Suchergebnisse

Through the research perspective of U.S. nuclear assistance programs to Italy under the fixed exchange rate international monetary regime of Bretton Woods, this paper investigates the meaning and importance of high technology transfer in the framework of the international economic policy of the United States government and the Bretton Woods institutions, particularly the World Bank Group. Through the case study of the country most dependent on foreign energy supply both during the Bretton Woods years and after the demise of currency convertibility, we follow the U.S. assistance programs to erect and to develop an Italian nuclear energy industry. We aim to shed light on the linkage between the development of capital intensive sectors and the American aim to make the reintegration of each advanced industrial economy in the postwar system of international economic relations revolve around the combining non-inflationary domestic economic growth and stable external equilibrium, including both foreign exchange stability and sound terms of trade. We make the argument that the U.S. pursued this combination both during and after the collapse of Bretton Woods international monetary arrangements by drawing upon a flow of high capital intensive technology transfer. Furthermore, while focusing only on the period prior to floating currencies in the 1970s, this article maintains that Washington carried out this foreign economic policy both under the Bretton Woods regime and after its demise, through foreign exchange adjustments and financial assistance programs respectively. After reviewing how the leading literature on the history of U.S. foreign economic policy has portrayed it so far, we focus attention on the Italian case to explore the hypothesis that both under Bretton Woods and after its collapse a very close interlocking was established between exchange rate regimes and the U.S. policy of technology transfer. Through the case study of Italy, we make the argument that prior to the deterioration of fixed exchange rate arrangements Washington provided Rome with technological assistance to target the twin objective of advancing expansionary internal economic policies and pushing forward an ever-rising level of international economic integration of her partner industrial economies. We frame this reconstruction on the decades prior to currency floating before a broader interpretation about the meanings of U.S. financial assistance in the field of high capital intensive manufacturing way beyond the collapse of fixed exchange rates and the end of cheap foreign energy supply.

Examines factors that have contributed to growing tensions despite considerable agreement on many foreign policy issues; focus on French diplomacy with regard involvement in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the Middle Eastern peace process, and francophone countries of Africa.

This article researches historical origins and political framework of the Ukrainian-Russian dispute over territorial belonging of Crimea. Broad source base allowed authors to the conclusion that Ukraine has historical, political, legal and economic grounds to demand the return of the Crimean peninsula territory annexed by Russia

The international economic system that emerged after the 1944 Bretton Woods conference became the most durable international arrangement devoted to economic openness. Seventy-five years after the conference, however, global shifts in power, institutional gridlock, and populist backlash figure prominently in accounts predicting the system's demise. This article examines the legacies of the Bretton Woods conference for structures and practices of global economic governance and innovations that emerged over time to adapt the system to new political and economic circumstances. It explores how and why the Bretton Woods system became a more variegated system over time with respect to four features of governance: membership, legalization, organizational focality, and market embeddedness. It identifies sources and effects of expanding membership in the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, the emergence of new formal and informal institutions, the challenges of a more fragmented institutional landscape, and shifts in the underlying principles of economic governance. Finally, the article discusses lessons from past crises in and reforms to the Bretton Woods system, and their implications for understanding recent challenges to global economic cooperation.

Today the people in India are in a mood which comes rarely in the life of a country. They are looking forward starry eyed, to a new direction, a new era, a life. It is time not merely for a new budget or a new licensing policy or a new price structure. It is the moment for shaping and moulding a new society, for giving a new and clear orientation to the nation. The constitution is not a structure of fossils like a coral reef and is not intended merely to enable politicians to play their unending game of power. When a republic comes to birth, it is the leaders who produce the institutions. Later, it is the institutions which produce the leaders. In India's case the established structures failed to give desired results. If the system of Parliamentary democracy had been worked in conformity with the objectives for which it has been established and the obligations and codes of conduct it imposes on politicians, political parties and their mutual relations, it would have constituted a most heart warming feature in finding a way out of the morass and confusion in which we are finding ourselves as a nation. In the words of T.S. Eliot, 'we had the experience, but we missed the meaning'. We the Indians, know it well that our democratic institutions have not been worked in that manner. Our electorate is largely illiterate and not in a position to take an objective or critical view of the promises and performances of different political parties.

Occasional Paper #10 ; Media/military relations in the United State have been frequently strained. In time of war, especially, communication between the two institutions often becomes aggravated and adversarial. The basic reason is that the nature and goals of the two institutions virtually decree a tension. To this, one may add the increasing tendency to formulate U.S. foreign policy with little or no formal debate. The media rushes to fill a vacuum left by the absence of argument between the Administration and Congress. In this way, the military complains that the media often drives the mission, forcing deployments to places where the United States has scant national interests. Like most bureaucracies, the military prefers to do its business behind closed doors, all the more so because the nature of its business is so often shocking to public sensibilities. It also relies on public support for its missions, and too often sees the media as a subversive, rather than a positive, element in that process. Although media/military tension may be endemic, the two institutions need to work together. The nature of democracy itself requires a free press to expose the actions of political and military leaders to public scrutiny. The press has a responsibility to question the policy/strategy match in military operations. Furthermore, the process is beneficial for the military, for it allows the two institutions to work in a symbiotic relationship to build support for policy and to tell the military's story.

Francesco S Mennini,1,2 Raffaella Viti,1 Andrea Marcellusi,1–3 Paolo Sciattella,1 Ombretta Viapiana,4 Maurizio Rossini4 1Economic Evaluation and HTA (EEHTA), CEIS, Faculty of Economics, University of Rome "Tor Vergata", Rome, Italy; 2Institute of Leadership and Management in Health, Kingston University, London, UK; 3Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche (CNR), Istituto di Richerche sulla Popolazione e le Politiche Sociali (IRPPS), Rome, Italy; 4Rheumatology Unit, Department of Medicine, University of Verona, Verona, Italy Background and aim: Spondyloarthritis (SpA) is a disease that normally affects the axial skeleton. It progressively leads to overall stiffness up to severe postural deformity of rachis and functional impotence. The objective of the study was to quantify, through an economic model, the impact of specialized testing and pharmacological treatments carried out by the National Health Service (NHS) in normal clinical practice, before the patient is diagnosed with SpA in Italy. In line with the analysis objective, the chosen perspective is that of the NHS.Method: The study was conducted by analyzing the Health Search Database – IMS Health Longitudinal Patient Database, from which newly diagnosed SpA patients were identified over the period 1 January 2007 to 31 December 2013. The use of specialist health care services and pharmacological treatments provided to the patients before the final SpA diagnosis were estimated.Results: Through a retrospective analysis of the Health Search Database, 1,084 subjects (aged 25–45 years) were identified. These patients produced an expense of approximately €153,000 in the 3 years prior to a confirmed SpA diagnosis, in terms of specialist check-ups and drugs, presumably not appropriately used due to a lack of diagnosis. If we assume that the Health Search Database is a representative sample of the Italian population, it may be estimated that, in the 3 years prior to SpA diagnosis, over €5.4 million was largely unduly spent in Italy to examine and manage 38,232 newly diagnosed SpA patients, between 2010 and 2013.Conclusion: The costs due to the delay in SpA diagnosis were quantified for the first time in Italy. For this reason, this work represents a contribution for national and regional decision makers to understand the current clinical practice and the economic consequences of a diagnostic delay in the short and medium term. Keywords: spondyloarthritis, cost of illness, direct cost, claims database, Italy

L'Union européenne (UE) est-elle devenue un « acteur des relations internationales » ? L'action de l'UE sur la scène internationale recouvre trois types de politiques externes : la politique étrangère et de sécurité, la politique commerciale et la coopération de l'UE avec les pays tiers. L'imbrication de ces modes d'action internationale de l'UE permet-elle alors de la qualifier d'« acteur » unique ? Au-delà d'une réflexion théorique qui se concentre sur quatre critères (la reconnaissance, l'autonomie décisionnelle, une autorité juridique à agir, et une cohésion de la gestion des relations extérieures), le débat porte également sur la capacité internationale effective de l'UE, envisagée sous trois approches. Ainsi, le concept d' « acteur global », certains parlent même de « puissance globale », tend à s'imposer dans la littérature internationale et semble correspondre à l'extension du champ d'action internationale de l'Union européenne.