisme ou de la tolérance zéro. Ceux-ci prennent une forme plus subtile de dispersion, à travers le contrôle des références topologiques associées aux diverses positions. Ces résultats invitent alors à interroger le partage des espaces publics à travers la cohabitation et à réfléchir aux moyens de faire des espaces publics des lieux dans lesquels l'ensemble des habitants d'un quartier puisse se reconnaître.

Durante el gobierno del presidente Jorge Alessandri Rodríguez se dictó, en 1959, el Decreto con Fuerza de Ley Nº2, "instrumento legal destinado a movilizar, encauzar y fomentar los recursos estatales e institucionales, el ahorro y el crédito público y privado en favor de la vivienda popular". La Corporación de Vivienda (CORVI) asume la acción técnica y ejecutiva de esta legislación y se convierte en la encargada de poner en práctica el Plan Habitacional Chileno. La serie de proyectos desarrollados por la Corvi ejemplifican las líneas programáticas que dicha Corporación desarrollo a lo largo de todo Chile. No sólo se intento renovar el parque residencial, a través de las políticas impulsadas por el gobierno, si no que también se intentaron establecer pautas que dieran orientación en la planificación y desarrollo del crecimiento de las ciudades. Para poder contextualizar estas estrategias aplicadas por la CORVI, la Tesis analizará todos los grandes proyectos de vivienda desarrollados en Santiago de Chile. La gran mayoría de las intervenciones utilizan construcciones en forma de bloques lineales. Ellos sintetizan el trabajo realizado por la Corvi durante dos décadas en la aplicación de este tipo de estrategias urbanas (1953 – 1970). Las obras, en su análisis, ejemplifican un concepto: "el proyecto como parte de la ciudad". Las obras seleccionadas no se muestran como obras autónomas sino como un sistema de proyectos que buscan recuperar áreas de la ciudad y de su conjunto. Los casos seleccionados son las Unidades Vecinales Portales, Exequiel Gonzalez Cortes (Villa Olímpica), Villa Presidente Frei y el primer prototipo de Remodelación, la Remodelación Republica, todos desarrollados entre los años 1953 y 1970. Cada uno se inserta en un área de ciudad degradada o en proceso de consolidación urbana y responde con un planteamiento propio. Pero en todos se estudia la relación del conjunto con su entorno, de acuerdo con una idea de ciudad. En ellos se desarrollan estrategias que corrigen patologías propias del lugar, o bien establecen pautas para la consolidación del área de ciudad donde se emplazan. Esta variable urbana es, por tanto, no sólo una componente importante de cómo se plantea cada proyecto, sino que refleja una idea de ciudad. El proyecto no se entiende como un objeto, sino como un sistema enlazado a una trama urbana existente. Este conjunto de obras responde a una necesidad de grado superior a la de generar vivienda, responde a la necesidad de hacer ciudad, y cada obra experimenta métodos diferenciados de recomposición urbana. Cada obra establece una estrategia propia de gradación en la escala urbana del proyecto, que, a su vez, se vincula a los requerimientos técnicos y espaciales de la vivienda. El campo de estudio se cierra con el proyecto Remodelación República, ya que en las siguientes Remodelaciones se disocian roles. El planteamiento urbanístico es desarrollado por los organismos del estado, que, al entregar en cada nueva obra un master plan previo, limitan el trabajo de los arquitectos a la resolución del edificio, es decir al objeto arquitectónico como elemento autónomo. La tesis documenta y analiza por primera vez los proyectos de las Unidades Vecinales y Remodelación antes mencionados, lo cual permite realizar el análisis de cada obra y de la ciudad en su conjunto. Se contextualizan las obras en la evolución histórica de la urbe de Santiago, para permitir un análisis urbano integral de los casos. El resultado es una reflexión sobre las metodologías y estrategias urbanas aplicadas durante este periodo, que pone en valor el breve pero intenso trabajo de la arquitectura y urbanismo del Movimiento Moderno en Chile. ; In 1959, during the tenure of President Jorge Alessandri Rodriguez, the Law-Ranking Decree No. 2 was issued "legal instrument destined to mobilizing, harnessing and enhancing the resources of the state and its institutions, public and private savings and credit for the affordable housing". The housing Corporation (CORVI) assumed the technical and executive action of this legislation and became responsible for implementing the Chilean Housing Plan. The series of projects developed by CORVI exemplify the programmatic guidelines that said Corporation developed throughout Chile. Through the policies promoted by the government, not only was attempted to renew the housing stock, but also tried to establish guidelines to orient the planning and development of cities. To contextualize these policies utilized by CORVI, the thesis will analyze all the major housing projects developed in Santiago, Chile. The vast majority of interventions were built in the form of linear blocks. They synthesize the work of CORVI during two decades in implementing this type of urban strategies (1953 - 1970). The works, in their analysis, exemplify a concept: "the project as part of the city." The selected works are not portrayed as autonomous buildings but as a system of projects seeking to recover areas of the city and its whole. The selected cases are Neighborhood Units Portales, Exequiel Gonzalez Cortes (Olympic Village), Villa President Frei and the first prototype of Remodeling, Republica Street Remodeling, all developed between 1953 and 1970. Each one is inserted into an area of degraded city or in the process of urban consolidation and responds with a unique approach. But in all these cases the relationship of the whole project with its environment is studied in accordance to an idea of city. In these cases strategies were developed to correct the pathologies inherent to their places, as well as to the establishment of guidelines to consolidate the area of the city where they were located. This urban variable is therefore not only an important component of how each project is thought out, but also reflects an idea of the city. The project is not understood as an object, but as a system linked to an existing urban fabric. This body of work responds to a need that is greater than generating housing, it responds to the need to make city and each case experiment with different methods of urban restructuring. Each project provides its own strategy of molding to the urban scale of the project which, in turn, is linked to the technical and spatial requirements of the homes. The field of study closes with the Republica Street Remodeling project, as in the following Remodelings the roles dissociate. The urban approach is developed by state agencies, which, sets for each new project a master plan that limit the work of the architects to the resolution of the building, i.e. the architectural object as a standalone. The thesis documents and analyzes for the first time the Neighborhood Unit and Remodeling projects above mentioned, which allows the analysis of each work and the city as a whole. The works are contextualized in the historical evolution of the city of Santiago, to enable an integrated urban analysis of the cases. The result is a reflection on the methodologies and urban strategies implemented during this period, which adds value to the brief but intense work of architecture and urbanism of the Modern Movement in Chile. ; Postprint (published version)