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AbstractPrivate military and security companies (PMSCs) are a fast‐growing global industry. While the rise of PMSCs and their activities have attracted much media coverage and growing scholarly attention, little is known about their sourcing of masses of military labour from the global South. This exploratory study examines the case of Fiji, whose thousands of ex/current disciplinary force personnel and unemployed men have been contracted by PMSCs to provide security work in Iraq and other high‐conflict areas. The article shows this to be an instance of unequal core‐periphery military labour trade, outlining its scale, processes and impacts on the migrants. It also illuminates how the migrants' collective agency is demonstrated even under powerful structural constraints.

Private military and security companies (PMSCs) are a fast-growing global industry. While the rise of PMSCs and their activities have attracted much media coverage and growing scholarly attention, little is known about their sourcing of masses of military labour from the global South. This exploratory study examines the case of Fiji, whose thousands of ex/current disciplinary force personnel and unemployed men have been contracted by PMSCs to provide security work in Iraq and other high-conflict areas. The article shows this to be an instance of unequal core-periphery military labour trade, outlining its scale, processes and impacts on the migrants. It also illuminates how the migrants' collective agency is demonstrated even under powerful structural constraints.

Vunilagi Book Club is a recent example of innovative female leadership to promote literacy and education in an informal settlement in Fiji. Informal or "squatter" settlements in the capital of Fiji have existed for over 50 years and received significant (albeit intermittent) attention from foreign donors and the national government; yet, the underlying causes of poverty and disadvantage remain. This paper examines the case of a small-scale literacy community initiative with a qualitative approach based on close observation and participation in the group's activities since its inception. These lessons learnt suggest that women are key agents of change in the community and that informal grassroots reading classes have the potential for improving the education of children in informal settlements. Closer study of the social relations and constraints within informal settlements suggests that solutions to the challenges of inequality and access to education must originate from within informal settlement communities. ; peer-reviewed

Fiji Television'sClose-Upprogramme on 28 May 2000 featured an outspoken media analysis of the [George Speight] insurrection and this led to an attack on the station's studio and offices by a mob of Speight supporters. This is a transcript of the discussion chaired by reporter Riyaz Sayed-Khaiyum and featuring political columnist Jone Dakuvula and Communications Fiji Ltd managing director William Parkinson. [The transcript was compiled by University of the South Pacific student journalist Alison Ofotalau forPacific Journalism Onlineat USP and was widely republished by other media.]

In the face of globalisation and changing economies property valuation, standards
have evolved immensely over the years with the majority of the countries –
including small pacific island nations – adopting internationally recognised
valuation standards. Smaller nations' attraction to this change is understandable
given it enhances users' confidence in the reports, especially foreign users who
have or are looking to make significant investments in the country. However, the
data infrastructure and technical expertise in these countries differ significantly
from the larger countries that were involved in the design of these standards. This
raises the question of whether the International Valuation Standards can be
effectively implemented in smaller, Pacific nations. This paper aims to contribute
to this discussion by highlighting three key categories of challenges faced by
property valuation firms in Fiji, and then discussing how addressing these issues
presents an opportunity for the valuation field to implement the International
Valuation Standards more effectively, resulting in better property valuation
practices.

This paper examines the extent social media is enabling e-democracy in Fiji, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu. The study conducts an interpretative case study approach interviewing active social media users, political actors, civil servants, civilians, civil society actors and tertiary students. The study also conducts a content analysis of popular "political social media" Facebook pages in these three countries. The findings of the study suggest that social media is playing a role in facilitating citizen engagement with governments, making governments accountable and providing a means for citizens to be informed, to discuss and share views on political matters. However, social media usage is evolving quite differently in these three countries and factors such as high levels of militarism (Fiji), high levels of corruption (Solomon Islands) and also rapid ICT development (Vanuatu) have contributed towards shaping the potential of social media as a democratic enabler and political tool in these countries.

This paper examines the extent social media is enabling e-democracy in Fiji, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu. The study conducts an interpretative case study approach interviewing active social media users, political actors, civil servants, civilians, civil society actors and tertiary students. The study also conducts a content analysis of popular "political social media" Facebook pages in these three countries. The findings of the study suggest that social media is playing a role in facilitating citizen engagement with governments, making governments accountable and providing a means for citizens to be informed, to discuss and share views on political matters. However, social media usage is evolving quite differently in these three countries and factors such as high levels of militarism (Fiji), high levels of corruption (Solomon Islands) and also rapid ICT development (Vanuatu) have contributed towards shaping the potential of social media as a democratic enabler and political tool in these countries.

The purpose of this paper is to provide an insight into public sector readiness for change from the perspective of four dimensions, namely, change management, change communication, change resistance, and readiness for change; to determine associations between these four dimensions; and to establish a prediction model for readiness for change. Using a structured survey questionnaire, data was collected from the employees of the Maritime Safety Authority of Fiji (MSAF). These research findings suggest statistically significant positive correlations exist between three change variables, namely, change management, change communication, and readiness for change; whereas, negative correlations exist between change resistance and the other 3 variables. The results also show that change management, change communication, and change resistance added statistically significantly to the prediction of readiness for change. This paper makes its theoretical contribution to the scarce theoretical strands relating to change efforts of public enterprises; and practical contribution towards prediction of readiness for change, policy making, and strategic planning at government levels.

Much literature on non-Western traditions celebrates the renaissance of indigenous cultures. Others have been more critical of this renaissance, especially with respect to its political implications. This study analyses the assertion of 'tradition' by indigenous elites, looking especially at the way it is used to differentiate 'the West' from the 'non-West'. This is important to contemporary discussion about the validity of democracy outside the West and problems concerning universalism and relativism. The discussion of Fiji focuses on constitutional development and the traditionalist emphasis on chiefly legitimacy. The rise of the Pro-Democracy Movement in Tonga is considered against the background of a conservative political order that has so far resisted pressure for reform. The move to universal suffrage in Western Samoa is seen not as a rejection of traditional ways in favour of democratic norms, but as a means of preserving important aspects of traditional culture

AbstractUsing data from a customized household survey in Fiji, we assess the extent to which remittances are motivated by the migrants' commitment to provide social protection to their families back home. We test this hypothesis by estimating econometrically the responsiveness of migrants' remittances to the perceived financial need of recipients. We extend a mixed‐motives model of private transfers, incorporating household‐specific, subjectively assessed welfare in place of the more generally used poverty‐line measure of welfare. We find stronger evidence that remittances provide important social protection for the poorest when using our extended model. We also find a positive, but relatively much weaker, relationship for those above the poverty threshold, implying support for switching of motives once the household's welfare has reached a level that is deemed adequate. We consider the possibility that welfare improvements in migrant‐sending countries could increase or decrease remittance flows depending on pre‐transfer welfare levels and other intervening factors. In relation to policy, we caution against policy interventions that could undermine the functioning of the informal social protection role of migration and remittances. We also caution against unwarranted concern over the use of remittances for consumption spending and the associated, misplaced policy measures to address this.

AbstractSocial media has become a crucial feature of the Pacific islands in the 21st century, providing people with the means to demand greater accountability and transparency and offering an alternative platform through which to engage in policy processes, dialogue, and debate. Increasing social media access and use has altered the existing media and communications landscape, with implications for mainstream media reporting, censorship, and citizen voice. This paper explores this phenomenon through an examination of the digital activism practices of a group of women's rights activists in Fiji. In doing so, this paper explores how social media is being used as an online platform for information dissemination and debate, as well as the implications this is having "offline" as part of efforts to influence policymaking.