Trans[ition] in Iran
In: World policy journal: WPJ ; a publication of the World Policy Institute, Band 31, Heft 1, S. 28-38
ISSN: 0740-2775
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In: World policy journal: WPJ ; a publication of the World Policy Institute, Band 31, Heft 1, S. 28-38
ISSN: 0740-2775
World Affairs Online
Articles from The Daily Barometer pertaining to LGBTQ+ issues and students on campus. All articles are organized in chronological order that begins with a Table of Contents listing the article titles and dates.
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Blog: Saideman's Semi-Spew
I went to Florida for a relative's Bat Mitzvah. As I have remarked earlier here, these events make me feel uncomfy as I am not a believer. Many of the prayers and songs are burned into my memory based on the years I had to go to the various services before I left home. My father kept reminding me of the Jewish opportunities at college, which caused me to wonder whether he was either relentlessly optimistic or just in denial. So, the only times I go to synagogues or temples are wedding and Bax Mitzvahs. This time, something else helped make me feel a part of this community, reinforcing my identity as a Jew--the obstacles in the driveway that forced me to drive left/right/left/right and prevented me or anyone from entering the parking lot quickly. Yes, this synagogue had an entrance similar to those at military bases... which speaks to the threats facing Jews in North America. At the last BM in the fall, there was a metal detector and some heavy security at the door of the synagogue in NY. It used to be the case that when I walked in a strange city, I knew I was near an American embassy when I noted an increase in security barriers. These days, seeing such stuff tells me that I am near either an embassy or a synagogue. The threat of violence is real. Anti-semitism, along with the other hates--misogyny, racism, Islamophobia, homophobia, and xenophobia--is on the rise. At CPAC this week, the ethnic outbidding to appeal to the whitest, most "christian" folks produced much targeting of transgender people, but these folks and their pals didn't stop there. Nick Fuentes, who got to hang with Trump not that long ago, apparently talked about all kinds of folks (or isms, which really are targeting people) that need to go.So, identity is about us and them. And right now these folks out there are making me feel more Jewish because a basic part of that id is the threat, realized in pogroms long ago, in the Holocaust, and now in smaller scale violence, is increasing again. So, I don't believe in all the religious stuff, but I do believe that there are folks out there that would love to put me and my relatives into showers and ovens. So, I feel the us because the them is getting so toxic, so scary.This is not going to go away anytime soon especially when major political parties--Republicans in the US--worry more about alienating the Nazi wannabe's in their base than standing up for freedom. The supposed party of freedom is very much becoming a party of tyranny. While I loved seeing my extended family this weekend, I can't help but notice the dark side of identity and the threat we face. the traditions/service remind me of who I am not the obstacle course into the synagogue reminds me of who I am
This article examines the role of the Pentecostal Evangelical movement in the success of the 'No' campaign in the Colombian peace plebiscite of 2 October 2016, where Colombians voted to reject the peace agreement which had been reached between the Colombian government and the Armed Revolutionary Forces of Colombia (FARC). It discusses the reasons that motivated large sectors of the Evangelical electorate to oppose the agreement, paying particular attention to the success of the argument that the agreement was contaminated with what Pentecostals termed 'gender ideology.' In terms of methodology, the article draws on a variety of sources, including interviews, field observation and written sources both scholarly and popular, including press and Internet articles. We track how 'gender' comes to be shorthand for the host of social ills with which it was associated during the debates around the Colombian peace plebiscite through use of the term 'gender ideology'. We posit that it is the links between 'gender' modernity, colonialism and the development industry, its academic, value-neutral quality and its status as an isolated technical term that allow 'gender' to become a proxy for a wide range of social dissatisfactions. We conclude that the success of the 'No' campaign was possible due to the convergence of several sectors of society, particularly between the political right and a social movement which, inspired by religious values, opposed the recognition of LGBTI (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Intersex) rights and the use of the term 'gender' in the agreements. ; El artículo intenta hacer un aporte a la comprensión del papel que tuvo el movimiento evangélico pentecostal en el triunfo del "No" en el plebiscito celebrado en Colombia el 2 de octubre del 2016, plebiscito que buscaba refrendar el Acuerdo de paz pactado entre el gobierno colombiano y las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC). Se pregunta por los motivos que llevaron a un amplio sector del electorado evangélico a oponerse a la refrendación del Acuerdo y, particularmente, se pregunta por la importancia que el seno del pentecostalismo tuvo en el argumento según el cual el Acuerdo estaba viciado por lo que los pentecostales denominaron la "ideología de género". En términos metodológicos, el relato se nutre de una amplia diversidad de fuentes, entre las que se destacan entrevistas, observaciones de campo, revisión de prensa e información disponible en internet. Hacemos un seguimiento de cómo "género", gracias a la expresión "ideología de género", se transformó en una abreviatura que encapsula una diversidad de males sociales. Durante la campaña del plebiscito la "ideología de género" se asoció con problemas propios de la modernización, el colonialismo y la llamada "industria del desarrollo". Se concluye que el triunfo del "No" fue posible por la convergencia de intereses de diversos sectores sociales, particularmente, de la derecha política y de un movimiento social que, inspirado en valores religiosos, se opone al reconocimiento de los derechos de la población LGBTI (Lesbianas, Gais, Bisexuales, Trans, Intersexuales).
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In: Hrani: naukovo-teoretyčnyj alʹmanach, Band 21, Heft 12, S. 16-25
ISSN: 2413-8738
Liberal feminism rooted in modernity, is closely connected with emancipationist political activity in which gender equality is a long-term goal guaranteed by democracy, at the same time that goal is considered to be a «self-legitimized myth». Feminism in "postmodern conditions" faces complicated and ambiguous processes of critical debates and sharp conflicts. On the one hand, it concerns acute arguments about the nature of the contemporary feminism, on the other,- the conflict between the theory of feminism and gender research, which lately has become evident. This mainly reflects disputes concerning sharp actualization of the relations between feminism and gender studies with obvious actualization of the "queer"-theories and corresponding discourses, which expands their impact on cultural and social discursive practices with visible appreciation by gender studies. It is necessary to stress, that "queer"-movements have never been simply movements for emancipation and civil rights. For feminism the latter means that the first phase (not "wave") of feminism has been completed. Opposition to feminism is not new. However, the claim that we are now in a post-feminism epoch is challenged. Feminism is effective in many countries of the contemporary world. The next phase will be developed in the context of the transformations of gender relations. At the same time, nowadays women`s interests as always occupy constant positions in the gender agenda. Moreover, feminist projects are very important for the transformations of the gender regimes and forms. Feminism can change not only the nature of the gender regime but the nature of the "late capitalism" as well: labour regimes, labour time regulations, elimination of violence both in private and public spheres etc. All these factors concern capitalism and gender regimes simultaneously. If democratic processes enhance, the feminist projects will be able to influence both the form of capitalism and the form of gender regimes.In this context such fundamental questions as whether the transgender epoch proclaims the end of gender in its traditional meaning and how all that influences the theories of feminism and gender should be answered. In the whole the «sexuality approach» provides an opportunity to consider the fundamental problems arising from our indefinite responses to the messages of the discourses and discourse practices in the world. However it is proved that the fact of the power component in the distribution of the gender roles is not less valid nowadays, and gender as a theory cannot be represented without an analysis of the corresponding power systems. Thus, if feminism is not the struggle for the equality of women, then it is a method for the scientific analysis. The idea of the non-importance of feminism now is crossed with the questions about the false importance of gender categories provided we live in the culture of the «liquid gender» where stable gender has become non-obligatory and arbitrary. It is also important that the intention to overthrow the «tyranny of the normal» is obvious both in the theory and practices of postmodernism.
BACKGROUND: Sex workers are at disproportionate risk of violence and sexual and emotional ill health, harms that have been linked to the criminalisation of sex work. We synthesised evidence on the extent to which sex work laws and policing practices affect sex workers' safety, health, and access to services, and the pathways through which these effects occur. METHODS AND FINDINGS: We searched bibliographic databases between 1 January 1990 and 9 May 2018 for qualitative and quantitative research involving sex workers of all genders and terms relating to legislation, police, and health. We operationalised categories of lawful and unlawful police repression of sex workers or their clients, including criminal and administrative penalties. We included quantitative studies that measured associations between policing and outcomes of violence, health, and access to services, and qualitative studies that explored related pathways. We conducted a meta-analysis to estimate the average effect of experiencing sexual/physical violence, HIV or sexually transmitted infections (STIs), and condomless sex, among individuals exposed to repressive policing compared to those unexposed. Qualitative studies were synthesised iteratively, inductively, and thematically. We reviewed 40 quantitative and 94 qualitative studies. Repressive policing of sex workers was associated with increased risk of sexual/physical violence from clients or other parties (odds ratio [OR] 2.99, 95% CI 1.96-4.57), HIV/STI (OR 1.87, 95% CI 1.60-2.19), and condomless sex (OR 1.42, 95% CI 1.03-1.94). The qualitative synthesis identified diverse forms of police violence and abuses of power, including arbitrary arrest, bribery and extortion, physical and sexual violence, failure to provide access to justice, and forced HIV testing. It showed that in contexts of criminalisation, the threat and enactment of police harassment and arrest of sex workers or their clients displaced sex workers into isolated work locations, disrupting peer support networks and service access, and limiting risk reduction opportunities. It discouraged sex workers from carrying condoms and exacerbated existing inequalities experienced by transgender, migrant, and drug-using sex workers. Evidence from decriminalised settings suggests that sex workers in these settings have greater negotiating power with clients and better access to justice. Quantitative findings were limited by high heterogeneity in the meta-analysis for some outcomes and insufficient data to conduct meta-analyses for others, as well as variable sample size and study quality. Few studies reported whether arrest was related to sex work or another offence, limiting our ability to assess the associations between sex work criminalisation and outcomes relative to other penalties or abuses of police power, and all studies were observational, prohibiting any causal inference. Few studies included trans- and cisgender male sex workers, and little evidence related to emotional health and access to healthcare beyond HIV/STI testing. CONCLUSIONS: Together, the qualitative and quantitative evidence demonstrate the extensive harms associated with criminalisation of sex work, including laws and enforcement targeting the sale and purchase of sex, and activities relating to sex work organisation. There is an urgent need to reform sex-work-related laws and institutional practices so as to reduce harms and barriers to the realisation of health.
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The post-9/11 sociopolitical climate has led to an increase in anti-immigrant policies and practices, including the federal REAL ID Act of 2005, which established standards requiring proof of "legal presence" for state identification cards (IDs) and driver's licenses to be used for federal purposes such as air travel. This has led several states to revise their ID eligibility requirements, and undocumented immigrants cannot access state IDs or driver's licenses in any Midwestern state except Illinois (Mathema, 2015; Park, 2015). Lack of photo ID limits access to important resources including bank and check-cashing services, pharmacies, libraries, housing, and police services (Lagunes, Levin, and Ditlmann, 2012). Undocumented parents face additional challenges as IDs may be required to volunteer at children's schools or pick them up from childcare (de Graauw, 2014). In 2015 two Midwestern counties (Washtenaw County, Michigan and Johnson County, Iowa) became the eighth and ninth U.S. localities to issue ID cards regardless of immigration status. These grassroots initiatives, the first local government-issued ID programs in the Midwest, were spearheaded by local activists and advocates who had witnessed -- or experienced firsthand -- the challenges of living without locally accepted IDs. The Washtenaw ID Project and the Center for Worker Justice of Eastern Iowa each worked with community members, county officials, and law enforcement with the goal of developing IDs that were accessible, secure from fraud, and widely accepted by area businesses, service providers, and law enforcement. These programs are well suited to the 2016 Cambio de Colores theme, "Building Bridges." Local IDs were designed to serve not only undocumented immigrants but also others that face challenges in accessing ID: the elderly, transgender individuals, individuals with chronic mental illness, residentially unstable individuals, and those displaced by natural disaster or domestic violence. This panel included several perspectives on these innovative programs. Representatives from the Center for Worker Justice of Eastern Iowa and the Washtenaw ID Project shared lessons from years of organizing, advocacy, and policy development. They discussed each county's process of identifying the need for local IDs, organizing to promote local ID policies, and implement the ID policies. Both groups worked to promote local IDs widely, including to those with state-issued IDs, so that local IDs were not stigmatized as substandard forms of identification. Researchers from University of Michigan School of Public Health and Social Work and University of Iowa College of Public Health shared findings from a multi-site, mixed-methods longitudinal evaluation of these programs. The objective was to evaluate whether community IDs increased access to community resources. Researchers partnered with the community agencies above to develop and administer surveys to ID applicants on the day they applied for ID (n=407). In Washtenaw County, qualitative interviews on the day of ID application (n=18) provided richer data about applicants' day-to-day experiences prior to accessing ID. Researchers presented preliminary findings about changes in participants' day-to-day experiences and access to resources since being issued ID. The panelists concluded with recommendations for designing local ID policies in other communities, including eligibility criteria, administration process and community engagement.
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In: German visual culture volume 7
"This book is a cutting-edge interdisciplinary collection of essays by some of today's most forward-thinking scholars. These writers explore the ways in which the prefix 'trans' erupts German identity and the identity of Germany itself. The volume calls German identity into question and examines the ways in which the prefix 'trans' is deployed to these ends in relation to national borders, historical limits, political institutions, social practices, and forms of cultural and aesthetic expression. The collection reveals the ways in which the transcendence of national, corporeal, disciplinary, and institutional limits is embodied by the use of the prefix 'trans'--and has the potential to do so much more. The volume engages the multifaceted nature of 'trans'--and a Germaneness that defies geography--to explore how Germans and Germany are increasingly situated 'beyond' limits. Collectively, these investigations reveal a radical discourse of Germanness, a discourse with significant implications for historical and contemporary German self-understanding. The book asks: What is German identity beyond geography? And what are the promises and perils for Germany, and German identity, in becoming transGerman?"--
World Affairs Online
Frontmatter -- Contents -- Preface to the 2013 Edition -- Preface to the 2009 Edition -- INTRODUCTION. Diversity Denied -- PART ONE. ANIMAL RAINBOWS -- PART TWO. HUMAN RAINBOWS -- PART THREE. CULTURAL RAINBOWS -- APPENDIX. Policy Recommendations -- Notes -- Index
In: Queer Asia
Drawing from the fields of ethnographic and sociological studies, cultural activism, public health and film studies, this volume showcases the work of scholars working mostly outside Euro-America and focuses on cities including Hong Kong, Shanghai and Beijing
In: Urban Planning, Band 8, Heft 2, S. 223-234
In 2016, the Vancouver City Council passed the Supporting Trans* Equality and an Inclusive Vancouver policy, a motion that prompted the development of a strategy aimed at ensuring the safety and accessibility of municipal programs, services, and physical spaces for Two-Spirit, trans, and gender-diverse (TGD2S) users, including residents, City staff, and visitors. Binary gender is a taken-for-granted assumption of most urban forms and functions: It is encoded in all municipal data collection forms, building codes, signage, and communication strategies. At its root, then, addressing trans inclusion requires the municipal government to attend to and redesign the gendered models of service, programs, and space upon which the city is built. This article tells the story of the Supporting Trans* Equality and an Inclusive Vancouver policy and is driven by two goals. First, I document this policy as a contribution to the urban policy and planning literature, where attention to gender diversity is due. Second, using the trans inclusion strategy, I show how a municipal equity policy aimed at addressing the safety and inclusion of TGD2S people can have significant impacts beyond its immediate scope. To develop this idea, I consider how equity-driven innovation can substantially reshape institutional practices.
Senior Project submitted to The Division of Social Studies of Bard College.
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The protest movements known as the Arab Spring brought the frustration and disappointment of the North African citizens with their governments to the world's attention. Five years after the Arab Spring, the issues of human rights and individual freedom remain important issues in the democratic transition of the Arab societies. Since the countries in North Africa have also been important migrant sending countries for decades, the connection between mass emigration and human right issues forms an interesting research area. This empirical article aims to bring a new perspective to the debate by analysing the narratives dignity, human rights and minority identities of 80 Moroccan migrants living in France. The article first identifies four particularly vulnerable groups among the migrants: women, disabled people, homosexuals and ethnic minorities. It demonstrates how the migration project in case of many study and labour migrant was also motivated by issues related to personal freedom and dignity. Finally, the article discusses the emerging forms of political participation, identities and connections in transnational context and argues for more research on the role of diasporas in the socio-cultural transformations in the North African societies.
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Articles from The Daily Barometer pertaining to LGBTQ+ issues and students on campus. All articles are organized in chronological order that begins with a Table of Contents listing the article titles and dates.
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El principal objetivo de esta tesis ha sido el establecer la situación actual del problema de género, dando respuesta a los siguientes interrogantes: ¿Podemos seguir hablando de dos géneros claramente diferenciados? Las propuestas de las teorías de transgénero y los movimientos queer, ¿son tan solo una utopía minoritaria o constituyen una tendencia y una aspiración universales?¿Podemos realmente liberarnos de los condicionamientos biológicos? ¿Seguirá existiendo un sujeto viable para el feminismo? Para ello, se ha utilizado una metodología basada en la investigación y revisión bibliográfica; haciendo acopio de lo que se ha dicho sobre las cuestiones planteadas, desde el punto de vista del método histórico, para conocer las etapas principales y la trayectoria concreta de las teorías objeto de estudio; buscando obtener un conocimiento profundo de ellas y de sus interrelaciones, con el fin de obtener una visión global que permita extraer las oportunas conclusiones. Así, en esta tesis se tratan los siguientes temas: las teorías filosóficas sobre género de Judith Butler. El desarrollo del movimiento queer en España con el estudio de las ideas, principalmente, de Beatriz Preciado. La transexualidad y la intersexualidad como hechos físicos detonantes de la aparición de una nueva forma de afrontar el sexo como constructo cultural; ya no solo se cuestiona el género, ahora también el sexo como sustrato natural: la diferenciación sexual, ¿está determinada por la biología o es tan sólo una convicción cultural? La articulación de los conceptos de género, subjetividad y ciudadanía en la teoría feminista contemporánea. El postfeminismo y sus análisis del poder y de la opresión, alejados de la lógica binaria de la dominación. El transhumanismo, como el deseo y la posibilidad de la humanidad de sobrepasar la naturaleza; ya no podemos justificar la continuación de un sistema discriminatorio de clases por sexos sobre la base de sus orígenes naturales: cada ser humano elegiría su "configuración"sexual según sus tiempos y circunstancias, según sus deseos, y en cualquier época de su vida . La puesta en cuestión de la categoría mujer y, más allá, de la categoría "las mujeres" como sujeto político del feminismo. El ciberfeminismo y el tecnofeminismo como nuevas posibilidades para superar la biología y para eliminar las discriminaciones. Las aportaciones artísticas y filosóficas de Jaime del Val: el transgénero pansexual; el metacuerpo. La situación actual de transición del sujeto queer a un posible "continuo post-género". En conclusión, podemos decir que actualmente existe un claro rechazo a la categorización genérica del sujeto, incluso a la clasificación sexual en solo dos sexos, y una defensa de múltiples modelos conductuales establecidos desde una perspectiva post-biológica. La biología ya no marca la pauta inamovible, la norma heterosexual se ha cuestionado desde diversos frentes. La tendencia parece ser, apoyada por las nuevas tecnologías de las ciencias biológicas y de la información, un posible "continuo post-género", en el que todos estaríamos incluidos, reconocidos y aceptados con igual dignidad. Pero, a la vez, el feminismo clásico alerta de la necesidad de mantener su sujeto "las mujeres" para perpetuar la lucha femenina común frente a un patriarcado que en modo alguno se ha debilitado. Las viejas reivindicaciones son más importantes que nunca, el peligro de retroceso es real, pero sin olvidar que los post-feminismos nos abren múltiples posibilidades. Los debates serán intensos: la vieja lucha parece seguir siendo necesaria, eso sí, conectada con lo que las nuevas realidades le plantean. The main objective of this thesis is establishing the current situation of the gender problem, answering the following questions: Can we keep talking about two distinct genders? Are the proposed theories transgender and queer movements only a minority utopia or constitute a trend and a universal aspiration? Can we really free ourselves from biological constraints? Will it continue to exist a viable subject for feminism? To do this, we used a methodology based on literary research and review; Summoning what has been said about the issues raised from the point of view of historical method to know the main stages and the specific path of the theories under consideration; looking for a thorough understanding of them and their interrelations, in order to obtain a global vision to draw the appropriate conclusions. So, in this thesis we studied the following topics: the philosophical theories of Judith Butler about gender. The development of the queer movement in Spain, with the ideas mainly exposed by Beatriz Preciado. Transsexuality and intersexuality as physical events triggering the onset of a new way of tackling gender as a cultural construct; and not only gender, sex as natural substrate is now questioned: is the sexual differentiation determined by biology or just a cultural conviction? The articulation of the concepts of gender, subjectivity and citizenship in contemporary feminist theory. Postfeminism and the analysis of power and oppression, away from the binary logic of domination. Transhumanism as the desire and ability of mankind to surpass nature; we can no longer justify the continuation of a discriminatory sex class system based on natural origins: every human being would choose their sexual "configuration" according to their times and circumstances, according to their wishes, and at any time of their life. The questioning of the category "woman" and beyond the category "women" as a political subject of feminism. Technofeminism and Cyberfeminism as new possibilities to overcome biology and eliminate discrimination. Artistic and philosophical contributions of Jaime del Val: transgender pansexual; the metabody. The current situation of the transition of a queer subject to a possible "post-gender continuum." To sum up, we can say that there is now a clear rejection of the generic categorization of the subject, including sexual classification in only two sexes, and a defense of multiple behavioral models established from a post-biological perspective. Biology no longer marks the immovable line, the heterosexual norm has been challenged on several fronts. The trend seems to be supported by new life sciences and information technologies, a possible "continuous post-gender", in which all of us would be included, recognized and accepted with equal dignity. But while the classic feminism warns about the need to maintain the subject "women" to perpetuate the common female fight against a patriarchy that is no weakened at all. Old claims are more important than ever, the danger of regression is real, but we should not forget that the post-feminism opens up many new possibilities. The debates will be intense: the old struggle seems to be necessary, though, connected with what new realities are proposing.
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