Suchergebnisse

Acknowledgement: The University of Malta would like to acknowledge its gratitude to the 2013, European Commission, Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs for their permission to upload this work on OAR@UoM. Further reuse of this document can be made, provided the source is acknowledged. This work was made available with the help of the Publications Office of the European Union, Copyright and Legal Issues Section. ; In the previous round of the MIP, Malta was not identified as experiencing imbalances. In the updated scoreboard, a number of indicators are above their indicative thresholds, namely, private sector debt, the current account balance and government debt. In addition, the growth rate of total financial sector liabilities has exceeded the indicative threshold several times in the past decade and as a result the accumulated growth in 2011 significantly exceeded the average for the euro area. This in-depth review takes a broad view of the Maltese economy in order to identify actual or potential imbalances and the macroeconomic risks which they may entail ; N/A

In providing an analysis of post-European Monetary Union fiscal policy, this forum focuses on the EMU's role in the political economy of fiscal policy making. It then turns to a discussion of the causes of fiscal stress that confront many of the European Union countries in the face of EMU implementation, eg, demographic change, an aging population, immigration, & the effects of a social welfare system. 23 References. K. Larsen

Emmanuel Macron's success in the French presidential elections in May 2017 has given fresh impetus to the debate on reforms in the eurozone. However, since there is no consensus on fiscal or political integration, the reforms will be limited. Long-discussed ideas, such as extending the tasks of the European Stability Mechanism (ESM), a finance minister for the eurozone or the creation of new stabilization instruments within the European Union's Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF), will probably dominate the agenda. In addition, negotiations to find a successor for Mario Draghi, President of the European Central Bank (ECB), will be conducted over the next two years. Although the main elements of the new EU reform package will be brokered between France and Germany, both countries must take account of the specific challenges faced by Italy.

The idea that supranational institutions of the European Union (EU) such as the European Parliament (EP) actively promote integration has been manifest in discourses of the European Community (EC) since the 1950s. There is less evidence that parties in the EP do so, partly because their existence at the European level is a relatively new phenomenon. It is also problematic, as these parties do not constitute a European party system above the state. The article traces the development of transnational cooperative links among the parties of the European Parliament from 1952 to 1979, and illustrates that, from the earliest stages of European Integration, party representatives participating in the newly established Assembly chose to adopt political stances, organisational structures and norms that were transnational and supranational in style and representation.

The directive on Services in the Internal Market is one of the most controversial and disputed pieces of European legislation in recent years. Known in its infancy as the 'Bolkestein' Directive after Frits Bolkestein, the Internal Market Commissioner who first put forward the proposal on behalf of the Commission, and later in the run up to its adoption as the 'Frankenstein' Directive, it sparked mass protests across Europe and was even suggested by some as being the real reason why France voted against the draft Constitutional Treaty in 2005.

Si pudiéramos utilizar aquella máquina del tiempo que imaginó H.G.Wells y consiguiéramos traernos del pasado a Robert Schuman, Kenrad Adenauer, Alcide De Gasperi o a cualquier otro de los padres fundadores con objeto de celebrar con nosotros el 50 aniversario de los Tratados de Roma, y les diéramos un paseo por la Europa de hoy no saldrían de su asombro: nunca hubieran soñado con llegar tan lejos.

The two institutions forming the bicameral EU legislature, Council and European Parliament, are composed of representatives who belong to national political parties. In traditional European bicameral systems, parties are the main factor linking the different chambers. Do national parties similarly provide a linkage mechanism between chambers in the EU, by co-ordinating voting behaviour of ministers and MEPs? For example, do MEPs unite with 'their' minister against a proposal if sincere national or party-political interests are touched? Based on a dataset combining Council votes with EP roll-calls, the analysis reveals that voting behaviour might differ considerably between institutions. While ministers are subject to the logic of Council consensus, MEPs are influenced by their transnational EP groups. Internal party co-ordination across institutions is thus rare. Ministers and MEPs hardly ever vote united against a proposal. Adapted from the source document.

Since the 1990s the so-called 'democratic deficit' of the EU became an increasingly discussed topic in both academic and political circles. In this context, the (apparently insufficient) communication of European politics to its citizens has been of especially great importance. Academic research has invested considerable efforts in trying to analyse and explain these problematic relationships. However, because this still growing area of research is still dominated by social scientists, historical approaches seem to be somewhat underrepresented. Against this background, this special issue will present historical studies on actors, means and contents of communicating the process of European integration from its beginnings to the present day.

First published online: 29 June 2017 ; After a decade of economic and political crises, the European Union has arrived at a critical juncture, as has its foreign policy. The long-running debate on gaining more coherence in EU's external action as a global security provider has gained more traction than ever before. The Union is weakened due to recent internal crises from which it is only slowly recovering: the trust placed in Brussels' institutions by both European citizens and global partners is shrinking and the citizens of one of the EU's largest member states, the United Kingdom, have just voted to leave. Based on an analysis of the current state of the Union, this paper takes stock of the outcomes of the Dahrendorf Foresight Project and looks ahead at the EU's role in the world of 2025. By following the narrative of driving forces beyond the EU's foreign policy, this article makes four policy recommendations for development within the next decade.