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The growing popularity of social media to share person thought regarding any topic has opened an arena where popularity and sentiment to people regarding various political parties in India can be explored. Social media has witnessed voluminous data related to different political campaigns in the different parts of the world. Researchers have provided analysis for various political campaigns prior to election process and post election as well. In this paper, Twitter has been used as a forum to understand the sentiments of citizens of India towards various political parties viz. BJP, Congress and AAP, during pre-election process. Municipal Corporation of Delhi elections were held on 23rd April 2017 and we have analyzed the tweets originating in India few days prior to election date. The emotions of public in terms of anger, anticipation, disgust, fear, joy, sadness, surprise have been extracted based on their live opinion. These emotions have been related to the elections results and it has been observed that tweets are a valid indicator of political sentiments and it is feasible to use social media to predict electoral results.

The aim of this study is to examine democracy perception of classroom teachers via metaphor analysis. Study group for research is formed of 253 classroom teachers. "Democracy Metaphors Questionnaire" (DMQ) has been used in collecting data. Content analysis has been used on analysis of qualitative data of research and descriptive statistics have been used on quantitative data. The metaphors that teachers developed with a total 122 metaphor different from one another about democracy are gathered under "Indispensability", "Equality", "Social Order", "Freedom", "Endeavour", "Power", "Variety", "Progression", "Conservation", "Personal Gains" and "Nothingness". While first three themes under which women teachers gathered being indispensability, equality and endeavour metaphors, men teachers are gathered under indispensability, social order and freedom metaphors. Family environment and upbringing, relations with friends, culture of social environment, political activities in society and news in media tools have been the effective factors in forming democracy perception that the teachers possess. © 2018 Eurasian Society of Educational Research. All rights reserved. ; Firat University Scientific Research Projects Management Unit: SYL-2015-3829 ; This study was supported by Cukurova University Scientific Research Projects (project number: SYL-2015-3829).

Researchers, planners, and decision makers admit the need to take into account the social conflicts inherent to invasive species management in order to minimize controversy. These conflicts are mainly based on differences in values systems, thus causing antithetical policies in environmental management. On the topic of Eucalyptus plantations, this paper studies two cases in Galicia, a region under an emerging social fight between advocates and opponents: firstly, we analyze a local community that is progressively eradicating Eucalyptus through the principles of ecological restoration ; and secondly, a planning initiative led by a local government with. In order to set the spatial and social dimensions of the conflict, the methodological approach is based on the components of cognitive hierarchy theory and risk perception theory. The results are discussed with the purpose of examining to what extent the case studies imply a new model of rural governance, and in this respect, are transferrable to other situations. We conclude that institutional non-interference in Eucalyptus management facilitates the emergence of diverse new governance practices in the local scale but endures the conflict in its regional dimension.

This article explains the popular revolt against austerity in Southern Europe as the outcome of profound politico-economic changes that are shaped by the transformation of the European Union's (EU's) macro-economic governance. It comprises three parts. The first part demonstrates how ordoliberalism – the Germanic variant of (neo)liberal economic thinking – was embedded in the EU's new macro-economic governance, in processes that constitutionalise austerity and remove democratic controls over the economy. The second part examines the impact of austerity-driven reforms on welfare and employment in the aftermath of the sovereign debt crisis. These reforms undermined the social reproduction of Southern Europe's familistic welfare model by destabilising three key pillars of social protection: employment security for households' primary earners; small property ownership; and pension adequacy. The third part analyses the emergence of anti-austerity social politics in Southern Europe, both parliamentary and grassroots, and assesses their effectiveness in light of the collapse of public trust in both EU and domestic political institutions. The article concludes with our reflections on the fragility of EU's integration process under the hegemony of ordoliberalism.

Abstract.Summing up the results of the XX century, the analysts typically mention massive breakthrough ofwomen into the political elite and into social management spheres as one the main achievements. The participation of women in politics is one of the criteria for democratization since it creates real opportunities for the reflection of multipolar interests in society. Today, the UN adheres to the main organizational principle: without sharing power with women, no sustainable solutions can be found in a society threatened by social, economic and political problems. There is an ever-growing share of women in the political elite of developed countries: they take senior positions in the government structures, in social movements and in non-governmental organizations, in culture and education, and even in the army. When comparing the political elite of European countries, a huge gap in the number of women in the legislative and executive bodies of these countries becomes evident. Since there is no expansion of women's representation in Russian politics, the experience of other countries might be particularly interesting for study.Keywords: gender researches, women's rights, gender equality, representative bodies, quota system

The Kurdish movement's decision to operate within and in opposition to the Turkish state reached a peak between 2013 and 2015. Three major events took place during this time period: the launch of the 2013 peace process, the 2014 presidential elections, and the June 2015 general elections. The principal driving force behind these campaigns was an important project put forward by Kurdish activists, which they termed as Türkiyelileşme [Turkeyfication]: an inclusive definition of national identity, which accepted being an integral part of Turkey while at the same time belonging to an ethnic group other than Turkish.Basing the argument on the Kurdish activists' capacity to combine civil society activism and their promotion of democracy with the articulation of a national identity, this article considers the dynamics of the Kurdish movement along the lines of a "total social movement" between 2013 and 2015. Put forward by the sociologist Alain Touraine, a total social movement is a three-dimensional movement with social, political and national levels of action. It embodies fierce opposition between adversaries, but does not opt for violence no matter what the challenges are.

Much has been written about the rediscovery of epigenetics towards the end of the past century, several decades after the coining of the term by Conrad Hal Waddington in 1942. The concept has caught the attention not only of leading research groups and institutions, 1 but also of the media and popular science writers. It has been argued that a quiet revolution in biomedicine is underway 2 as epigenetic processes of gene–environment interaction are now implicated in the aetiology of a wide range of conditions, including obesity and non-communicable diseases such as diabetes. In many cases, the effects of environmental factors seem to outweigh those of genetic variants. Importantly, the notion of the environment in epigenetics includes social context as well as biological exposures, and draws attention to their multiple connections, which raises pressing social and political questions. Who should take responsibility for how social and material environments affect health on the molecular level, particularly given the stark socioeconomic inequalities in most contemporary societies? We argue that interdisciplinary dialogue is urgently needed to address these questions adequately.

Abstract.Summing up the results of the XX century, the analysts typically mention massive breakthrough ofwomen into the political elite and into social management spheres as one the main achievements. The participation of women in politics is one of the criteria for democratization since it creates real opportunities for the reflection of multipolar interests in society. Today, the UN adheres to the main organizational principle: without sharing power with women, no sustainable solutions can be found in a society threatened by social, economic and political problems. There is an ever-growing share of women in the political elite of developed countries: they take senior positions in the government structures, in social movements and in non-governmental organizations, in culture and education, and even in the army. When comparing the political elite of European countries, a huge gap in the number of women in the legislative and executive bodies of these countries becomes evident. Since there is no expansion of women's representation in Russian politics, the experience of other countries might be particularly interesting for study.Keywords: gender researches, women's rights, gender equality, representative bodies, quota system

In this article, we contribute to research on the reproduction of social inequality by emphasising the relevance of psyche in class-specific socialisation. For this purpose, we utilise the concept of habitus. Using representative survey data from the German National Education Panel Study (NEPS), we empirically address the psychic dimension of habitus formation in adolescents, and examine mechanisms of intergenerational transmission. In particular, we apply multiple correspondence analysis to construct a 'social space' of adolescents, including latent indicators of personality types as well as parents' class fractions. Our analysis shows that parents' social class is not only relevant for their children's manifest economic and cultural resources or their cultural practices, knowledge and skills (as research has repeatedly shown) but plays an important part in the development of what psychologists refer to as personality. However, whereas psychological research on intergenerational transmission tends to focus on the transfer of personality types, and most sociological research focuses on economic and cultural assets, habitus perspective emphasises the indirect route of transmission: the material foundation of emerging dispositional structures, and the cultural dimension of emerging material structures.

It has generally been taken for granted within the field of Critical Studies of Men and Masculinities (CSMM) that the object of attention and concern is to be found within "the social" and in opposition to naturalizing claims about gender. Nature is not entirely absent from CSMM, often appearing either as malleable material or as a stable basis for the social construction of bodies. In this article, however, I suggest that the time is ripe to develop new concepts of nature by drawing on new materialist theories that are increasingly influential within feminist theory. This move opens up the possibility of strengthening the connections between materialist traditions in CSMM and contemporary developments in feminist theory. This article proceeds by reviewing different forms of materialism within feminist theory and argues that new materialist theories offer insights that can benefit CSMM. In particular, I argue that the theory of hegemonic masculinity needs to be expanded beyond the framework of patriarchy and recast in relation to the place of nature in the complex ecology of human social relations.

Disasters are a growing international concern that has spurred the development of political strategies and policies from international to local levels. This paper analyzes how disasters are constructed as a policy problem within the UN global strategy for disaster risk reduction. Building on a social constructivist view of policy problems, we analyze how disasters and disaster risks are being represented through these global policies, while we also pay attention to what this representation excludes and de‐emphasizes. We show that the UN strategy is mostly concerned with adjusting or adapting societies to hazards, and managing risks, rather than addressing the social processes that render people vulnerable to those hazards. The predominant concern with technological and managerial solutions eclipses the need for changes in the social structures that create disaster risks. We argue that the understanding of disasters represented in the UN strategy supports an emerging holistic paradigm. However, we also argue that the holism it represents is limited rather than radical. By making visible what is excluded or not properly problematized in this representation, we point to the complexity of the task and show where its limitations lie.

This article proposes a framework for viewing the behavior of philanthropic institutions through the lens of organizational identity via semi‐structured interviews with twenty‐seven grantmakers representing seventeen foundations, along with content analyses of these foundations' public documents. This empirical investigation revealed three identity profiles: agenda setter, supporter, and community builder, which capture distinct patterns in foundation strategy, operational structure, and grantmaking practices. For theory, these findings provide an alternative to the conventional view of foundation behavior along an active to passive continuum to one that suggests a role for organizational identity. For practitioners (grantmakers and grantseekers), this perspective demonstrates that there are multiple pathways through which foundations create social value, not just one definition of "best practices." Understanding these different perspectives on social value creation can help grantmakers identify internal inconsistencies in their strategies and operations and can help grantseekers identify foundations most likely to fund their work. The article concludes with suggestions for further research to explore the extent to which this framework can advance understanding of institutional philanthropy as the field moves to challenge traditional boundaries between nonprofit foundations and private social change initiatives.

The present paper aims to analyse the social representation of feminism within the "Women Against Feminism" (WAF) on-line movement that is based on a shared blog which gained significant coverage in the U.S. and U.K. media since the summer of 2014. Using the method of quantitative content analysis and the insights provided by social representations theory, the paper will disclose what lies behind the concept of 'feminism' for the group embracing the WAF movement and also aims to find whether the members of this on-line community can be described as postfeminists. The article will conclude that the social representation of feminism within the WAF on-line movement is not based on a lack of information, but rather on a stereotypical understanding of the concept and on a non-nuanced perspective upon the history of feminism and its current developments (in particular the difference between post-feminism and third wave feminism). Moreover, similar arguments raised against feminism have been also drawn in the past, WAF sharing similar arguments with the '80s media backlash against feminsim.

Tokyo's dizzyingly disarrayed built environment almost defies rendering an interpretation of the city's symbolism. To do so, this article puts forth a geography of power approach that imposes order on the urban grid for analyzing Tokyo, both as a symbolic space and as a terrain of struggle. The global ascendance of Tokyo was made possible by the state's developmental economic projects materialized in massive infrastructure and architecture built during two critical conjunctures, when the fate of the city could have turned out differently. Pinpointing critical conjunctures takes seriously historical contingency in writing the histories of particular urban spaces. The article documents inter-scalar political forces fostering developmental urbanization in Japan. Developmental urbanization grew out of geo-politics and the quelling of social turmoil in the aftermath of the Second World War and in the context of increasing globalization during the 1970s–80s. The post-imperial reclamation of Japan's place in the region considers the articulation of Japanese capitalist development in American geo-political networks; the subordination of Japanese social movements and labor; and the tensions inherent in an infrastructural fix to the problem of social conflict.

Bangladesh is a populated country and most of the people live below the poverty line. After the independence of Bangladesh in 1980s safety net programmes has been adopted to reduce poverty from Bangladesh. At present 30 social safety net programmes are now operation in Bangladesh. The objective of the study is to find challenges ahead to implement Social Safety Net (SSN) programmes that initiated to reduce poverty at rural areas specially. The article is based on content analysis method and secondary data has been used to conduct the study. The study found that there is various weakness in social safety net policies. There is lack of integration and coordination among different safety net programmes and providers. Political stability is one of the great obstacle to fulfill the ultimate goal of safety net programmes. The extent, nature and mechanism of safety net programs change with the change of government. Besides this, corruption, shortage of budget etc hinder the implementation of safety net programmes. However, high political commitment, increase allocation, better targeting beneficiary, involvement of NGOs, civil society, monitoring and overseeing, reduction of corruption should be ensured.