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Studies on foreign policy consider government as the key actor in policy formulation and implementation. Research, apparently, has devoted far less attention to impact of knowledge brokers, such as think tanks, on policy-making. How and why do think tanks influence US foreign policy? An analysis of five think tanks that differ in terms of their proximity to elites, origin, and ideology reveals two types of nonstate actors' impact on foreign policy. Think tanks either advocate for own alternative policy proposals, solutions, and actions ("alternatives' facilitators"), or clarify, justify, and legitimize those of the governments ("policy legitimizers"). These two roles dictate special mechanisms and think tank impact directions. In the first type, think tanks are less oriented toward mass media, but more oriented toward coalitions with nonstate actors and influence the opinions of elites. The second type is the opposite: higher orientation toward mass media and more pronounced connections with elites, and influence on the public. Different origins and strategy of think tanks may be the reasons for some observed differences.

AbstractStudies on foreign policy consider government as the key actor in policy formulation and implementation. Research, apparently, has devoted far less attention to impact of knowledge brokers, such as think tanks, on policy-making. How and why do think tanks influence US foreign policy? An analysis of five think tanks that differ in terms of their proximity to elites, origin, and ideology reveals two types of nonstate actors' impact on foreign policy. Think tanks either advocate for own alternative policy proposals, solutions, and actions ("alternatives' facilitators"), or clarify, justify, and legitimize those of the governments ("policy legitimizers"). These two roles dictate special mechanisms and think tank impact directions. In the first type, think tanks are less oriented toward mass media, but more oriented toward coalitions with nonstate actors and influence the opinions of elites. The second type is the opposite: higher orientation toward mass media and more pronounced connections with elites, and influence on the public. Different origins and strategy of think tanks may be the reasons for some observed differences.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Part I: Introductory Perspectives -- 1. Moral Dilemmas in the Development of United States Human Rights Policies -- 2. Ideological Patterns in the United States Human Rights Debate: 1945-1978 -- 3. Domestic Consequences of United States Human Rights Policies -- 4. International Consequences of United States Human Rights Policies -- Part II: United States Participation in the Identification and Definition of International Human Rights -- 5. The United States and International Codification of Human Rights: A Case of Split Personality -- 6. The United States and the Right of Self-Determination -- 7. The United States and Recognition of New Human Rights: Economic and Social Needs -- 8. The United States, International War, and the Preservation of Human Rights: The Control of Arms -- Part III: Human Rights Policies of the United States in International Organizations -- 9. The United States and the International Protection of Minorities -- 10. The United States, the United Nations and the Struggle Against Racial Apartheid -- 11. The United States, the Organization of American States, and Political Repression in the Western Hemisphere -- Part IV: Formulation and Implementation of United States Human Rights Policies -- 12. The Influence of Interest Groups on the Development of United States Human Rights Policies -- 13. The Role of Congress in Deciding United States Human Rights Policies -- 14. The Contribution of the United States to the Promotion and Protection of International Human Rights -- APPENDICES -- A. Universal Declaration of Human Rights -- B. International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966 -- C. International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights, 1966 -- D. Table of Signatures and Ratifications

"This bibliography, first published in 1988, consists of annotated entries of monographs and journal articles published in English that discuss socio-economic aspects of Japanese society as well as the general and economic dynamics of United States-Japan trade relations. Emphasis is on the Japanese perspective."--Provided by publisher.

"This title was first published in 1979"--Provided by publisher.

This book analyzes the use of strategic embargoes and economic sanctions in the postwar period, tracing their changing applications in the context of developments in the global distribution of power. Dr. Ellings uses two approaches: a case study of the ongoing strategic Western embargo against selected communist countries and a comparative study of

First published in 1997, this volume examines United States policy towards South Africa in the nineteen seventies, spanning the period of the Nixon, Ford and Carter administrations. What sets it apart from similar works is that it analyses policy in the broader context of American ideals and responses to apartheid. It examines whether actual policies were in conformity with these ideals and focuses attention on the American predicament over the issue of apartheid.

JOHN GRIDER joined the Institute for Reconciliation and Social Justice at the University of the Free State as a Research Fellow in November 2015. He recently completed this captivating project, which investigates the complex interplay between gender, class and race sourced from the narratives of men who found themselves working in the transforming Pacific maritime industry during the mid-nineteenth century.

"The U.S. Government became increasingly alarmed by Soviet attempts to exploit the Olympic Movement in the early 1950s, and responded to this challenge aggressively. Cold War Game chronicles that response and shows that it was not a replication of the state-directed Soviet sports system, but was instigated through covert psychological warfare operations and overt propaganda distributed to the "free world." In the lead up to and during each Olympic festival throughout this period, the U.S. sent waves of propaganda material across the globe to advocate the American way of life and to denounce communism. It used the Olympic host cities as venues to advertise the American economic and political system; it also attempted to manipulate the International Olympic Committee (IOC) in clandestine ways. Cold War Games describes the emergence of government fears about communist sport in the late 1940s and, crucially, how these fears were channeled into the Olympic Games starting in 1950. It concludes its analysis in 1960 at the end point, in many ways, of covert government initiatives at Olympic festivals. Cold War Games situates sport in the larger discussion of how America was committed to a "total" Cold War by demonstrating that the Olympics Games was embroiled in the U.S. government's own cultural offensive."--