Suchergebnisse

The brutal civil war that engulfed Liberia, following Charles Taylor's invasion in December 1989, has left an indelible mark in the history of this West African state. The six-year old struggle led to the collapse of what was already an embattled economy; to the almost complete destruction of physical infrastructure built over a century and half of enterprise and oligarchic rule; to the killing, maiming, and displacement of more than 50 per cent of the country's estimated pre-war population of 2·5 million; and to an unprecedented regional initiative to help resolve the crisis. Five years after the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas) intervened with a Cease-fire Monitoring Group (Ecomog), an agreement that was quickly hailed as the best chance for peace in Liberia was signed in August 1995 in the Nigeriancapital, Abuja.

The membership of the African Studies Association now numbers 1,731— 734 fellows, 618 associates, and 379 student associates. Some 700 of these participated in the eleventh annual meeting of the Association. Although attendance was considerably below the 1,300 registered at the New York Hilton in 1967 and the nearly 1,000 who made their way to the University of Indiana in 1966, there is no indication that this reflects a declining interest in African studies in the United States. Rather, the A.S.A. custom of bringing its annual meetings in turn to scholars in the north-east, on the Pacific coast, and in the Middle West results in predictable fluctations in registration.

Factors that encourage self-employment in certain ethnic minority groups are examined, as are the effects of the establishment of immigrant enclaves in certain US cities on African Americans' propensity toward self-employment. Public Use Microdata Sample data for 1990 are used to create socioeconomic profiles of male workers from nine different ethnic groups. Findings indicate that being married & the presence of children strongly affected an individual's propensity toward self-employment, except among African American workers. The principal finding is that the emergence of immigrant enclaves in certain cities did not obstruct African American workers' shift toward self-employment. The need for future research to consider the issue of self-employment when making policy recommendations aimed at lessening African Americans' economic problems is articulated. 6 Tables, 1 Appendix, 54 References. J. W. Parker

Corruption in Africa is a colonial legacy. However, this cankerworm grew in strength in the early 1990s as a result of the economic crisis that affected the Cameroonian and most of African economies in the late 1980s, stretching to the mid 1990s. As a result of this economic crisis, the currencies of most African States were devaluated and the salaries of workers were slashed. Extreme poverty then crept into the lives of these workers as they could barely meet up with their daily needs. To ameliorate these poor living standards, most workers resolved to corrupt practices and so corruption grew in strength and in might. African countries were propelled to the top of corruption rankings by corruption watchdog Transparency International. From thence, African governments have been relentless in their efforts to fight against corruption. This paper therefore carries out a critical analysis of the laws and institutions put in place for the fight against corruption in Africa with the case study being Cameroon. It equally assesses the extent of their success and the reasons for their failure. Above all it proposes a new paradigm for the fight against corruption in the developing countries of Africa which is the Economy of Communion.

Critically appraises the "pro-poor" components expressed in South Africa's 2007-08 national budget in order to understand what this new discourse actually means in terms of anti-poverty actions implemented by the state. The South African leadership replaced its earlier Reconstruction & Development Program with a Growth Employment & Redistribution policy based on a globally hegemonic market-led approach. An overview of post-apartheid economic development policies since 1994 is followed by a critical review of pertinent elements of the 2007-08 national budget which showed a surplus for the first time ever. The surplus is the result of economic growth, efficient tax collection, & reduced expenditures; however, economic growth has largely been achieved by an expansion in luxury consumption by the nation's elite & sharp cuts in state spending which have reduced the provision of essential social services to poor neighborhoods. It is argued that the "finance minister continues to fall short of pro-poor budgeting" by relying on developmental state discourse & flawed "trickle-down economics" that hurt the working poor. References. J. Lindroth

The establishment of an effective rule of law in the international society, we have been told time and again, is the only way to save the world from the danger of its plunging into the holocaust of an atomic-missile war which, if it ever comes, will mean an over-all destruction.

AbstractThis contribution examines access to the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights in the first decade of its operation. Compared with other regional human rights Courts over the corresponding period, the African Court has decided more contentious cases. Direct access accounts for this difference. Acceptance by States of optional direct access is a necessary but insufficient condition for actual access. The reasons for the Commission's reluctance to refer cases, which hampered indirect access to the Court, are investigated. Although the Court's advisory jurisdiction has found limited application, it has welcomed amici curiae and showed some acceptance of the role of original complainants before the Court.

AbstractThis article explores the technopolitical mechanisms by which radiation hazards in South African uranium production were rendered invisible. The occupational health effects of underground uranium mining were deeply contested for decades, all over the world. From the 1950s to the 1990s, the volatile nature of labor relations under apartheid shaped how the South African mining industry responded to the presence of radon gas. With occasional help from state scientists, the industry muffled the political menace of radon gas by making its physical presence difficult to see. Sometimes this invisibility resulted from deliberate decisions, sometimes from structural suppression, sometimes from the tangle of both. This article argues that maintaining radon's invisibility took work.

Oneof the intriguing paradoxes of Côte d'Ivoire is that while the political class has become famous for its 'open-door' capitalism, the Government headed by Félix Houphouët-Boigny consistently heightened its rhetoric of 'Ivoirianisation' through which it purported to indigenise the economy. The fact is that capitalism controlled by foreigners has generally gained the upper hand with state connivance or approval. Where local capitalism exists, it is often spearheaded by the state as participant and competitor, rather than as a facilitator of indigenous enterprise. Shipping offers a good example of this dual approach, where the state became the vanguard of a vigorous national and regional drive for maritime independence, but at the same time pursued its self-declared 'open-door' strategy which ensured continued domination of the sector by foreigners.

Recent years have seen a re-militarisation around the world, with the military making a comeback on the political scene, especially in Latin America. In sub-Saharan Africa, though, the trend seems different: Before 1990, Africa was the region with most military coups, and many countries on the continent were ruled by military regimes. Since 1990, however, the military has been steadily returning to the barracks. Despite this, the armed forces still matter in politics and remain a force to be reckoned with.
More visible forms of military intervention in politics have decreased over the last few decades. Openly military regimes have virtually vanished. Military coups still occur, but their frequency is declining.
However, less visible forms of intervention by the military in politics persist. In almost 40 per cent of sub-Saharan cases, the military remains a powerful actor in politics; in 15 out of 49 countries, "generals in suits" rule as heads of government.
Causes of military involvement in politics include dissatisfaction with civilian governments and specific grievances and ambitions of officers. The diminished role of the military follows general trends of political opening after the end of the Cold War in Africa but can be also ascribed to both policies followed by regional organisations and a rejection of military rule by the respective populations.
Effects of politicised militaries are ambiguous and depend on context - particularly on regime type. Disloyal militaries threaten democracies but "democratising soldiers" can also contribute to the downfall of autocrats. Loyalty stabilises democracies, but in several cases the security forces are the main support for repressive autocrats.
Politicised militaries often get involved when countries face political and socio-economic problems. The most promising way to reduce politicisation is through professional security forces. Professionalism refers to staying out of politics, which facilitates an improved ability to tackle security risks such as terrorism and insurgencies without resorting to excessive force. Solutions must grow in Africa, but outside actors can support professionalism by assisting security sector reform.