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Argues that the international community must join forces to combat organized crime, which has taken advantage of destabilized and corrupt governments and liberalized international trade, to become a critical challenge to sovereignty of governments.

Introduction / James Summers -- Treaty obligations of collective non-state entities : the case of the deep seabed regime / Klara Polackova van der Ploeg -- The East India Company : non-state actor as treaty-maker / Michael Mulligan -- Armed non-state actors and customary international law / Agata Kleczkowska -- Ad hoc commitments by non-state armed actors : the continuing relevance of state consent / Eva Kassoti -- Exploring the borderlands : the role of private actors in individual in international cultural law / Valentina Vadi -- Shaping the Convention on Biological Diversity : the rising importance of indigenous peoples within the Nagoya protocol on access and benefit-sharing / Federica Cittadino -- Exploring the future of individuals as subjects of international law : the example of the Canadian private sponsorship of refugees programme / Ekaterina Yahyaoui Krivenko -- Redefining the position of the investor in the international legal order and the nature of investment treaty rights : a closer look at the relationship between diplomatic protection and investor-state arbitration / Javier García Olmedo -- Tracing the human rights obligations of UN peacekeeping operations / Simone F. van den Driest -- An elephant in the room : the scrutiny of the United Nations in the practice of the European Court of Human Rights / Gintaré Pažereckaité -- The business and human rights regime under international law : remedy without law? / Ioana Cismas and Sarah Macrory -- International human rights law and territorial non-state actors : cases of the Council of Europe region / Natalia Cwicinskaja -- The impact of non-state actors' intervention in investor-state arbitration : a further study / Emily Choo -- The Brčko arbitration : a process for lasting peace between non-state actors / Tomas Vail -- International law and the global public interest: ICANN's independent objector as a mechanism of responsive global governance / Adamantia Rachovitsa -- The relevance of article 9 of the Articles on State Responsibility for the Internationally Wrongful Acts of Armed Groups / Katharine Fortin -- State responsibility, "successful" insurrectional movements and governments of national reconciliation / Tatyana Eatwell -- Does an armed group have an obligation to provide reparations to its victims? : construing an obligation to provide reparations for violations of international humanitarian law / Paloma Blázquez Rodríguez -- Prosecuting members of transnational terrorist groups under article 25 of the Rome Statute : a network theory approach to accountability / Anna Marie Brennan -- NGO's in terrorism cases : diffusing norms of international human rights law / Jeffrey Davis

This study undertakes to contest the concept of sphere of infl uence from a historical perspective with a focus on normative questions and international order. While the concept of sphere of infl uence is frequently used in political parlance, it has not been studied within the discipline of International Relations. What is more, the term "sphere of infl uence" is used in a pejorative sense to criticise Russian foreign policy. The research identifi es the pejorative uses of the concept and then proceeds to discuss normative aspects of spheres of infl uence in international theory. In the process, sphere of influence is transformed from a map metaphor into a concept which encompasses issues of justice and international order. The history of the concept of sphere of infl uence begins with identifying how it acquired its pejorative ring, that is, the concept became associated with the foreign policy of Russia. What follows are four chapters on the history and theory of spheres of infl uence. The fi rst episode explores historical examples such as suzerainty and colonialism, as well as the emergence of a hierarchical international order. The second reveals the untapped pool of ideas related to international order, sovereignty, great powers, the balance of power and non-intervention in the English School theory. The pluralist and solidarist underpinnings of international society come alive as a framework for linking the concept of sphere of infl uence to conceptualisations of international order. Spheres of infl uence are situated at the equilibrium point of a pendulum which sweeps an arc from the sovereign nation-state at one end to humanity at the other. The third chapter looks into theories on spheres of infl uence "between nation and humanity" which were developed in the turmoil of the world wars. The ideas of Friedrich Naumann, Carl Schmitt, E.H. Carr, James Burnham, Walter Lippmann and George Orwell focus more on bringing about peace than causing war and confl ict. Finally, a chapter on the Cold War, drawing on the example of the Cuban Missile Crisis, explores the period in history which has made the strongest impact on the present understanding of sphere of infl uence. It becomes clear that even Cold War spheres of infl uence are a source of theory which we have ignored. Once the historical and theoretical roots of the concept have been unveiled, Russian ideas on international order and infl uence beyond state borders are analysed in order to problematise the Western canon dealing with "Russia's sphere of infl uence". The Russian idea of a sphere of influence is clouded by an indecision in choosing between the pluralist and solidarist international orders. The Russian authors' unwavering defence of sovereignty and simultaneous admiration of "the concert of great responsible powers" has resulted in an inability to openly propose a system of international governance with spheres of influence. The unique contribution of this dissertation is to put forward normative considerations pertaining to spheres of infl uence instead of using the concept in a pejorative sense. The study connects the English School tradition, post-war international order, the Cold War and Russian thought with the concept of sphere of infl uence with the aim of initiating a debate which will enrich the discipline with a fresh outlook on an old but topical concept.

Family-related migration is moving to the centre of political debates on migration, integration and multiculturalism in Europe. It is also more and more leading to lively academic interest in the family dimensions of international migration. At the same time, strands of research on family migrations and migrant families remain separate from - and sometimes ignorant of - each other. This volume seeks to bridge the disciplinary divides. Fifteen chapters come up with a number of common themes. Collectively, the authors address the need to better understand the diversity of family-related migration and its resulting family forms and practices, to question, if not counter, simplistic assumptions about migrant families in public discourses, to study family migration from a mix of disciplinary perspectives at various levels and via different methodological approaches and to acknowledge the state's role in shaping family-related migration, practices and lives.

How does leader age affect international politics? Challenging the existing literature's focus on chronological age, we argue that leaders do not age the same in the eyes of their beholders. Combining insights from gerontology on age-related stereotypes and studies of face-to-face diplomacy, we show that judgments about age informed by high-level personal encounters have profound consequences for how elderly leaders are appraised and treated by their counterparts. A leader who betrays indicators of "senility" during face-to-face encounters will elicit harsh judgments by activating negative stereotypes about aging. Older leaders can also surprise their interlocutors: those long thought to be senile may show themselves as mentally and physically fit. Perceptions of age, in turn, shape how observers understand a leader's agency and shape decisions to "engage" or "bypass" the leader in the context of interstate cooperation. We draw on declassified primary documents to compare American views of three elderly leaders in Cold War Asia—Syngman Rhee, Mao Tse-tung, and Chou Enlai—and how such views informed Washington's approach to these leaders, finding powerful support for our arguments. Our findings suggest new insights for the IR research program on leaders as well as lessons for statecraft in an era of aging decision makers.

Why do democratic governments that support human rights sometimes defy the rulings of international human rights courts? In my dissertation, I examine this question in the context of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, a regional court that operates in LatinAmerica. I argue that non-compliance results from (1) high capacity constraints that limit leaders' ability to comply; and from (2) democratic leaders responding to voter preferences against compliance. Although human rights scholars generally assume that voters support compliance, I find that attitudes toward compliance are not so uniform when the military is implicated. Justice for human rights violations often necessitates confronting the abuses of the past, which some voters would prefer to leave alone. Despite the abuses committed by military officials in recent dictatorships, the military is still a trusted institution in many Latin American states. Leaders thus face a dilemma when they receive judgments from the Inter-American Court: do they follow international law, or do they choose the policies that voters want? I show that the leader's decision to comply is a function of the public's preferences on compliance and the leader's need to be accountable to the public.I test my theory using an original dataset of all rulings from the Inter-American Court of Human Rights through 2014, measuring compliance using Court-issued monitoring reports. I first show that compliance outcomes at the Inter-American Court are not nearly as bad as critics fear: on the level of an individual order, full compliance is the most likely outcome, occurring 47% of the time. Further, compliance varies by the degree of difficulty of fulfilling the Court's order; states are much more likely to comply with orders of financial reparation and just satisfaction than they are to provide rehabilitative services to victims or guarantee non-repetition of violations. Second, I show that the public's attitudes toward the military moderate the effect of increased need for accountability on the probability of compliance. I measure the leader's need for accountability using two sources of threat to the leader's power: elections and military coups. As the leader's need for accountability increases (i.e., closer to an election or when a military coup is more likely), the leader becomes more responsive to the public's -- as opposed to her own -- preferences. Whether this results in an increased probability of compliance, however, depends on what the public wants. If the public supports compliance, the leader is more likely to comply as the need for accountability increases; however, if the public does not support compliance, the leader is less likely to comply. I further supplement my statistical results with a case-study illustrating variation in amnesty law outcomes in El Salvador and Uruguay. My findings suggest that non-compliance with international law is not necessarily the result of a failure on the part of an international court, but sometimes the result of a failure of preferences for compliance in a democratic public.

Key Features:Focuses on the successes of globalization and some of the main economic policy challenges and solutions that arise to enhance the benefits and lower the costsCovers multilateral international organizations, namely the World Trade Organization, the IMF and the World Bank.