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Miss Tacuarembó, co-produção uruguaia-argentina estreada em 2010, propõe uma história familiar para os públicos latinoamericanos: uma garota do povo quer triunfar na cidade grande. Sua encenação, contudo, constrói-se a partir de mecanismos barrocos que apontam diretamente às instituições religiosa, familiar e do espetáculo a partir de uma sensibilidade camp, potenciando a capacidade lúdica dos formatos dos quais se nutre e reelabora, como o videoclip e o reality show. Deste modo, produz um espectador que pode se identificar com os protagonistas e ao mesmo tempo compreender as operações e contradições que os constituíram como sujeitos, o qual implica, sem dúvida um olhar político sobre as noções de consumo e cultura popular. ; Miss Tacuarembó, an Argentinian-Uruguayian co-production released in 2010, proposes a familiar story for Latin American audiences: a girl from a small town wants to success in the big city. Nevertheless, the baroque mise-en-scène of the film directly points to religious, family and show-business institutions through a camp sensibility, strengthening the ludic aspect of formats that are reworked and from which it is nourished, such as video and reality show. Thus, it builds a spectator that may identify him or herself with the main characters and simultaneously understand the operations and contradictions that constituted them as subjects, undoubtedly implying a political perspective on the notions of consume and popular culture. ; Miss Tacuarembó, co-producción uruguaya-argentina estrenada en 2010, propone una historia familiar para los públicos latinoamericanos: una chica de pueblo quiere triunfar en la gran ciudad. Su puesta en escena, sin embargo, se construye a partir de mecanismos barrocos que apuntan directamente a las instituciones religiosa, familiar y del espectáculo desde una sensibilidad camp, potenciando la capacidad lúdica de los formatos de los cuales se nutre y reelabora, como el videoclip y el reality show. De este modo, construye un espectador que puede identificarse con los protagonistas y al mismo tiempo comprender las operaciones y contradicciones que los constituyeron como sujetos, lo cual implica sin duda una mirada política sobre las nociones de consumo y cultura popular.

Статья посвящена отношению петербуржцев к социальным конфликтам, выражаемому в первую очередь в оценке степени опасности разнообразных социальных противоречий между разными частями российского общества, которые особенно актуализируются в ходе экономической и социально-политической турбулентности. Цель исследования показать угрозы и возможности исправления социальных противоречий в российском обществе. Практическая значимость работы заключается в возможности использования полученных данных в социальной политике государства и в рамках функционирования гражданского общества. Удалось зафиксировать отношение петербуржцев к различным социальным конфликтам, состоящее в том, что на первое место петербуржцы ставят опасность конфлитов на религиозной и этнической основе, а угрозу конфликтов по имущественному и статусному признакам считают менее опасной. При этом те, кто относит себя к среднему слою, оценивают степень угрозы межрелигиозных конфликтов существенно выше тех, кто причисляет себя к низшему, что подтверждается и сравнением по реальным доходам. В случае второго блока вопросов о степени личной тревоги от присутствия рядом непохожих на респондентов людей такие тревоги выстроились в следующую цепочку: люди другой национальности граждане других государств и иного вероисповедания носители иных политических взглядов и соотечественники из других регионов РФ. Полученные данные позволили также выявить скрытые связи и закономерности в социодемографической структуре такого отношения, что, в свою очередь, должно полнее раскрыть угрозы и опасности возможного усиления социальных конфликтов в российском обществе, а значит, и способствовать их предотвращению. ; This article describes the attitudes of Saint Petersburg residents to social conflicts. The author analyses their assessments of danger associated with social tension in the Russian society. This tension becomes particularly pronounced during the time of economic, social, and political turbulence. The research aims to examine the existing threats and identify opportunities for reducing social tension. The article makes a practical contribution to the development of social policy and civil society. The author describes the attitudes of Saint Petersburg residents to various social conflicts. They believe that religious and ethnic conflicts are the most dangerous ones and consider 'conflicts over property and status' a minor threat. Residents, associating themselves with the middle class, are more inclined to stress the danger of religious conflicts compared to those who associate themselves with the lower class, which is corroborated by a comparison of real incomes. The intensity of personal anxiety, experienced in the presence of people differing from the respondents, can be described in the following way: the most acute anxiety is caused by people of a different nationality, followed by nationals of other countries and members of other religions, then people with differing political views, and compatriots from other Russian regions. These data make it possible to identify hidden connections and patterns in the socio-demographic structure of these attitudes, which can be instrumental in obtaining a comprehensive picture of threats and emerging social conflicts and, hence, in preventing them.

Although particulate organic and elemental carbon (OC and EC) are important constituents of the suspended atmospheric particulate matter (PM), measurements of OC and EC are much less common and More uncertain than measurements of e.g. the ionic components of PM. In the framework of atmospheric research infrastructures supported by the European Union, actions have been undertaken to determine and mitigate sampling artefacts, and assess the comparability of OC and EC data obtained in a network of 10 atmospheric observatories across Europe. Positive sampling artefacts (from 0:4 to 2.8 mu g C/m(3)) and analytical discrepancies (between -50% and +40% for the EC/TC ratio) have been taken into account to generate a robust data set, from which we established the phenomenology of carbonaceous aerosols at regional background sites in Europe. Across the network, TC and EC annual average concentrations range from 0.4 to 9 mu g C/m(3), and from 0.1 to 2 mu g C/m(3), respectively. TC/PM10 annual mean ratios range from 0.11 at a Mediterranean site to 0.34 at the most polluted continental site, and TC/PM2.5 ratios are slightly greater at all sites (0.15-0.42). EC/TC annual mean ratios range from 0.10 to 0.22, and do not depend much on PM concentration levels, especially in winter. Seasonal variations in PM and TC concentrations, and in TC/PM and EC/TC ratios, differ across the network, which can be explained by seasonal changes in PM source contributions at some sites. (C) 2016 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd. ; Peer reviewed

Статья посвящена анализу отношения петербуржцев к социальным конфликтам, выражаемому в первую очередь в оценке степени опасности разнообразных социальных противоречий между разными частями российского общества. Цель исследования показать угрозы и возможности социальных противоречий в российском обществе. Практическая значимость работы заключается в возможности использования полученных данных в социальной политике государства и в рамках функционирования гражданского общества. В ходе исследования (анализ ответов на 10 вопросов из анкеты) удалось зафиксировать отношение петербуржцев к различным социальным конфликтам, а также выявить скрытые связи и закономерности в социодемографической структуре такого отношения, что, в свою очередь, должно полнее раскрыть угрозы и опасности возможного усиления социальных конфликтов в российском обществе, а значит, и способствовать их предотвращению. Библиогр. 8 назв. Табл. 20. ; The present article deals with the attitude of Petersburgers to social conflicts, expressed, first of all, in the assessment of the severity of various social contradictions between different parts of Russian society. The research aims to show the threats and opportunities of social contradictions in Russian society. The practical significance of the work lies in the possibility of using the data in social policy and in the framework of civil society. The practical base and methodology of the study is based on empirical political research "Features of Political Consciousness of the Inhabitants of Russian Cities in a Situation of Systemic Crisis: Example of St. Petersburg" ("Political Petersburg-2015"), made on the basis of the St. Petersburg State University Resource Center of Sociological and Internet Research. The method of the survey is a telephone interview. Sample size is 1,150 persons living permanently in St. Petersburg. Sampling is random, not repeated, with quotas of following characteristics: gender, age, education, region of residence. In the study (analysis of the responses to 10 questions from the questionnaire, 20 tables) the attitude of Petersburgers to various social conflicts was fixed, and hidden connections and patterns in the socio-demographic structure of such correlation were revealed, which, in turn, should fully disclose potential threats and dangers exacerbating social conflicts in Russian society and, hence, contribute to their prevention. Refs 8. Tables 20.

Comas d'Argemir, D. (2015). Luchando contra la violencia de género : aportes de los medios de comunicación. Revista de Ciencias Sociales, segunda época 28, 113-129. Bernal, Argentina : Universidad Nacional del Quilmes. ; Este artículo analiza el papel de los medios de comunicación en la lucha contra la violencia de género en España. El activismo del movimiento feminista ha sido esencial en la conversión de la violencia contra las mujeres en un asunto público. Pero el elevado conocimiento que existe sobre este problema no proviene tanto del contacto directo con activistas feministas o con actores políticos, sino que se conoce fundamentalmente a través de los medios. La hipótesis es que no se puede entender en España la magnitud de las actuaciones públicas que se han llevado a cabo para combatir la violencia de género sin la conjunción de los movimientos feministas, las intervenciones políticas y los medios de comunicación. El compromiso que los medios asumieron en relación con este problema contribuyó a hacerlo visible, a incrementar la sensibilidad ciudadana y a legitimar las políticas públicas. La hipótesis es también que este papel de los medios explica en parte las diferencias en la percepción social y política de la violencia de género respecto a otros países. ; This article wishes to highlight the role of media in the struggle against partner violence against women in Spain. The activism of the feminist movement has been essential in the shift from private issue to public problem. But people glean their ideas about this problem from de media, not from activists or politicians. We argue that it is not possible to understand the magnitude of the public policies that has been implemented in Spain without the contribution of feminist movement, political activity and media. The important concern of the media in Spain has helped to make the problem visible, raise citizen awareness and legitimate public policies. And we argue also that this particular role of the media explains some of the differences among Spain and other countries in social and political perception of violence against women.

Дан обзор работ ученых и исследователей, посвященных истории православной журналистики и развитию церковной периодики в России. Рассмотрены работы авторов, исследующих основные издания дореволюционного периода, а также изучающих место конфессиональной журналистики в советское время и возрождение церковной периодики в 90-е гг. ХХ в. ; The article gives an overview of the work of scientists and researchers on the history of journalism and the development of Orthodox church periodicals in Russia since pre-revolutionary period to 90th years of the twentieth century. To summarize, it is important to note that the history of the formation of the church periodicals studied only superficially, and not yet fully understood the mechanism of interaction of Orthodox media with government policies in general.

Статья посвящена исследованию открытых обращений подинституту коллективных и личных обращений как гарантии реализации политических волеизъявлений граждан и их объединений. ; The article investigates public appeals sub-institute collective and personal references as an implementation guarantee of the citizens political will and their associations.

This text pretends to build a small historic account of journalism sources under the new paradigm of significations of the political economy of journalism. The author displays a broad array of casuistry to set his examples. Journalism genres, writing techniques and other source features, as well as the characteristics discussed in Journalism deontology are examined under a methodology that tries to trace the roots of these features in the different market forces and the disputes for political power. Especial emphasis will be put in the analysis of the origin of the so-called "Inverted Pyramid", a widely used technique in news writing. ; El texto hace una breve relación histórica de las fuentes periodísticas en el nuevo marco de las significaciones de la economía política del periodismo. El autor recurre a una amplia casuística para ejemplificar sus aseveraciones. Los géneros periodísticos, las técnicas de redacción, y los aspectos de las fuentes así como los de la Deontología periodística son examinados a la luz de una metodología que explica su origen y evolución a partir de las fuerzas del mercado y de las disputas por el poder político. Aspecto destacado es el análisis del origen de la técnica llamada "Pirámide invertida", ampliamente utilizada en la redacción informativa.

Bill introduced by the Texas House of Representatives relating to the composition of certain regional transportation authority subregional boards.