International audience ; Dans une atmosphère médiatique très passionnée, des concepts imprécis et des approches essentialisantes échouent souvent à rendre compte du rôle présent et à venir de ces composantes centrales de la scène politique méditerranéenne que sont les courants islamistes. Ce rôle ne peut être pleinement compris que si l'on considère aussi qu'il s'inscrit dans des situations diverses et changeantes, et surtout dans des rivalités bien plus profanes et politiques que théologiques ou existentielles. Il importe donc de lire l'action de ces formations non pas au regard d'un idéal-type, étranger au contexte régional concerné, mais bien à l'aune des antagonismes au sein desquels elle se déploie : les formations islamistes se sont construites face à des régimes autoritaires que souvent elles continuent à combattre, et sont, sur ce terrain, en concurrence avec d'autres.
International audience ; The migratory phenomenon generating the crisis is only one part of it. The European migration crisis forms, at a minimum, a triple crisis. Besides the migration crisis proper, there are two others. The second crisis is due to the situation of the European societies and states concerned with regard to migration. Finally - third crisis - the European Union has its share in the crisis and it is suffering the effects. These three crises interact, they form a complex. ; Le phénomène migratoire générateur de la crise n'en constitue qu'une partie. La crise européenne des migrations forme, au minimum, une triple crise. A côté de la crise migratoire proprement dite, il y en a deux autres. La seconde crise tient à la situation des sociétés et des États européens concernés, par rapport aux migrations. Enfin - troisième crise- l'Union européenne a sa part dans la crise et elle en subit les effets. Ces trois crises interagissent, elles forment un complexe.
This policy paper studies external economic differentiation – that is, the various forms of third-country access to the European Single Market. It analyses their accountability mechanisms and evaluates their effectiveness – defined as the capacity to foster long-term economic integration and cooperation – as well as their potential effects on the EU's political unity. The paper identifies three key problems with existing external economic differentiation: overly static agreements, complex and fragmented institutional frameworks, and imbalances between rights and obligations in relation to the Single Market. Based on these findings, the policy paper highlights the importance of continuous market homogeneity for the effectiveness of external economic differentiation. Agreements that allow for the dynamic integration of the evolving EU acquis, that include mechanisms for its uniform interpretation and implementation and that are based on unified, simple and clear governance frameworks better achieve such homogeneity. In addition, agreements that are adaptable to evolving objectives and tailored to the size of individual third countries are more effective. The analysis of accountability mechanisms shows room for improvement in their deepening and extension to additional third countries. In terms of political unity, centrifugal forces can be contained through an adequate balance of rights and obligations in Single Market access.
International audience ; The so-called Yellow Jackets movement – enigmatic is many ways – has been a topic of numerous political, media and sociological interpretations. Sociologists with an interest in work matters and/or social movements have been particularly intrigued by this movement, notably by the ostensible disinterest in work issues and absence of employer interaction. From a labour movement perspective, the consensualist orientation and activists' refusal to designate representatives have also been interesting. All researchers are having to ask themselves again age-old questions about how they engage with social conflict and when it is suitable for them to publicise their interpretations. Three researchers, specialists in labour and in social conflicts, have studied the movement and debate it in this article. ; Le mouvement dit des « gilets jaunes », à bien des égards énigmatique, a nourri de nombreux débats d'interprétation, tant du côté du champ politique et médiatique, que scientifique. Sociologues du travail et des mouvements sociaux ont été particulièrement interpelés par cette mobilisation : les premiers, en particulier quant à l'absence apparente des enjeux du travail et de l'interlocuteur patronal ; les seconds, notamment à propos de son orientation consensualiste et de son refus de se désigner des représentants. Et pour tous les chercheurs il a posé à nouveau frais les questions classiques de leurs modes d'engagement dans l'appréhension d'un conflit social, et du moment pertinent de la publicisation de leurs interprétations. Trois chercheurs, spécialistes du travail et des conflits sociaux et qui ont étudié ce mouvement, en débattent.
Conducting in-depth investigations is an ancient and essential right of parliaments in Europe. Yet, despite a provision of the Lisbon treaty, Parliament still has a limited institutional capacity to conduct inquiries. The study discusses the theoretical basis of parliamentary investigation, compares recent committees of inquiries and develops recommendations for up-grading Parliament's capacity.
International audience ; The so-called Yellow Jackets movement – enigmatic is many ways – has been a topic of numerous political, media and sociological interpretations. Sociologists with an interest in work matters and/or social movements have been particularly intrigued by this movement, notably by the ostensible disinterest in work issues and absence of employer interaction. From a labour movement perspective, the consensualist orientation and activists' refusal to designate representatives have also been interesting. All researchers are having to ask themselves again age-old questions about how they engage with social conflict and when it is suitable for them to publicise their interpretations. Three researchers, specialists in labour and in social conflicts, have studied the movement and debate it in this article. ; Le mouvement dit des « gilets jaunes », à bien des égards énigmatique, a nourri de nombreux débats d'interprétation, tant du côté du champ politique et médiatique, que scientifique. Sociologues du travail et des mouvements sociaux ont été particulièrement interpelés par cette mobilisation : les premiers, en particulier quant à l'absence apparente des enjeux du travail et de l'interlocuteur patronal ; les seconds, notamment à propos de son orientation consensualiste et de son refus de se désigner des représentants. Et pour tous les chercheurs il a posé à nouveau frais les questions classiques de leurs modes d'engagement dans l'appréhension d'un conflit social, et du moment pertinent de la publicisation de leurs interprétations. Trois chercheurs, spécialistes du travail et des conflits sociaux et qui ont étudié ce mouvement, en débattent.
Legislatures are crucial for functioning democracies. The Corona virus has changed them. ThisELF Discussion Paper by Olivier Rozenberg asks if real democracy is possible with virtual parliaments. The author challenges the thesis of a parliamentary backlash and assesses the hypothesis ofvirtual parliaments.
In this article, we develop an analytical framework to study how economies and welfare systems have been adapted to the common challenges of post-industrialization, financialization, and the knowledge economy. We show that, despite the global interconnectedness of modern economies, national trajectories of growth and policy-making remain distinct. Our explanation focuses on the pursuit of different growth strategies in contemporary advanced capitalist economies. Growth strategies are in large parts welfare reforms. Governments use the policy tools of the welfare state such as employment policy, housing policy, pensions, minimum wages and education as facilitators for growth. They pursue them in different ways depending on the growth regime their economies are embedded in. The articles starts with an overview of two key concepts used to build our argument: i) the complementary relationship between national growth and welfare regimes and ii) growth strategies through which growth and welfare regimes are reformed in the new era of globalization, ICT and financialization driven growth. It then provides an overview of five main ideal-typical growth regimes that have developed in advanced capitalist economies: the dynamic services export-led growth regime, the high-quality manufacturing export-led, the FDI-financed export-led, the financebased domestic demand-led and the public-financed domestic demand-led ones. Finally, it analyses the ties between growth strategies and welfare reforms and thus identifies five main types of welfare state reforms strategies: dualization of welfare, social investment, fiscal and social attractiveness, commodification of welfare, and social protectionism. Within the Eurozone, because of external pressure, the latter strategy has been transformed into a «competitive impoverishment» strategy for Southern European countries.
This paper is a contribution to the understanding of politics in contemporary, globalizing societies as seen from the perspective of cities rather than the state, on the assumption that contemporary urbanization and globalization processes open up possibilities for policy differentiation and policy regulation in cities. This global urbanization challenges the politics identified with a place and leads to a renewal of questions of inequality, justice, democracy, citizenship, etc. Differently from the state, the accumulation of material investments in cities makes them original concentrations of technologies which can be analyzed with the sociology of science as assemblages of socio-technical systems where politics is understood in pragmatic terms of daily interactions. ; Cet article est une contribution à la compréhension du politique dans les sociétés contemporaines plus ou moins mondialisées envisagé à partir des villes et non de l'État, en faisant l'hypothèse que les processus d'urbanisation et de mondialisation contemporains ouvrent des possibilités de différenciation du politique et des régulations politiques à l'échelle soit transnationale soit infranationale. Cette urbanisation planétaire remet en cause à l'inverse le politique identifié à un lieu et amène à un renouvellement des questions d'inégalités, de justice, de démocratie, de citoyenneté. De manière différenciée de l'État, l'accumulation d'investissements matériels dans les villes en fait des concentrations originales de technologies qui peuvent s'analyser avec la sociologie de sciences comme des assemblages des systèmes socio-techniques où le politique se comprend en termes pragmatiques d'interactions quotidiennes.
This policy paper studies external economic differentiation – that is, the various forms of third-country access to the European Single Market. It analyses their accountability mechanisms and evaluates their effectiveness – defined as the capacity to foster long-term economic integration and cooperation – as well as their potential effects on the EU's political unity. The paper identifies three key problems with existing external economic differentiation: overly static agreements, complex and fragmented institutional frameworks, and imbalances between rights and obligations in relation to the Single Market. Based on these findings, the policy paper highlights the importance of continuous market homogeneity for the effectiveness of external economic differentiation. Agreements that allow for the dynamic integration of the evolving EU acquis, that include mechanisms for its uniform interpretation and implementation and that are based on unified, simple and clear governance frameworks better achieve such homogeneity. In addition, agreements that are adaptable to evolving objectives and tailored to the size of individual third countries are more effective. The analysis of accountability mechanisms shows room for improvement in their deepening and extension to additional third countries. In terms of political unity, centrifugal forces can be contained through an adequate balance of rights and obligations in Single Market access.
The reception of refugees and migrants depends on the capacity of European states, regions and localities to respond to the double challenge of providing help for the first months they arrive and sustaining a long-term process in an often-heated political confrontation. Although the long-term effects are not always conclusive, national policies and local initiatives can achieve some results. Nation states have agreed on procedures and mechanisms for an equitable redistribution of refugees and cities and localities have implemented programmes and interventions for receiving and promoting the insertion of migrants.However, evidence of the geographical structure of waves of migrants and refugees is not evident due to structural constraints. Flows and routes keep changing due to the hazards of international relations; the capacity of absorbing the incoming population of refugees depending largely on policy trade-offs and political interdependencies.What is clear is that the geography of foreign-born residents, migrants and refugees do not overlap, the location choice of refugees being particularly constrained by national policy-frames. A need arises of a better understanding of the local variations and issues of the different policy responses and success stories.Geography, spatial strategies and types of cities profoundly shape the distribution of arrivals, the transit routes, and destination hubs, creating a local overburden of the policies related to reception and integration of migrants. The economic performance and demographic dynamic of regions may appear as determinant factors that influence the absorption capacity of localities (MIGRARE, 2019, pp. 35-65; pp. 99-100). Yet, some localities, often small municipalities, engage positively in the reception of refugees in less performing regions. In that respect, case studies and qualitative analysis from MIGRATUP (2018, pp. 48-49) in line with the literature on the subject, suggest that the reception of migrants and refugees may provide positive economic impact to ...
Grâce à l'indice longitudinal de tolérance fondé sur les questions du Baromètre annuel de la CNCDH, on peut mesurer les évolutions annuelles des préjugés depuis 1990. Cet indice montre que les sentiments à l'égard des immigrés et des minorités évoluent d'une année sur l'autre, parfois de manière brutale, tantôt vers plus de crispation, tantôt vers plus d'ouverture. L'évolution de la tolérance n'est donc pas un long fleuve tranquille, elle reflète la manière dont collectivement notre société construit son rapport à l'altérité. Les citoyens, quelles que soient leurs caractéristiques sociales et politiques, sont ambivalents sur ces questions, comme l'a montré le politologue Paul Kellstedt 12 pour les Américains. En chacun de nous coexistent des dispositions à l'ouverture aux autres et à la fermeture. La domination des unes sur les autres dépend du contexte, et particulièrement de la manière dont les élites politiques, médiatiques et sociales parlent et racontent l'immigration et la diversité.
First lines: Advanced capitalist democracies have undergone deep changes over the past thirty years, described by Torben Iversen as a transition to a knowledge-based economy. However, his account misses an aspect of class development: the emergence of a new proletariat, highly exploited in the knowledge economy.This text, along with that of Jenny Andersson and of Cyril Benoît, was written in response to Torben Iversen's article, "Reinventing Capitalism. The transition to the knowledge economy", taken from a conference given for the 10th anniversary of the Centre for European Studies (Sciences Po) in June 2019.
International audience ; How and to what extent do international financial institutions (IFI) drive public policy? More specifically, what role do the Inter-American Development Bank and World Bank play in formulating the anti-poverty programs known as Conditional Cash Transfer Programs (CCTP) in Brazil and Mexico? The present article seeks to examine the "cognitive role" played by these organizations as well as to qualify two widespread theories according to which agendas are imposed by IFI and there are clear-cut lines of demarcation separating national and international actors. This study reveals that international financial institutions have joined a coalition of national and international actors defending the cause of human capital. Further, it shows that, in order to dodge criticism, anticipate the controversies that might arise in public opinion and ensure that reforms, once adopted, remain in place, this pro-human capital coalition has embraced several strategies seeking to underscore the irreducible autonomy of national actors vis-à-vis their international counterparts. It moreover underscores the competition among international financial institutions for preeminence and to receive intellectual credit for CCTP. ; De quelle façon et dans quelle mesure les institutions financières internationales (IFI) sont-elles le moteur des politiques publiques ? Plus précisément, quel est le rôle de la Banque interaméricaine de développement et de la Banque mondiale dans la formulation des programmes de lutte contre la pauvreté au Brésil et au Mexique, connus sous le nom de Conditional Cash Transfert Programs (CCTP) ? L'objectif est ici d'analyser le « rôle cognitif » de ces organisations, mais aussi de nuancer deux thèses courantes : celle de l'imposition des agendas par les IFI et celle de la délimitation marquée entre acteurs nationaux et internationaux. Cette étude révèle, d'une part, que les institutions financières internationales ont intégré une coalition d'acteurs nationaux et internationaux qui défendent la ...
International audience ; The so-called Yellow Jackets movement – enigmatic is many ways – has been a topic of numerous political, media and sociological interpretations. Sociologists with an interest in work matters and/or social movements have been particularly intrigued by this movement, notably by the ostensible disinterest in work issues and absence of employer interaction. From a labour movement perspective, the consensualist orientation and activists' refusal to designate representatives have also been interesting. All researchers are having to ask themselves again age-old questions about how they engage with social conflict and when it is suitable for them to publicise their interpretations. Three researchers, specialists in labour and in social conflicts, have studied the movement and debate it in this article. ; Le mouvement dit des « gilets jaunes », à bien des égards énigmatique, a nourri de nombreux débats d'interprétation, tant du côté du champ politique et médiatique, que scientifique. Sociologues du travail et des mouvements sociaux ont été particulièrement interpelés par cette mobilisation : les premiers, en particulier quant à l'absence apparente des enjeux du travail et de l'interlocuteur patronal ; les seconds, notamment à propos de son orientation consensualiste et de son refus de se désigner des représentants. Et pour tous les chercheurs il a posé à nouveau frais les questions classiques de leurs modes d'engagement dans l'appréhension d'un conflit social, et du moment pertinent de la publicisation de leurs interprétations. Trois chercheurs, spécialistes du travail et des conflits sociaux et qui ont étudié ce mouvement, en débattent.
