Suchergebnisse

Foreword / by J. David Gillespie -- Acknowledgements -- Why me and my plans to proceed -- Democracy from the bottom up : foundations for civic participation in the United States -- African-American women's activity in Indiana 1965 to present : source -- Mountains to cross, rivers to ford : race and gender realities in Indiana -- Education -- Religious issues -- Justice -- Family -- Race and gender -- Politics and civic engagement -- Neighborhood -- What African-American women's voices say to us about democratic civic engagement in Indiana -- Bibliography/references -- Index

AbstractThe article aims to discuss and analyze the post-liberation state building challenges in Eritrea. It interrogates how and why the promising start was transformed into a nightmare. It traces two sets of explanatory factors. The first is the political culture that was developed during the liberation struggle. A political culture characterized by centralization, hierarchy, collectivism, strong loyalty and discipline became an obstacle to state building and transition from a guerrilla to civilian governance. The second set of factors pertains to the second war with Ethiopia. The second war not only erased all the post-liberation achievements, but also plunged the nation into social, economic, and political structural and systemic crisis. To exist from this predicament would require emancipation from the political culture of the liberation struggle and smooth transition to a civilian democratic and constitutional governance system.

Although African Americans continually reconstructed their perceptions of the Japanese throughout the Great Depression and World War II, these changing views were formed in the context of their own positions within the United States. During the 1930s, with the exception of the Communist Movement, the African American press and other intellectuals generally regarded Japan as a consequential nation challenging existing international relations and creating expectations of a new paradigm of racial equity on the world stage. Although some key intellectuals still maintained hope that Japan would serve as a leader for the "Colored races," Japan's aggressive invasion of China in 1937 was largely viewed as indicative of Japan's opportunistic imperial desires, no different from those of the European powers. Overall, African American servicemen in the Pacific, while tending to be less racially prejudiced than their Caucasian counterparts towards the Japanese enemy, still regarded the Japanese as a dangerous and ruthless opponent and not as a possible liberator from discrimination in the segregated American military or society at large. African American servicemen in the Occupation of Japan reconstructed their conceptions of the Japanese based on their comparatively colorblind reception as occupiers, which ultimately led to a growing sense of dissatisfaction with discrimination upon return to the United States.

Felony disenfranchisement is the removal of the right to vote following a felony conviction. Although it is clear that felony disenfranchisement constitutes diminished political capacity for citizens with felony convictions, what is not clear is the extent to which disenfranchisement reduces participation among those who are eligible to vote; particularly among African Americans who are overrepresented in the disenfranchised citizen population. In assessing the relationship between felony disenfranchisement policy and political participation, scholars have argued that socialization is the primary mechanism linking felony disenfranchisement to the political behavior of voting eligible citizens, finding that in the most policy severe states, turnout is lower. However, what the policy-severity-based perspective fails to acknowledge is changes to disenfranchisement policy that affect the restoration of civil rights; changes that often occur without affecting the severity of felony disenfranchisement policy while dramatically changing the size of the disenfranchised population in a given state. Given the role of socialization in the transmission of participatory norms, assessing the impact of disenfranchisement requires using measures that take into consideration both severity and restoration. Utilizing estimates of state-level disenfranchisement and African American disenfranchisement from the 2004 presidential election, this analysis investigates the relationship between disenfranchisement and African American voter turnout. The findings suggest that African American disenfranchisement plays a unique role in predicting African American voter turnout and lend themselves to the need to further consider the community and neighborhood effects of disenfranchisement on political participation and civic engagement.

Der vorliegende Artikel gibt einen strukturierten Überblick über die Föderalismusdebatte in Südafrika. Einleitend wird die, für heute noch relevante, Entwicklung der politischen Auseinandersetzungen um den Föderalismusgedanken in Südafrika von 1910 an skizziert. Anschließend werden die politischen Organisationsformen vorgestellt, die von den südafrikanischen Parteien in der Verfassungsdebatte jeweils bevorzugt wurden. Der Autor stellt dabei Übereinstimmungen und Gegensätze zwischen den verschiedenen Parteien heraus, was letztlich einen Erklärungsansatz für das Zustandekommen des gegenwärtigen Modells geben kann. (DÜI-Spl)

ABSTRACT & RÉSUMÉ & ZUSAMMENFASSUNG : Discrimination against the approximately 500,000 African (mostly irregular) immigrants has recently spread in China. During the corona pandemic, it degenerates into a true Afrophobia. Shortly before, five Nigerians in Guangzhou had reportedly tested positive for Covid-19. Africans are widely accused as drug traffickers and criminals. Also, they would endanger China's global competitiveness for Africa's resources through media baiting abroad. Current reports testify the displacement of African migrants from homes and hotels in Guangzhou (Canton), where most of the Africans live. They are dependent on informal, mostly illegal networks in order to be able to stay in the country. In online social networks Afrophobia as cyber racism is particularly pronounced. Thereby, racism is more deeply rooted in the mentality of many Chinese than is commonly assumed. According to a traditional Chinese proverb, the greatest evil to be avoided is 'the destroyed nation and the annihilated race'. In addition, since 2005 land-grabbing by Chinese entrepreneurs in sub-Saharan Africa arose international attention. Its main purpose is to ensure food security in China and to profit from international grain speculation. It was racially legitimized from the start, with slogans such as, only Chinese investments could save Africans from their traditional 'laziness'. This repeats deeply rooted neo-colonial European prejudices of a 'wild, ahistoric and uncivilized Africa'. The prejudices are still associated with a feeling of racial superiority. The social fabric of China has always embodied essential characteristics of the exclusion of 'foreigners', focused on ethnicity, race, religion, sexual orientation and gender. The African Union, various African governments and even the United States have sharply criticized Beijing for mistreating migrants, particularly those from Nigeria, Ghana, Kenya and Uganda. Racist attacks on Africans in China have an oppressively long tradition, associated with the ...

ABSTRACT & RÉSUMÉ & ZUSAMMENFASSUNG : Discrimination against the approximately 500,000 African (mostly irregular) immigrants has recently spread in China. During the corona pandemic, it degenerates into a true Afrophobia. Shortly before, five Nigerians in Guangzhou had reportedly tested positive for Covid-19. Africans are widely accused as drug traffickers and criminals. Also, they would endanger China's global competitiveness for Africa's resources through media baiting abroad. Current reports testify the displacement of African migrants from homes and hotels in Guangzhou (Canton), where most of the Africans live. They are dependent on informal, mostly illegal networks in order to be able to stay in the country. In online social networks Afrophobia as cyber racism is particularly pronounced. Thereby, racism is more deeply rooted in the mentality of many Chinese than is commonly assumed. According to a traditional Chinese proverb, the greatest evil to be avoided is 'the destroyed nation and the annihilated race'. In addition, since 2005 land-grabbing by Chinese entrepreneurs in sub-Saharan Africa arose international attention. Its main purpose is to ensure food security in China and to profit from international grain speculation. It was racially legitimized from the start, with slogans such as, only Chinese investments could save Africans from their traditional 'laziness'. This repeats deeply rooted neo-colonial European prejudices of a 'wild, ahistoric and uncivilized Africa'. The prejudices are still associated with a feeling of racial superiority. The social fabric of China has always embodied essential characteristics of the exclusion of 'foreigners', focused on ethnicity, race, religion, sexual orientation and gender. The African Union, various African governments and even the United States have sharply criticized Beijing for mistreating migrants, particularly those from Nigeria, Ghana, Kenya and Uganda. Racist attacks on Africans in China have an oppressively long tradition, associated with the ...

This article traces a number of cases of graft in Zambia to show the importance of this practice within the political system. Graft is treated as one element of a spoils system through which clientelism operates and through which, more generally, the state is used as a resource for private ends. Graft and patronage are shown to have negative consequences for the state through undermining efficiency and legitimacy and displacing policy ends. But perhaps most importantly, it is argued that graft ultimately involves a transfer of wealth between classes and more specifically is an important factor in the growth of an indigenous owning class.

This chapter examines how the EU Common Fisheries Policy (CFP) has historically affected fisheries in West Africa, and how recently enacted reforms to the CFP may alter or perpetuate trends in this relationship. The CFP's historical impacts on West African states are explored through its various policy tools, as well as how CFP changes might affect relations between these countries and the EU, with implications for their wider economies. West African states represent some of Europe's closest neighbors, and the waters comprising their Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZs) are some of the most productive fishing grounds for European fleets. The interests of European fishing nations and those of coastal West African states have often been at odds, however, and scholars have argued that the combined CFP policies have led to a range of consequences, from degraded habitat and diminished stocks to conflicts between domestic and foreign fishers and stymied local economies. This historical legacy is here examined, using existing data and studies to assess these claims. Furthermore, the profound impacts of the EU CFP far beyond European waters are demonstrated, along with the possible impacts of recent changes in the EU CFP for West African fisheries. Multiple policies and reforms are addressed, including the discard ban, the implementation of Maximum Sustainable Yield (MSY), and the establishment of Sustainable Fisheries Partnership Agreements (SFPAs). The implications for West African fisheries are tremendous but also uncertain, and much will depend on the implementation of the rules in distant waters.

1. Introduction -- 2. Pan-Africanism and Regionalism in Africa: The Journey So Far -- 3. Regional Cooperation for Development: The African Union Experience -- 4. The African Union and the International Criminal Court: An Analysis of Al-Bashir's International Arrest Warrant -- 5. Capacity Imperatives for the Realization of the African Continental Free Trade Area: Issues and Policy Options -- 6. Regional Integration and the Political Economy of Morocco's Desire for Membership of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) -- 7. The Red Herring of Identity in Africa: Using Identity Conflicts to Capture State Power and Inculcate Economic Avarice in the Central African Republic -- 8. Mediatizing and Gendering Pan-Africanism for 'Glocal Impacts' -- 9. The Politics of Paternalism and Implications of Global Governance on Africa: A Critique of the Sustainable Development Goals -- 10. The Construction of African Immigrants in Contemporary South Africa and Social Cohesion: Reflections on the Roles of the Media -- 11. On Globalisation, a World Class City, Poverty and Security in Johannesburg Inner City -- 12. The State Bureaucracies and Development in Africa: Interrogating the Link -- 13. Bureaucracy and Crisis of Development in Prismaric Post-Colonial African States: An Ethical Review -- 14. Building Capacities for Border Administrators along Nigeria's International Boundaries -- 15. Explaining Nigeria's Diaspora Communities' Transmogrification: From State Partners to Challengers -- 16. Diaspora Remittances and Sustainable Development in Africa: A Case Study of Nigeria -- 17. International Law and Violence against Women.

Much has been written lately in both the popular and academic press about the "Browning" of America and the changing nature of race and ethnic relations in the United States. This has been largely the result of the precipitous increase in the Latino population and its profound change on the demographic landscape in the United States. For example, the U.S. Bureau of the Census (2010) has shown the Latino population grew from 35.3 million in 2000 to over 50 million in 2010 (p. 3). The Latino population now represents 16% of the total U.S. population and has surpassed African Americans as the largest racial-ethnic population at the turn of the century. Recent demographic projections calculate that by 2050 the Latino population will increase to an estimated 128 million or 29% of the national total. As Rumbaut (2009) writes, in that year it will exceed the combined total of all other racial minorities (primarily African American and Asian) in the United States (p. 17).

Sound public policy and state action is imperative for South Africa to expand its economy to grow sustainably and competitively, raise skills levels and continue spending on crucial social and economic investment programmes, aimed at improving the standard of living of all citizens. The provision of revenue to fund such initiatives is largely dependent on an efficient tax revenue institution which can generate state revenue through taxation, while it does not raise the overall tax burden on income taxpayers. This article reviews the efficacy of personal income tax administrative reforms within the context of tax administration in South Africa, as a strategy to enhance tax revenue collection by South African Revenue Services (SARS). Legislative prescriptions and the policy mandate of SARS, which give effect to these reforms are also reviewed. Furthermore, the challenges impeding expected outcomes are highlighted. The article suggests that a critique of such challenges can promote effective and efficient personal income tax administration, which will ultimately benefit taxpayers and government in South Africa.