In the article, the E. Wallerstein world-system methodology is supplemented by the analysis of the counter-system factor in world history of the late Х1Х - the beginning of the ХХ1 century. The author dwells on the analysis of the key stages of the counter-system development. This is a) a counter-systemic challenge embodied in the K. Marx theory; b) Lenin's attempt to make a global counter-system revolution; c) the Stalinist technology of constructing and global expanding the counter-system structure; c) self-destruction of the socialist counter-system during Gorbachev's rule; d) the development of counter-system processes at the beginning of the 21st century, in which China begins to play a decisive role.The first(Marxist) stage is characterized by the theoretical development of the alternative world-system concept, new world-system which should replace the existing one. Marx formulated the basic principles of how the existing world-system should be reorganized. He made first steps towards in practical reorganization of world revolutionary process. According to Marx, Western Europe and, above all, Germany (by the end of the 19th century) have the most numerous and politically organized proletariat. So exactly this region should have become the "assemblage point" of a new world system with new social relations, new state and new government.The second (Leninist) stage is associated with an attempt through the "world revolution" completely eliminate the bourgeois world-system . However, this Lenin's installation was not fully realized, limiting itself only to a breakthrough of the old world system "weak link". Nevertheless, a new configuration arose: a counter-systemic neoplasm appeared and began to develop rapidly. It carried distinct signs of a historical alternative. Appeared situation about which Marx did not write and Lenin could not foreseen.The thirdstage in development of the world-system alternative was the Stalinist USSR with its mobilization technology for an alternative future constructing. Stalin's strategic plan was not in the spontaneous "world revolution", but in the consistent projection of a pre-prepared world-system model (Soviet-style of socialism) on the rest of the world.This Stalinist project clashed with active resistance from the old world-system/ It generated German Nazism as a weapon of a global competitor eliminating. However, in reality, everything turned out differently than expected: before attacking his enemy, Nazism attacked his masters. This made them seek support from the USSR, their strategic adversary. So the situational "anti-Hitler coalition" was established.Ultimately, both competing world-systems did not achieve (each for himself) the full result. The capitalist world-system failed to destroy and assimilate the socialist world-system. The socialist world-system failed to totally crush the capitalist world-system and cover the whole world. The protracted process of "tug of war" between the socialist and capitalist world-systems has begun,After the death of Stalin, the socialist world-system lost its strategic initiative. The Stalinist successors are mired in petty political intrigues in short-sighted and ineffective geopolitical combinations, in imitations of a "victorious movement" towards communism. Having stopped in its external advancement, the socialist world-system began to lose its innovative potential, and, consequently, competitiveness.The logical conclusion to the involution of the post-Stalinist world-system was the fourth (Gorbachev's) period. The socialist world-system, strategically disoriented, decaying morally and cheaply sold out by its own corrupt elite, became an object of absorption of the victorious capitalist world-system.However, from the beginning of the 21st century, the fifth period of world-system transformations had began. Anti-systemic moods are growing in the now-days world and anti-system processes are developing. The main "markers" of these processes were a) Islamist air attacs on the New York "twin towers", b) Russia's neo-imperial ambitions, and, c) most importantly, the emergence of the Chinese global alternative.The Chinese world-system alternative embodies a new strategy that is adequate to the realities of the 21st century. Its essence lies in the consistent "embedding" of a new world-system cluster into the existing world-system. One of the manifestations of such a new convergent strategy is the "Belt and Path project". It can turn the Eurasian continent into a grandiose construction site with a huge scientific and technical scope. The article suggests that it is a new wave which is moving from the East. And that may symbolize the end of the 500-year history of the old capitalist world-system and the beginning of a new historical era. ; В представленной статье мир-системная методология И. Валлертайна дополнена авторским анализом контр-системного фактора в мировой истории (конец Х1Х - начало ХХ1 века). Автор останавливается на анализе ключевых этапов развития контр-системы. Это а) контр-системный вызов, заключенный в теории К. Маркса; б) ленинская попытка глобальной контр-системной революции; в) сталинская технология построения и экспансии контр-системной структуры; в) саморазрушение социалистической контр-системы в период горбачевского правления; г) развитие контр-системных процессов в начале ХХ1 в., в которых определяющую роль начинает играть Китай. Первый (марксистский) этап характеризуется теоретической разработкой концепции альтернативной мир-системы, которая должна прийти на смену существующей. Второй (ленинский) этап связан с попыткой тотальной ликвидации буржуазной мир-системы посредством «мировой революции». Третьим этапом развития мир-системной альтернативы явился сталинский СССР с его структурными особенностями и жесткой мобилизационной технологией построения альтернативного будущего. Стратегический замысел Сталина заключался в последовательной проекции заранее подготовленной мир-системной модели (социализм советского образца) на весь остальной мир. Логическим завершением инволюции пост-сталинской мир-системы стал четвертый (горбачевский) период. Социалистическая мир-система, дезориентированная стратегически, разложившаяся морально и распроданная собственной коррумпированной элитой, стала объектом поглощения со стороны победившей капиталистической мир-системы. Однако, с начала ХХ1 века начинается пятый период мир-системных трансформаций. Основными «маркерами» этих процессов явились авиа-удары исламистов по нью-йоркским «башням-близнецам», нео-имперские амбиции России, и, ‒ главное, ‒ появление китайской глобальной альтернативы. Суть ее ‒ в последовательном «встраивании» нового мир-системного кластера в существующую мир-систему с последующей ее контентной трансформацией. Одним из проявлений такой новой конвергентной стратегии является проект «Пояса и Пути», В статье высказано предположение о формировании новой мир-системной реальности, завершающей 500-летнюю историю старой капиталистической мир-системы и открывающей новую сложную историческую эпоху. ; У даній статті світ-системна методологія І. Валлертайна доповнена авторським аналізом контр-системного чинника у світовій історії (кінець Х1Х - початок ХХ1 століття). Автор зупиняється на аналізі ключових етапів розвитку контр-системи. Це а) контр-системний виклик, укладений в теорії К. Маркса; б) ленінська спроба глобальної контр-системної революції; в) сталінська технологія побудови і експансії контр-системної структури; в) саморуйнування соціалістичної контр-системи в період горбачовського правління; г) розвиток контр-системних процесів на початку ХХ1 ст., в яких визначальну роль починає грати Китай.Перший (марксистський) етап характеризується теоретичної розробкою концепції альтернативної світ-системи, яка повинна прийти на зміну існуючої.Другий (ленінський) етап пов'язаний зі спробою тотальної ліквідації буржуазної світ-системи за допомогою «світової революції».Третім етапом розвитку світ-системної альтернативи з'явився сталінський СРСР з його структурними особливостями і жорсткої мобілізаційної технологією побудови альтернативного майбутнього. Стратегічний задум Сталіна полягав в послідовній проекції заздалегідь підготовленої світ-системної моделі (соціалізм радянського зразка) на увесь інший світ.Логічним завершенням інволюції пост-сталінської світ-системи став четвертий (горбачовський) період. Соціалістична світ-система, дезорієнтована стратегічно, розкладена морально і розпродана власної корумпованої елітою, стала об'єктом поглинання з боку перемогла капіталістичної світ-системи.Однак з початку ХХ1 століття починається п'ятий період світ-системних трансформацій. Основними «маркерами» цих процесів з'явилися авіа-удари ісламістів по нью-йоркським «вежах-близнюках», нео-імперські амбіції Росії, і, - головне, - поява китайської глобальної альтернативи.Суть її - в послідовному «вбудовування» нового світ-системного кластера в існуючу світ-систему з подальшою її змістовної трансформацією. Одним з проявів такої нової конвергентної стратегії є проект «Пояси і Шляхи», У статті висловлено припущення про формування нової світ-системної реальності, завершальній 500-річну історію старої капіталістичної світ-системи та відкриває нову складну історичну епоху.
In the article, the E. Wallerstein world-system methodology is supplemented by the analysis of the counter-system factor in world history of the late Х1Х - the beginning of the ХХ1 century. The author dwells on the analysis of the key stages of the counter-system development. This is a) a counter-systemic challenge embodied in the K. Marx theory; b) Lenin's attempt to make a global counter-system revolution; c) the Stalinist technology of constructing and global expanding the counter-system structure; c) self-destruction of the socialist counter-system during Gorbachev's rule; d) the development of counter-system processes at the beginning of the 21st century, in which China begins to play a decisive role.The first(Marxist) stage is characterized by the theoretical development of the alternative world-system concept, new world-system which should replace the existing one. Marx formulated the basic principles of how the existing world-system should be reorganized. He made first steps towards in practical reorganization of world revolutionary process. According to Marx, Western Europe and, above all, Germany (by the end of the 19th century) have the most numerous and politically organized proletariat. So exactly this region should have become the "assemblage point" of a new world system with new social relations, new state and new government.The second (Leninist) stage is associated with an attempt through the "world revolution" completely eliminate the bourgeois world-system . However, this Lenin's installation was not fully realized, limiting itself only to a breakthrough of the old world system "weak link". Nevertheless, a new configuration arose: a counter-systemic neoplasm appeared and began to develop rapidly. It carried distinct signs of a historical alternative. Appeared situation about which Marx did not write and Lenin could not foreseen.The thirdstage in development of the world-system alternative was the Stalinist USSR with its mobilization technology for an alternative future constructing. Stalin's strategic plan was not in the spontaneous "world revolution", but in the consistent projection of a pre-prepared world-system model (Soviet-style of socialism) on the rest of the world.This Stalinist project clashed with active resistance from the old world-system/ It generated German Nazism as a weapon of a global competitor eliminating. However, in reality, everything turned out differently than expected: before attacking his enemy, Nazism attacked his masters. This made them seek support from the USSR, their strategic adversary. So the situational "anti-Hitler coalition" was established.Ultimately, both competing world-systems did not achieve (each for himself) the full result. The capitalist world-system failed to destroy and assimilate the socialist world-system. The socialist world-system failed to totally crush the capitalist world-system and cover the whole world. The protracted process of "tug of war" between the socialist and capitalist world-systems has begun,After the death of Stalin, the socialist world-system lost its strategic initiative. The Stalinist successors are mired in petty political intrigues in short-sighted and ineffective geopolitical combinations, in imitations of a "victorious movement" towards communism. Having stopped in its external advancement, the socialist world-system began to lose its innovative potential, and, consequently, competitiveness.The logical conclusion to the involution of the post-Stalinist world-system was the fourth (Gorbachev's) period. The socialist world-system, strategically disoriented, decaying morally and cheaply sold out by its own corrupt elite, became an object of absorption of the victorious capitalist world-system.However, from the beginning of the 21st century, the fifth period of world-system transformations had began. Anti-systemic moods are growing in the now-days world and anti-system processes are developing. The main "markers" of these processes were a) Islamist air attacs on the New York "twin towers", b) Russia's neo-imperial ambitions, and, c) most importantly, the emergence of the Chinese global alternative.The Chinese world-system alternative embodies a new strategy that is adequate to the realities of the 21st century. Its essence lies in the consistent "embedding" of a new world-system cluster into the existing world-system. One of the manifestations of such a new convergent strategy is the "Belt and Path project". It can turn the Eurasian continent into a grandiose construction site with a huge scientific and technical scope. The article suggests that it is a new wave which is moving from the East. And that may symbolize the end of the 500-year history of the old capitalist world-system and the beginning of a new historical era. ; В представленной статье мир-системная методология И. Валлертайна дополнена авторским анализом контр-системного фактора в мировой истории (конец Х1Х - начало ХХ1 века). Автор останавливается на анализе ключевых этапов развития контр-системы. Это а) контр-системный вызов, заключенный в теории К. Маркса; б) ленинская попытка глобальной контр-системной революции; в) сталинская технология построения и экспансии контр-системной структуры; в) саморазрушение социалистической контр-системы в период горбачевского правления; г) развитие контр-системных процессов в начале ХХ1 в., в которых определяющую роль начинает играть Китай. Первый (марксистский) этап характеризуется теоретической разработкой концепции альтернативной мир-системы, которая должна прийти на смену существующей. Второй (ленинский) этап связан с попыткой тотальной ликвидации буржуазной мир-системы посредством «мировой революции». Третьим этапом развития мир-системной альтернативы явился сталинский СССР с его структурными особенностями и жесткой мобилизационной технологией построения альтернативного будущего. Стратегический замысел Сталина заключался в последовательной проекции заранее подготовленной мир-системной модели (социализм советского образца) на весь остальной мир. Логическим завершением инволюции пост-сталинской мир-системы стал четвертый (горбачевский) период. Социалистическая мир-система, дезориентированная стратегически, разложившаяся морально и распроданная собственной коррумпированной элитой, стала объектом поглощения со стороны победившей капиталистической мир-системы. Однако, с начала ХХ1 века начинается пятый период мир-системных трансформаций. Основными «маркерами» этих процессов явились авиа-удары исламистов по нью-йоркским «башням-близнецам», нео-имперские амбиции России, и, ‒ главное, ‒ появление китайской глобальной альтернативы. Суть ее ‒ в последовательном «встраивании» нового мир-системного кластера в существующую мир-систему с последующей ее контентной трансформацией. Одним из проявлений такой новой конвергентной стратегии является проект «Пояса и Пути», В статье высказано предположение о формировании новой мир-системной реальности, завершающей 500-летнюю историю старой капиталистической мир-системы и открывающей новую сложную историческую эпоху. ; У даній статті світ-системна методологія І. Валлертайна доповнена авторським аналізом контр-системного чинника у світовій історії (кінець Х1Х - початок ХХ1 століття). Автор зупиняється на аналізі ключових етапів розвитку контр-системи. Це а) контр-системний виклик, укладений в теорії К. Маркса; б) ленінська спроба глобальної контр-системної революції; в) сталінська технологія побудови і експансії контр-системної структури; в) саморуйнування соціалістичної контр-системи в період горбачовського правління; г) розвиток контр-системних процесів на початку ХХ1 ст., в яких визначальну роль починає грати Китай.Перший (марксистський) етап характеризується теоретичної розробкою концепції альтернативної світ-системи, яка повинна прийти на зміну існуючої.Другий (ленінський) етап пов'язаний зі спробою тотальної ліквідації буржуазної світ-системи за допомогою «світової революції».Третім етапом розвитку світ-системної альтернативи з'явився сталінський СРСР з його структурними особливостями і жорсткої мобілізаційної технологією побудови альтернативного майбутнього. Стратегічний задум Сталіна полягав в послідовній проекції заздалегідь підготовленої світ-системної моделі (соціалізм радянського зразка) на увесь інший світ.Логічним завершенням інволюції пост-сталінської світ-системи став четвертий (горбачовський) період. Соціалістична світ-система, дезорієнтована стратегічно, розкладена морально і розпродана власної корумпованої елітою, стала об'єктом поглинання з боку перемогла капіталістичної світ-системи.Однак з початку ХХ1 століття починається п'ятий період світ-системних трансформацій. Основними «маркерами» цих процесів з'явилися авіа-удари ісламістів по нью-йоркським «вежах-близнюках», нео-імперські амбіції Росії, і, - головне, - поява китайської глобальної альтернативи.Суть її - в послідовному «вбудовування» нового світ-системного кластера в існуючу світ-систему з подальшою її змістовної трансформацією. Одним з проявів такої нової конвергентної стратегії є проект «Пояси і Шляхи», У статті висловлено припущення про формування нової світ-системної реальності, завершальній 500-річну історію старої капіталістичної світ-системи та відкриває нову складну історичну епоху.
The article deals with the analysis of the content semantic peculiarities of the multimodal advertisements of the printed mass-media of Australia with the consideration of their aims and purposes. A special attention has been paid to the usage of a verbal text in the context of its correlation with such nonverbal means as pictograms, ideograms, fonts, location of the structural components of the advertisement (headline, subheadline, main text, and slogan), photos, unusual writing or spelling of letters and words, and colour scheme. It has been found out that Australian printed newspapers are characterized by the usage of visual textual colourful advertisements in which a verbal part of the information is intensified, specified or enlarged by nonverbal means. It has been recognized that the effective means of visualization are letter substitution, atypical letter writing or their capitalization, and decoration of language signs in the sentence or phrase initial positions. A very important means of visualization is a language / linguistic graphic game which is realized through the creolization of a verbal text and application of units of other sign systems and modes in order to create a multimodal text. It has been notified that another distinctive feature of the Australian advertising landscape is the usage of separate advertising catalogues and newspapers. A design and colour scheme of such publications are defined by their target audience. A conducted analysis of the factual data has proved that multimodal advertisements realize the main pragmatic intentions of copywriters: they grab attention of the target audience, rouse their interest, make them think about the advertised products or services, and in the end, encourage them to take a suggested decision. On the basis of the content, aims and purposes of the advertisments, their following types have been pointed out: corporate, business, retailing and wholesale, and trade mark advertisements; political, social, and informative advertisements. There are also advertisements with the reverse connection with the target audience that provides an opportunity to communicate with them and have feedback. It has been emphasized that the topics of the advertisements are mainly connected with the corporate, trade, business and social advertising while the political advertisements are hardly represented. It means that Australian politicians do not use printed newspapers in order to talk about their political activities and employ other mass-media platforms. References1. Bezlatnyi, D. V. 2011. Psyhologija v reklame: isskustvo manipuliatsii obshchestvennym soznanijem. Moskva: ООО "Vash poligraficheskyi partner".2. Vashunina, I. V. 2009. Vzaimovlijanije verbalnykh i neverbalnyh (ikonicheskih) sostavliajushchih pri vosprijatii kreolizovannogo teksta: avtoref. diss. . d-ra filol. nauk: 10.02.19. Moskva.3. Hladkikh, S. L. 2015. "Vykorystannia shryftiv u vizualnij reklami na transporti". Teorija i praktyka dyzajnu. Tekhnichna estetyka: zb. nauk. pr. 8: 60–67.4. Iljasova, S. V. and Amiri L. P. 2009. Jazykovaja igra v kommunikativnom prostranstve SMI i reklamy. Moskva: Flinta.5. Makaruk, Larysa. 2012. "Vizualizatsija jak kharakterna oznaka suchasnogo anglomovnogo gazetnogo dyskursu". Nauk. visn. Volyn nats. un-tu im. Lesi Ukrainky. Serija "Filologichni nauky. Movoznavstvo" 6 (231): 47–52.6. Minajeva, L. V. 2002. "Multimodusnost' tekstov pechatnykh SMI i reklamy". Vest. MGU. Serija 19 "Lingvistika i mezhkulturnaja kommunikatsija" 4: 26–33.7. Morozova, І. B. 2017. "Zjizh mene!": slogan jak kliuchovyj element anglomovnoho reklamnoho povidomlennia". Actualni problemy romano-hermanskoji fololohiji ta prykladnoji lingvistyky 2 (15): 67–72.8. Shevchenko, V. Е. 2018. Shryftove oformlennia vydan. http://journlib.univ.kiev.ua/index.php?act= article&article=1663.9. Bell, A. 1991. The Language of News Media. Oxford: Blackwell.10. Colour Affects. Research. http://www.colour-affects.co.uk/research.11. Forceville, C. 1994. "Pictorial Metaphor in Advertisements". Metaphor and symbolic activity 9 (1): 1–29.12. Kress, G. 2009. Multimodality: A Social Semiotic Approach to Contemporary Communication. 1st ed. London: Routledge.13. The Cairns Weekend Post. 2013. June 22–23.14. The Cairns Weekend Post . 2013. January 26.15. The Currier Mail. 2011. October 11. ; Стаття присвячена аналізу контентно-семантичних особливостей полікодової реклами друкованої преси Австралії з урахуванням її цільового призначення. Особливу увагу звернуто на використання вербального тексту в кореляції з такими невербальними засобами, як піктограми, ідеограми, шрифти, площинне розміщення структурних компонентів реклами (заголовка, підзаголовка, основного тексту та слогану), фотозображення, незвичне написання літер, кольорова гама тощо. Встановлено, що для друкованих часописів Австралії характерним є використання візуально-текстової кольорової реклами, у яких вербально представлена інформація підсилена, уточнена чи доповнена невербальними візуальними засобами. Зазначено, що дієвим засобом візуалізації виступають літерні субституції, атипове написання літер, їхня капіталізація чи декорування початкових мовних знаків. Важливим засобом візуалізації слугує мовна графічна гра, що передбачає креолізацію вербального ряду та залучення одиниць інших знакових систем до створення мультимодального тексту. Зауважено, що диференційною ознакою ландшафту австралійської реклами є використання окремих рекламних каталогів та газет, дизайн та кольорова гама яких визначені цільовою аудиторією. Здійснений аналіз фактичного матеріалу підтвердив, що полікодові рекламні повідомлення зреалізовують основні прагматичні інтенції копірайтерів, а саме: привертають увагу споживачів, зацікавлюють, змушують замислитися над рекламованими продуктами чи послугами, і, у результаті, прийняти пропоноване рішення. На основі контентного наповнення і цільового спрямування рекламних текстів виокремлено корпоративну, бізнес-рекламу, торгово-роздрібну, рекламу торгової марки, політичну, суспільну або соціальну, адресно-довідкову рекламу, а також рекламу із зворотним зв'язком, що уможливлює спілкування з цільовою аудиторією та отримання відгуків. Акцентовано увагу на тому, що у тематиці рекламних повідомлень превалює корпоративна, комерційна, бізнесова та соціальна реклами, тоді як політична представлена поодинокими зразками, що свідчить про те, що політики Австралії не використовують друковану пресу для висвітлення своє діяльності, послуговуються іншими інформативними платформами. Джерела та література 1. Безлатный Д. В. Психология в рекламе: исскуство манипуляции общественнымсознанием / Д. В. Безлатный. – М. : ООО "Ваш полиграфический партнер", 2011 – 236 с. 2. Вашунина И. В. Взаимовлияние вербальных и невербальных (иконических) составляющих при восприятии креолизованного текста : автореф. дисс. . д-ра филол. наук : 10.02.19 / И. В. Вашунина. – Москва, 2009. – 42 с. 3. Гладкіх С. Л. Використання шрифтів у візуальній рекламі на транспорті / С. Л. Гладкіх // Теорія та практика дизайну. Технічна естетика : зб. наук. пр. – К., 2015. – Вип. 8. – С. 60–67. 4. Ильясова С. В. Языковая игра в коммуникативном пространстве СМИ и рекламы / С. В. Ильясова, Л. П. Амири. – М. : Флинта, 2009. – 296 с. 5. Макарук Л. Л. Візуалізація як характерна ознака сучасного англомовного газетного дискурсу / Л. Л. Макарук // Наук. вісн. Волин. нац. ун-ту ім. Лесі Українки. Серія "Філологічні науки. Мовознавство". – Луцьк, 2012. – № 6 (231). – С. 47–52. 6. Минаева Л. В. Мультимодусность текстов печатных СМИ и рекламы / Л. В. Минаева // Вестн. МГУ. Серия 19 "Лингвистика и межкультурная коммуникация". – 2002. – № 4. – С. 26–33. 7. Морозова І. Б. "З'їж мене!": слоган як ключовий елемент англомовного рекламного повідомлення / І. Б. Морозова // Актуальні проблеми романо-германської філології та прикладної лінгвістики. – Чернівці : Видавничий дім "РОДОВІД", 2017. − Вип. 2 (15). − С. 67–72. 8. Шевченко В. Е. Шрифтове оформлення видань [Електронний ресурс] / В. Е. Шевченко // Електронна бібліотека Інституту журналістики : сайт. – Режим доступу : http://journlib.univ.kiev.ua/index.php?act= article&article=1663. – (Дата звернення: 07.09.18) 9. Bell A. The Language of News Media / A. Bell. – Oxford : Blackwell, 1991. – 277 p. 10. Colour Affects. Research [Electronic resource]. – Mode of access : http://www.colour-affects.co.uk/research. 11. Forceville C. Pictorial Metaphor in Advertisements / C. Forceville // Metaphor and symbolic activity. – 1994. – № 9 (1). – P. 1–29. 12. Kress G. Multimodality: A Social Semiotic Approach to Contemporary Communication / G. Kress. – 1st ed. – London : Routledge, 2009. – 236 p. 13. The Cairns Weekend Post. – 2013. – June 22–23. 14. The Cairns Weekend Post . – 2013. – January 26. 15. The Currier Mail – 2011. – October 11.
WOS: 000352154400001 ; A search is performed for long-lived particles that decay into final states that include a pair of electrons or a pair of muons. The experimental signature is a distinctive topology consisting of a pair of charged leptons originating from a displaced secondary vertex. Events corresponding to an integrated luminosity of 19.6 (20.5) fb(-1) in the electron (muon) channel were collected with the CMS detector at the CERN LHC in proton-proton collisions at root s TeV. No significant excess is observed above standard model expectations. Upper limits on the product of the cross section and branching fraction of such a signal are presented as a function of the long-lived particle's mean proper decay length. The limits are presented in an approximately model-independent way, allowing them to be applied to a wide class of models yielding the above topology. Over much of the investigated parameter space, the limits obtained are the most stringent to date. In the specific case of a model in which a Higgs boson in the mass range 125-1000 GeV/c(2) decays into a pair of long-lived neutral bosons in the mass range 20-350 GeV= c(2), each of which can then decay to dileptons, the upper limits obtained are typically in the range 0.2-10 fb for mean proper decay lengths of the long-lived particles in the range 0.01-100 cm. In the case of the lowest Higgs mass considered (125 GeV/c(2)), the limits are in the range 2-50 fb. These limits are sensitive to Higgs boson branching fractions as low as 10(-1). ; BMWFW (Austria); FWF (Austria)Austrian Science Fund (FWF); FNRS (Belgium)Fonds de la Recherche Scientifique - FNRS; FWO (Belgium)FWO; CNPq (Brazil)National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq); CAPES (Brazil)CAPES; FAPERJ (Brazil)Carlos Chagas Filho Foundation for Research Support of the State of Rio de Janeiro (FAPERJ); FAPESP (Brazil)Fundacao de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Sao Paulo (FAPESP); MES (Bulgaria); CERN; CAS (China)Chinese Academy of Sciences; MoST (China)Ministry of Science and Technology, China; NSFC (China)National Natural Science Foundation of China; COLCIENCIAS (Colombia)Departamento Administrativo de Ciencia, Tecnologia e Innovacion Colciencias; MSES (Croatia); CSF (Croatia); RPF (Cyprus); MoER (Estonia); ERC IUT (Estonia)Estonian Research Council; ERDF (Estonia)European Union (EU); Academy of Finland (Finland)Academy of Finland; MEC (Finland)Spanish Government; HIP (Finland); CEA (France)French Atomic Energy Commission; CNRS/IN2P3 (France)Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS); BMBF (Germany)Federal Ministry of Education & Research (BMBF); DFG (Germany)German Research Foundation (DFG); HGF (Germany); GSRT (Greece)Greek Ministry of Development-GSRT; OTKA (Hungary)Orszagos Tudomanyos Kutatasi Alapprogramok (OTKA); NIH (Hungary)United States Department of Health & Human ServicesNational Institutes of Health (NIH) - USA; DAE (India)Department of Atomic Energy (DAE); DST (India)Department of Science & Technology (India); IPM (Iran); SFI (Ireland)Science Foundation Ireland; INFN (Italy)Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare (INFN); MSIP (Republic of Korea); NRF (Republic of Korea); LAS (Lithuania); MOE (Malaysia); UM (Malaysia); CINVESTAV (Mexico); CONACYT (Mexico)Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnologia (CONACyT); SEP (Mexico); UASLP-FAI (Mexico); MBIE (New Zealand); PAEC (Pakistan); MSHE (Poland); NSC (Poland); FCT (Portugal)Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology; JINR (Dubna); MON (Russia); RosAtom (Russia); RAS (Russia)Russian Academy of Sciences; RFBR (Russia)Russian Foundation for Basic Research (RFBR); MESTD (Serbia); SEIDI (Spain); CPAN (Spain); Swiss Funding Agencies (Switzerland); MST (Taipei); ThEPCenter (Thailand); IPST (Thailand); STAR (Thailand); NSTDA (Thailand); TUBITAK (Turkey)Turkiye Bilimsel ve Teknolojik Arastirma Kurumu (TUBITAK); TAEK (Turkey)Ministry of Energy & Natural Resources - Turkey; NASU (Ukraine); SFFR (Ukraine)State Fund for Fundamental Research (SFFR); STFC (United Kingdom)Science & Technology Facilities Council (STFC); DOE (USA)United States Department of Energy (DOE); NSF (USA)National Science Foundation (NSF); Marie Curie program (European Union)European Union (EU); European Research Council (European Union)European Union (EU)European Research Council (ERC); EPLANET (European Union)European Union (EU); Leventis Foundation; A. P. Sloan FoundationAlfred P. Sloan Foundation; Alexander von Humboldt FoundationAlexander von Humboldt Foundation; Belgian Federal Science Policy OfficeBelgian Federal Science Policy Office; Fonds pour la Formation a la Recherche dans l'Industrie et dans l'Agriculture (FRIA Belgium)Fonds de la Recherche Scientifique - FNRS; Agentschap voor Innovatie door Wetenschap en Technologie (IWT Belgium)Institute for the Promotion of Innovation by Science and Technology in Flanders (IWT); Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports (MEYS) of the Czech RepublicMinistry of Education, Youth & Sports - Czech Republic; Council of Science and Industrial Research, IndiaCouncil of Scientific & Industrial Research (CSIR) - India; HOMING PLUS program of Foundation for Polish Science; European Union, Regional Development FundEuropean Union (EU); Compagnia di San Paolo (Torino)Compagnia di San Paolo; Consorzio per la Fisica (Trieste); MIUR (Italy)Ministry of Education, Universities and Research (MIUR) [20108T4XTM]; Thalis programme; Aristeia programme; EU-ESFEuropean Union (EU); Greek NSRFGreek Ministry of Development-GSRT; National Priorities Research Program by Qatar National Research Fund; Science and Technology Facilities CouncilScience & Technology Facilities Council (STFC) [ST/K001256/1, ST/L005603/1, ST/M005356/1 GRIDPP, ST/L00609X/1, ST/M005356/1, GRIDPP, ST/K003542/1, ST/K003844/1, ST/I005912/1, ST/I505580/1, ST/K003844/1 GRIDPP, ST/J005665/1, CMS, ST/L00609X/1 GRIDPP, ST/I005912/1 GRIDPP, ST/K001639/1, ST/J004901/1, ST/K001604/1, ST/N000250/1, ST/J50094X/1, ST/M004775/1] ; We congratulate our colleagues in the CERN accelerator departments for the excellent performance of the LHC and thank the technical and administrative staffs at CERN and at other CMS institutes for their contributions to the success of the CMS effort. In addition, we gratefully acknowledge the computing centers and personnel of the Worldwide LHC Computing Grid for delivering so effectively the computing infrastructure essential to our analyses. Finally, we acknowledge the enduring support for the construction and operation of the LHC and the CMS detector provided by the following funding agencies: BMWFW and FWF (Austria); FNRS and FWO (Belgium); CNPq, CAPES, FAPERJ, and FAPESP (Brazil); MES (Bulgaria); CERN; CAS, MoST, and NSFC (China); COLCIENCIAS (Colombia); MSES and CSF (Croatia); RPF (Cyprus); MoER, ERC IUT and ERDF (Estonia); Academy of Finland, MEC, and HIP (Finland); CEA and CNRS/IN2P3 (France); BMBF, DFG, and HGF (Germany); GSRT (Greece); OTKA and NIH (Hungary); DAE and DST (India); IPM (Iran); SFI (Ireland); INFN (Italy); MSIP and NRF (Republic of Korea); LAS (Lithuania); MOE and UM (Malaysia); CINVESTAV, CONACYT, SEP, and UASLP-FAI (Mexico); MBIE (New Zealand); PAEC (Pakistan); MSHE and NSC (Poland); FCT (Portugal); JINR (Dubna); MON, RosAtom, RAS and RFBR (Russia); MESTD (Serbia); SEIDI and CPAN (Spain); Swiss Funding Agencies (Switzerland); MST (Taipei); ThEPCenter, IPST, STAR and NSTDA (Thailand); TUBITAK and TAEK (Turkey); NASU and SFFR (Ukraine); STFC (United Kingdom); DOE and NSF (USA). Individuals have received support from the Marie Curie program and the European Research Council and EPLANET (European Union); the Leventis Foundation; the A. P. Sloan Foundation; the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation; the Belgian Federal Science Policy Office; the Fonds pour la Formation a la Recherche dans l'Industrie et dans l'Agriculture (FRIA Belgium); the Agentschap voor Innovatie door Wetenschap en Technologie (IWT Belgium); the Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports (MEYS) of the Czech Republic; the Council of Science and Industrial Research, India; the HOMING PLUS program of Foundation for Polish Science, cofinanced by the European Union, Regional Development Fund; the Compagnia di San Paolo (Torino); the Consorzio per la Fisica (Trieste); MIUR Grant No. 20108T4XTM (Italy); the Thalis and Aristeia programmes cofinanced by EU-ESF and the Greek NSRF; and the National Priorities Research Program by Qatar National Research Fund.
Judith Schoonenboom bespreekt naar aanleiding van de eerste alinea van mijn artikel een aantal misverstanden. Maar daarmee wil ze niet zeggen dat ik me aan die misverstanden heb schuldig gemaakt. Daarom beperk ik me hier tot haar vier kanttekeningen bij mijn verhaal, waarmee ik niet wil zeggen dat de misverstanden die zij noemt van geen belang zijn.De eerste kanttekening gaat in hoofdzaak over het onderscheid tussen statistische generalisatie en variatiedekkende generalisatie (variatiedekking) en in samenhang ermee het onderscheid tussen statistisch steekproeftrekken en systematisch steekproeftrekken. Eerst over de vormen van generalisatie. Ik wil juist wel een duidelijk onderscheid maken tussen statistische generalisatie en variatiedekking. Aangenomen dat een onderzoeker zijn onderzoeksconclusies generaliseerbaar wil maken naar een populatie (of domein) waarvan de onderzochte gevallen (in ruime zin) maar een deel uitmaken, dan gaat het mij erom dat de kwalitatief onderzoeker niet alleen maar vormen van theoretische generalisatie of overdrachtsgeneralisatie ten dienste staan, maar ook een vorm van inductieve generalisatie die toch geen statistische generalisatie is: variatiedekking.Bij statistische generalisatie wordt een statistisch-representatieve steekproef getrokken. Hierbij spelen variabelen met frequentieverdelingen een rol, en ook het niveau waarop die variabelen gemeten worden, de steekproefgrootte en randomisatie. Het gaat er niet alleen om onbekende, mogelijk storende variabelen te neutraliseren, maar ook om statistisch verantwoorde en significante toetsen uit te kunnen uitvoeren en schattingen te kunnen maken. Er is niks op tegen om bij een dergelijke statistisch-representatieve steekproef kwalitatieve analyses te doen, eventueel gecombineerd met statistische analyses. Alleen maakt de onderzoeker in het kwalitatieve onderzoek geen gebruik van de frequenties enzovoort. Bij variatiedekking zijn al die kwantitatieve aspecten niet aan de orde. Bij variatiedekking gaat het ook om een andere vorm van steekproeftrekken, namelijk doelgericht steekproeftrekken en in het bijzonder iteratief steekproeftrekken. Na het bereiken van een verzadigingspunt wordt dan geen statistische representativiteit van de steekproef bereikt, maar een variatiedekkende representativiteit.De verschillen tussen deze twee vormen van representativiteit en de daarmee verbonden ideeën en procedures zijn te groot om verdoezeld te worden door ze in één bakje te stoppen. Dit blijkt ook nog als we het onderscheid tussen aselect steekproeftrekken en doelgericht steekproeftrekken, met name iteratief steekproeftrekken, bezien vanuit het oogpunt van de steekproefgrootte. Bij vormen van aselect steekproeftrekken (dus met randomisatieprocedures) kan de steekproefgrootte van tevoren worden bepaald aan de hand van de populatiegrootte en de kans op statistisch significante resultaten bij beoogde statistische toetsen en gewenste betrouwbaarheidsintervallen bij schattingen. Bij iteratief steekproeftrekken daarentegen blijkt de steekproefgrootte pas achteraf, wanneer een saturatiepunt is bereikt. Bij iteratief steekproeftrekken, dus ook bij theoretisch steekproeftrekken, kan niet van tevoren worden bepaald hoe groot een steekproef moet zijn, omdat je niet van tevoren weet na hoeveel gevallen (waarnemingen, personen, organisaties, enzovoort) een saturatiepunt zal worden bereikt. Bij de planning van een onderzoek moet hiermee rekening worden gehouden: je kunt niet altijd van tevoren weten hoe groot een steekproef moet zijn. De representativiteit van de twee steekproefvormen is dus van heel andere aard.In het kort: de kwalitatief onderzoeker is, als deze al wil generaliseren, niet alleen maar aangewezen op theoretische of analytische generalisatie of op overdracht (case-to-case transfer), zoals zo vaak wordt gesteld. Er is ook een inductieve vorm van generaliseren mogelijk en deze hoeft geen statistische generalisatie te zijn met de daaraan verbonden aselecte steekproeftrekking, maar kan variatiedekking zijn met iteratief steekproeftrekken als een van de meest aangewezen procedures. Het is daarom belangrijk om statistische representativiteit te onderscheiden van variatiedekkende representativiteit.Dit onderscheid is nog betekenisvoller als je bedenkt dat ook bij de selectie van een typisch of exemplarisch geval je zou kunnen zeggen dat dit geval representatief is voor bepaalde andere gevallen. Representativiteit hoeft dus niet te worden beperkt tot statistische en variatiedekkende representativiteit, zoals Schoonenboom suggereert. Al met al is de term representativiteit niet zo geschikt om statistische en variatiedekkende representativiteit samen te nemen: ze verschillen te sterk en representativiteit kan meer omvatten.Voor wat de kwestie van statistisch steekproeftrekken tegenover systematisch steekproeftrekken betreft heb ik de discussie die Schoonenboom voert met sommige kwantificerende onderzoekers met belangstelling gevolgd. Het is inderdaad zo dat de soep lang niet zo heet gegeten wordt als die door sommige puristische statistisch georiënteerde onderzoekers wordt opgediend. Dit blijkt onder meer uit het bestaan van wat men noemt robuustheidsstudies. In deze studies wordt nagegaan in hoeverre statistische principes kunnen worden geschonden en regels overtreden zonder dat de resultaten van of conclusies bij een analyse veranderen. Losjes gezegd: men gaat na, bijvoorbeeld via simulatieonderzoek, dat Schoonenboom ook noemt, in hoeverre een analyseprocedure tegen een stootje kan bezien vanuit de uitkomst.De tweede kanttekening gaat over de functies van generaliseren. Zoals Schoonenboom zegt, heb ik me in mijn artikel beperkt tot het generaliseren van onderzoeksconclusies bij een afgerond onderzoek naar niet-onderzochte gevallen in een beoogd domein. En ja, inderdaad, er zijn meer toepassingen van de term generaliseren. Een voorbeeld is de generaliseerbaarheidstheorie in de psychometrie als opvolger en uitbreiding van de klassieke testtheorie. In de klassieke testtheorie is betrouwbaarheidscoëfficiënt alpha van Cronbach (Cronbach's α) zeer bekend. In de generaliseerbaarheidstheorie worden meer storingsbronnen die in een testsituatie werkzaam kunnen zijn, verrekend. De oude betrouwbaarheidscoëfficiënt wordt vervangen door de generaliseerbaarheidscoëfficiënt. Maar de generaliseerbaarheidstheorie blijft naast de klassieke testtheorie en de item-responstheorie een van de betrouwbaarheidstheorieën. Het gaat in de generaliseerbaarheidstheorie over de betrouwbaarheid van een meetinstrument, bijvoorbeeld een psychologische test, en niet over het generaliseren van conclusies bij een afgerond onderzoek naar niet-onderzochte gevallen. Het begrip generaliseren heeft dus zelfs een toepassing op het terrein van de betrouwbaarheid van een meetinstrument.Wat betreft de combinatie van interne en externe validiteit, waarover Schoonenboom schrijft, kan ook door iteratief steekproeftrekken, zonder theorie, na het bereiken van een saturatiepunt de reikwijdte van de gevormde categorieën of de geformuleerde bewering worden onderzocht door in het beoogde domein naar afwijkende en negatieve gevallen te zoeken. Als je deze gevallen na herhaalde zoekpogingen niet aantreft, kun je zeggen dat de onderzoeksconclusies naar het beoogde domein kunnen worden gegeneraliseerd.De derde kanttekening betreft een vorm van generaliseren die Schoonenboom in mijn artikel mist. Ook hier gaat het om een woordgebruik waarbij generaliseren niet betrekking heeft op zaken buiten een afgerond onderzoek. Wanneer in een gerandomiseerd experiment met een experimentele conditie (E) en een controleconditie (C) er een statistisch significant verschil wordt gevonden tussen een groep studenten onder E en een groep studenten onder C, heeft dat volgens de gebruikelijke statistische analyse betrekking op het verschil tussen de twee gemiddelde scores van de twee groepen op een afhankelijke variabele. Maar dit sluit helemaal niet uit dat een student P in conditie E dezelfde score heeft als een student M in conditie C. Je kunt zeggen dat in de statistische analyse binnen een groep generaliseerd wordt over de studenten heen door – voor de conclusie significant verschil of niet – naar het gemiddelde te kijken. Weliswaar spelen bij deze analyse ook varianties een rol, maar de individuele studenten P en M blijven buiten het zicht. Of dit terecht is of niet hangt onder meer van de probleemstelling van het onderzoek af: wat wil de onderzoeker eigenlijk weten?In de vierde kanttekening wordt het thema van het bereik van een generalisatie aan de orde gesteld. Ook hier ga ik met Schoonenboom mee als ze meent dat nader onderzoek nodig is. Het is bijvoorbeeld lang niet altijd van tevoren duidelijk waar een populatie of domein eigenlijk precies uit bestaat. En het bereiken van een saturatiepunt is ook al niet zo eenvoudig. Toch zou het helpen om na het bereiken van zo'n saturatiepunt verder te zoeken naar confirmerende en niet-confirmerende gevallen om een domein beter in beeld te brengen. Ook het replicatieve steekproeftrekken is bedoeld om de grenzen van generaliseerbaarheid van een propositie scherper in het vizier te krijgen. Er is natuurlijk wel tijd, geld en mankracht nodig om ook echt door te zoeken.
DUCROT, MOBILI E ARTI DECORATIVE Attiva fin dagli anni Settanta del XIX secolo fino al 1970, estendendosi gradualmente da Palermo alle maggiori città d'Italia e poi a diverse aree del Mediterraneo, la fabbrica assume la denominazione Ducrot, Mobili e Arti Decorative, Società Anonima per Azioni a partire dal 1907, quando viene registrata alla Borsa di Milano, con capitale sociale di L. 1.500.000 sede e officine a Palermo in via Paolo Gili, nella contrada dell'Olivuzza. Dal 1939, in seguito al rilevamento dell'impresa ad opera di un gruppo finanziario genovese, muta il nome in Società Anonima Ducrot. Mobili, Sede Genova – Officine Palermo, con uffici anche in piazza Piccapietra n. 83 a Genova. Fra il 1902 e il 1907, prima della trasformazione in società, l'impresa opera con la denominazione Ducrot, Successore di Carlo Golia & C. e di Solei Hebert & C., Palermo, essendone diventato proprietario unico Vittorio Ducrot, figliastro di Carlo Golia, fondatore della omonima ditta, originariamente di rappresentanza dei prodotti (stoffe per l'arredamento) della Solei Hebert & C. di Torino. Già negli anni Settanta del XIX secolo la ditta, con lussuoso negozio in corso Vittorio Emanuele a Palermo, integrava l'attività di emporio di stampo britannico per l'arredo alto borghese, con quella di atelier per tappezzerie e, poi, per la costruzione di mobili (inizialmente da giardino) e per la realizzazione di decorazioni di interni. È Vittorio Ducrot, prima come direttore poi come comproprietario (dal 1900 fino alla morte di Carlo Golia avvenuta nel 1901), a innescare l'accelerazione industriale grazie anche al reperimento di nuovi capitali di giovani benestanti palermitani, che sottraggono la ditta al fallimento (sfiorato nel 1895) e alla parziale dipendenza commerciale dalla Solei Hebert. Oltre a mettere a punto prototipi, poi derivati in serie economiche di alta qualità tecnico-formale, e a ideare arredi completi autonomamente, interpreti del principio della Gesamtkunstwerk, coordinando l'opera di scultori (Antonio Ugo, Gaetano Geraci), di pittori (Ettore de Maria Bergler, Giuseppe Di Giovanni, Michele Cortegiani, Rocco Lentini, Giuseppe Enea e Salvatore Gregorietti), di qualificate imprese artigiane o industriali nel campo delle arti applicate (la Ceramica Florio, il maestro ferraio Salvatore Martorella, la fabbrica di lampadari e apparecchi di illuminazione Carraffa, tutti di Palermo o straniere come la viennese fabbrica di tappeti Haas), Ernesto Basile, in accordo con Vittorio Ducrot, mette in atto uno dei rari esperimenti riusciti in ambito internazionale, di parziale "riorganizzazione del visibile" atto a connotare, propagandisticamente, in maniera unitaria l'immagine colta di una impresa produttiva. Di questa ricercata ufficialità modernista la manifestazione più eclatante, oltre alla progettazione delle carte intestate, dei locali di vendita dei marchi, delle nuove officine (progetto poi non realizzato), è costituita dalla partecipazione della ditta Ducrot, sempre in coppia con Ernesto Basile, ad alcune delle più importanti mostre ed esposizioni di arti decorative e industriali organizzate in Italia nel primo decennio di questo secolo. In alcuni consistenti settori, i più rappresentativi, la ditta consegue un'inappuntabile peculiarità figurale siciliana (tanto come espressioni di cultura "alta" quanto come rivalutazione e risemantizzazione di tradizioni tecnico-artistiche popolari) sostenuta dalla collaborazione di Ernesto Basile e della sua cerchia di artisti e da qualificati disegnatori di mobili (non di rado allievi di Basile) fra i quali primeggiano Michele Sberna e Ludovico Li Vigni. Conforme alla messa a punto di logiche serie di mobili aderenti ad una estetica della riproducibilità industriale, e tuttavia strutturati in insiemi dalle espressività (localizzate o complessiva) di matrice fisio-psicologica, il programma di riorganizzazione dell'impresa, attuato da Vittorio Ducrot, comprendeva anche la documentazione sistematica dell'attività produttiva, la rigida divisione del lavoro (anche all'interno delle due categorie creativa ed esecutiva), la realizzazione di nuovi e dettagliati cataloghi di vendita, l'espansione del mercato con moderni criteri persuasivi (fondati sul concetto di irrinunciabilità inoculato nei potenziali acquirenti dalle stesse comunicative e riconoscibili qualità tecnico-formali dei prodotti e da un'abile azione propagandistica). In quest'ottica rientra, oltre all'impegnativa partecipazione alle manifestazioni espositive, la proliferazione sul territorio nazionale di eleganti succursali di vendita, in gran parte arredate da Basile: a Catania, in via Stesicoro, nel 1904; a Milano, in via T. Grassi, nel 1907; a Roma, in via del Tritone, nel 1910 (poi trasferita in via Condotti); a Napoli, in via G. Filangeri, nel 1917. Fra gli arredi particolari realizzati prima della guerra del 1915-1918 ricordiamo, inoltre, quelli del 1906 per il Palazzo d'Estate dell'Ambasciata Italiana a Therapia (Istanbul) nell'Impero Ottomano e quelli per gli uffici della FIAT a Milano del 1911. Dal 1912 al 1930 Giuseppe Capitò, sia pure in maniera discontinua, collabora con la Società come Direttore Artistico. Durante il Primo Conflitto Mondiale gli impianti vengono adattati alla costruzione di biplani idrovolanti caccia-bombardieri per i governi italiano, francese e inglese; viene realizzato, pertanto, un distaccamento delle officine sull'arenile della città balneare di Mondello. Dal 1919 inizia la produzione di arredi navali; dopo la realizzazione dei mobili e delle decorazioni per il Regio Yacht Savoia i principali committenti saranno la Navigazione Generale Italiana e la Società Italiana di Servizi Marittimi. Per queste società di navigazione (soprattutto per la prima creata dai Florio), dal 1919 al 1932 gli stabilimenti di via P. Gili (poi coadiuvati nelle sole fasi di montaggio, nei Cantieri di Genova, da una ditta subalterna dell'ingegnere Tiziano De Bonis) arredano la turbonave Esperia (1919-20), i transatlantici Giulio Cesare (1920-21), Duilio (1922-23), Roma (1925-26) e Augustus (1926), la turbonave Ausonia (1926-28), i transatlantici Città di Napoli (1927-28) e Rex (1930-32). Dal 1923 al 1930 nella Sezione Navale dell'Ufficio Tecnico operano Giuseppe Spatrisano e altri giovani architetti e artisti palermitani, fra cui Vittorio Corona. Fra le tante collaborazioni per gli arredi navali figura quella di Galileo Chini. A cavallo fra gli anni Venti e gli anni Trenta la Ducrot realizza innumerevoli arredi, spesso déco, per navi di privati (del 1931 è l'incarico per la nave dello Scià di Persia), per panfili, per sontuose residenze patrizie. Nel 1930 Carlo Ducrot, figlio di Vittorio, assume la carica di Direttore Tecnico e imprime la definitiva svolta "moderna" all'impresa paterna. Nel 1932 entrano in produzione i mobili in tubolare metallico, ma appena due anni dopo la Società accusa forti difficoltà economiche causate anche dalla caduta delle grandi commesse navali (fra questi ricordiamo gli arredi per le cabine e gli ambienti comuni degli ufficiali nelle unità della Regia Marina Militare). Nel 1936 l'estensione degli stabilimenti si riduce a soli 8.500 mq.; i rimanenti due terzi del complesso vengono riformati per l'istallazione della Società Anonima Aeronautica Sicula creata in seguito alla fusione con la fabbrica Caproni: Vittorio Ducrot ne è Vice Presidente. La fabbrica di mobili nel 1939 cade nelle mani del gruppo finanziario capeggiato da Tiziano De Bonis; Vittorio Ducrot conserva la carica di Presidente della nuova Società (sarebbe morto tre anni dopo). Dopo le forniture per il Consolato Alleato (1943-45), l'attività del mobilificio ritorna al mercato libero e alle grandi commesse, perpetuando, nei venticinque anni di attività del secondo dopoguerra, la proverbiale fama di imperabilità tecnica e onestà costruttiva dei suoi prodotti, ma perdendo inesorabilmente il ruolo di propositrice di forme nuove e originali. La Società continua ad avvalersi di qualificati progettisti palermitani e non (fra questi ricordiamo V. Monaco, A. Luccichenti, M. Marchi, M. Collura, M. De Simone) e della collaborazione di artisti di primo piano (fra cui Giuseppe Capogrossi e Edgardo Mannucci), ma non persegue una originale politica culturale, limitandosi a registrare, con garbato gusto reinterpretativo, gli esiti dei nuovi orientamenti della cultura della progettazione industriale.
The original justification for Directive 98/44/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 6 July 1998 on the Legal Protection of Biotechnological Inventions (the Directive) was to promote the growth of the European life science sector by harmonizing and clarifying European biotechnology patent laws. As early as 1985, the European Commission had identified the fragmentation of European patent laws as a potential problem. The Directive thus aimed to address obstacles to the unity of the internal market, which would arise if national Member States adopted divergent and uncoordinated policies and legislation in a field of economic activity that had been earmarked as poised for spectacular growth. The Commission further identified the lack of guidance within the European Patent Convention 1973 (EPC) on how its provisions were to be applied to biotechnological inventions meant that researchers were unsure if their work could be legally protected within Europe. The Commissions concerns were lent greater political urgency by three significant events that combined to establish the dominance of the United States (U.S.) biotechnology industry. First, biology researchers in the U.S. were increasingly developing new techniques that had substantial commercial application. Second, the U.S. Congress created the Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit to promote greater uniformity in the application of patent law and to reduce the possibility of forum shopping by parties seeking favorable courts. Thirdly, the landmark Supreme Court ruling in Diamond, Commissioner of Patents and Trademarks v Chakrabarty, took an important step towards patent liberalization by stating that living matter was not excluded as a 'product of nature' and that patents shall be available for 'anything under the sun made by man'. It was not long after the Chakrabarty decision that the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office (USPTO) began issuing patents on gene fragments, transgenic bacteria, and cell lines expressing DNA sequences producing therapeutically useful proteins. A trend had been for European companies to move their biotechnology research from the European Union (EU) to the U.S. because they regarded the commercial and legal climate there as more encouraging. The Commission concluded that European biotechnology patent laws should be clarified and harmonized in order to provide the incentives and legal certainty required for the biotechnology industry to flourish. Given the nature of the objectives pursued, one might have expected that the drafting of the Directive would be a relatively straightforward administrative exercise in harmonizing the legal criteria of novelty, inventive step, and industrial application in the context of biotechnological inventions. Indeed, the first draft of the Directive framed the problem solely in these terms with the legal standards proposed largely reflecting the more permissive approach of the USPTO. The project soon ran into difficulties. The Directive differs in a key way from the approach of the U.S., as it establishes a prominent role for 'morality' as an evaluative criterion within European patent law. This unique stance emerged during extensive discussions between the Parliament, the Commission, and the Council, and was a political concession to the view expressed by the Parliament that the patenting of biological materials, in particular those of human origin, raises important ethical and social concerns. Attempts to address these anxieties resulted, inter alia, in the inclusion of a 'morality clause' in article 6 of the Directive. article 6(1) provides that inventions shall be considered unpatentable where their commercial exploitation would be contrary to ordre public or morality. article 6(2), intended to clarify how the general morality exclusion in article 6(1) should be applied, contains a list of specific examples of biotechnology inventions that are excluded from patentability on moral grounds. Ironically, it has been article 6(2) that has been the source of great uncertainties in the years since the Directive was enacted. In particular, questions regarding how article 6(2)(c), which excludes 'uses of human embryos for industrial or commercial purposes' from patentability, should be applied in relation to patent applications for inventions concerning human embryonic stem cells (hESCs) have given rise to long-running legal, ethical, and policy debates. The debate revolves around the fact that article 6(2)(c) is silent with regard to hESCs. This is because the first ever isolation of hESCs from an embryo was reported four months after the adoption of the Directive. Although the Directive was 'addressed' only to EU Member States, the European Patent Office (EPO), which is independent of the EU, voluntarily incorporated the Directive's rules within the EPC. Thus moral exclusions are now a fixture of European patent law. Most patents in Europe are granted via the EPO; however, European patents must still be enforced in individual Member States who may interpret the Directive differently. Whereas the EPO has not granted any patents on hESC claims, an overview of EU Member States interpretation of article 6(2)(c) reveals a patchwork of permissive and restrictive regulatory policies towards the patentability of hESCs. In contrast to Europe, U.S. patent law contains no statutory basis for the USPTO or a court to deny patent protection to morally controversial biotech subject matter. The U.S. has adopted probably the most liberal patenting policies on stem cell research, with the USPTO granting in excess of forty-one patents that claim hESCs in their title and front pages. The purpose of this paper is to consider whether the inconsistent application of the EU Biotechnology Directive's moral exclusion clause could undermine investor confidence in Europe, providing a competitive advantage to the U.S. Understanding the science is essential for engaging in knowledgeable debate about the ethical issues surrounding hESCs. Part II provides an analysis of the biology that underpins the human embryo setting out the crucial distinction between totipotent and pluripotent hESCs. In Part III our attention turns to pre Directive jurisprudence under article 53(a) EPC, where the EPO showed a willingness to interpret the moral exclusion clause in a narrow manner that afforded patent protection to controversial biotechnology inventions. It was against the EPC framework and the jurisprudence emerging from the EPO that the Commission conceived the need for European biotechnology patent laws to be clarified and harmonized. Part IV charts the troublesome enactment and transposition of the Biotechnology Directive that exposed inherent European conflicts regarding patent protection for biotechnological inventions concerning 'living matter' of human origin. In Part V our focus turns to the subsequent emergence of hESC technology, providing an analysis of the post Directive EPO decision in Edinburgh Patent which set a precedent for the recent decision in Wisconsin Alumni Research Foundation (WARF) where the EPO moved away from its pre Directive narrow approach embracing a broad interpretation of the moral exclusion clause setting out a restrictive policy on the patentability of hESCs. Part VI analyses the patentability of hESCs at the national level, comparing the relatively permissive United Kingdom (UK) and Swedish regulatory approaches to the more restrictive German regime, a comparison that raises interesting questions as to the legal certainty of biotechnology inventions claiming hESCs within Europe. In Part VII our attention turns to the patentability of hESCs in the U.S. This section of the paper begins with an analysis of the Constitutional basis of U.S. patent law prior to setting out the link between 'utility' and 'morality' in U.S. patent law. Part VII then considers the liberation of U.S. patent law, the application of the Thirteenth Amendment to biotechnological inventions, along with the rejection of the doctrine of moral utility before finally examining the recent full frontal attack on biotechnology patents in the U.S. and the reinstatement of federal funding for hESC research.
2007/2008 ; L'isola di Rodi, dal sinecismo (408/7 a. C.) in poi, attraversa fasi politiche alterne e turbolente, rappresentate dall'avvicendarsi al potere ora del partito democratico ora di quello oligarchico, fino allo stabilizzarsi, in età ellenistica, di un governo democratico nelle istituzioni, ma oligarchico nella configurazione dei rapporti di potere: un'apparente contraddizione riconoscibile nella gestione della cosa pubblica da parte dalle famiglie aristocratiche più ricche e potenti dell'isola, che, quasi "ereditariamente", ricoprono le cariche pubbliche di maggior prestigio (i sacerdozi eponimi di Halios, Athana Ialysia, Athana Lindia; il demiurgato a Kameiros; la navarchia, la pritania, etc.). Altro aspetto, probante della coesistenza delle due tendenze politiche, è il trattamento del territorio: in esso, accanto alla suddivisione in demi tipicamente democratica, si conservano le antiche partizioni territoriali, come le ktoinai, e i raggruppamenti di evidente natura aristocratica, quali synnomai e diagoniai, la cui funzione era quella di mantenere saldi i legami fra gene un tempo uniti anche nel territorio e ora distribuiti nei vari demi del'isola (tale esigenza si riscontra anche nel ricorso frequentissimo all'adozione, talvolta usata per trasferire membri della stessa famiglia da un demo all'altro, probabilmente al duplice scopo di aggirare le regole di rotazione per l'elezione alle cariche pubbliche e di mantenere, ereditando, la proprietà dei beni di famiglia). L'equilibrio, esistente tra conservatorismo e apertura politica, si riscontra soprattutto nella conformazione della compagine sociale di Rodi: oltre ai cittadini con pieni diritti troviamo moltissimi stranieri residenti (e di passaggio), considerati secondo classificazioni differenti e spesso tanto sfumate da rendere complicatissima l'individuazione delle differenze sostanziali. Tra gli status sociali degli stranieri, oltre alla metoikia, ricordiamo l'epidamia (associata talvolta alla concessione straordinaria del diritto di enktesis ges kai oikias), in virtù della quale i beneficiari, residenti a tutti gli effetti, garantivano la naturalizzazione in Rhodioi ai propri discendenti (da non confondere con i Rhodioi, cittadini con pieni diritti, che, per il loro mestiere di artisti, preferivano identificarsi con l'etnico anziché con il demotico per ottenere fama e visibilità anche oltre i confini dell'isola). L'elaborazione della complessa (e molto mobile) stratificazione sociale riservata agli stranieri, entro cui essi, se meritevoli, guadagnavano diritti sempre maggiori, si rivela una strategia vincente al fine di alimentare la potenza economica e politica di Rodi, attirando commercianti e manodopera straniera, il cui contributo incrementava, tramite il mercenariato, la forza dell'esercito di terra (stanziato nei territori della Perea) e la marina, impegnata nella difesa delle acque del Mediterraneo contro i pirati. Inoltre una politica di apertura allo straniero favoriva il consolidamento delle relazioni internazionali e, dunque, la centralità dell'isola in tema di traffici e scambi commerciali (Rodi fino al 167 a. C. restò il portofranco più importante del Mediterraneo, il punto di snodo centrale dei commerci tra Occidente e Oriente). In questo contesto di floridezza economica e benessere sociale, all'interno del quale gli stranieri capaci potevano conquistare posizioni di prestigio, si sviluppa in proporzioni eccezionali – uniche per il mondo antico – il fenomeno associativo, attestato dalle fonti epigrafiche a partire dalla fine del IV sec. a. C. Il fenomeno in sé è conosciuto e diffuso in tutto il Mediterraneo antico, in particolare nelle poleis (come Atene, Delo, Alessandria) la cui funzione di porto commerciale attirava folti gruppi di stranieri, ma esso assume a Rodi dimensioni senza confronti: nell'isola e nei territori della sua Perea è documentata la presenza, allo stato attuale dei rinvenimenti, di circa duecento koinà. La maggior parte di essi è rappresentata da associazioni di tipo "eranos", ovvero gruppi organizzati e di carattere stabile, i cui affiliati, accanto ai cittadini, erano principalmente stranieri (epidamoi, meteci, schiavi) provenienti dai più importanti empori del Mediterraneo e dell'Egeo. Gli eranoi, i cui nomi derivano sostanzialmente da teonimi (in molti casi sono attestati nomi multipli) e da fondatori, presidenti o riformatori, avevano una struttura interna molto articolata, basata sul modello della polis: le cariche interne di presidente, tesoriere, vari archontes, epistati e di segretario venivano annualmente rinnovate dall'Assemblea di tutti i membri dell'associazione che approvava anche l'accettazione stessa di nuovi affiliati, previa constatazione delle qualità morali del candidato e giuramento sullo statuto del koinon. Una volta accolto, il nuovo iscritto doveva versare una quota fissa in denaro secondo le scadenze stabilite e, occasionalmente, era chiamato a partecipare volontariamente a sottoscrizioni, promosse dall'associazione, per coprire le necessità o le emergenze economiche del proprio eranos di appartenenza (i motivi potevano essere i più vari: dal bisogno di liquidità per l'acquisto o la ristrutturazione di sedi e spazi comunitari all'allestimento di adeguate onoranze funebri per soci di spicco; la sottoscrizione volontaria era un sistema, praticato anche dalla polis, per fronteggiare spese improvvise di qualsiasi tipo); naturalmente il denaro donato, secondo le possibilità di ciascuno, non era reso, bensì dato a titolo di doreà. Spesso la composizione dell'associazione era mista, ovvero vi partecipavano sia stranieri residenti che cittadini; il koinon, secondo la legge della polis, diversamente dagli stranieri in quanto singoli, aveva il diritto di acquistare beni immobili come case (ad uso di sede), terreni ove intraprendere attività agricole o edifici ad uso commerciale, purché i guadagni ricavati costituissero capitale sociale e non individuale; ancora, molte associazioni, specialmente quelle con un gran numero di affiliati, possedevano spazi circoscritti nelle necropoli dove seppellire i propri soci e dove celebrare vere e proprie festività di carattere funerario. La maggior parte delle iscrizioni in nostro possesso rivelano che una delle attività fondamentali dei koinà era quella onoraria, ovvero la possibilità di decretare onori ufficiali a cittadini importanti o membri del gruppo per le occasioni più varie; tale partecipazione consisteva nell'acquisto di corone e nella collocazione di stele onorarie a spese dell'associazione. Tale consuetudine, quando destinata a politici di spicco (non necessariamente affiliati dell'associazione), rivela uno stretto legame esistente tra le associazioni private e la polis, entrambe le quali traevano reciprocamente grandi vantaggi sia di natura economica che in termini di visibilità sociale. Gli eranoi, a differenza degli altri tipi di associazione (come quelle dei veterani, dei giovani legati al ginnasio, dei gene, dei magistrati o dei sacerdoti) disponevano di capitali ingenti, provenienti sia da quote associative e donazioni che dagli introiti delle attività esercitate in comunità; essi rappresentavano dunque una garanzia di ricchezza e protezione sia per gli affiliati (spesso appunto stranieri che, diversamente, non avrebbero potuto investire in beni immobili né conquistare ruoli importanti i società) che per la polis, la quale beneficiava della loro prosperità non soltanto in termini finanziari - se si pensa, ad esempio, ai contributi privati delle associazioni per la costruzione di edifici pubblici o per l'allestimento di festività che chiamavano commercianti da tutto il Mediterraneo – ma anche in vista di rapporti politici con altre città, che avrebbero accordato la loro preferenza a Rodi sotto l'aspetto commerciale, garantendole un continuo afflusso di ricchezza e il sostegno per il mantenimento di una politica di neutralità. Concludendo, il fenomeno associativo rodio, oltre alle conseguenze più evidenti legate ai risvolti economici, deve la sua ampia diffusione a molti altri fattori, primi fra tutti al rapporto di stretta reciprocità e collaborazione con la polis e alla sua versatilità nel rendersi parte integrante e necessaria della società rodia; i koinà non erano comunità indipendenti o estranee alla compagine sociale i cui interessi rimanevano "privati" e limitati ai soli soci, bensì il collante tra cittadini e stranieri che creava una forte osmosi da cui tutti, polis compresa, traevano vantaggi di ogni tipo. ; XX Ciclo ; 1979
Recently many microfluidic systems are increasingly equipped with functional units for ionic controls for various applications. In this review article, we define an ion bridge as a structure that controls current or distribution of ions in a microfluidic system, and summarize the ion bridges in the literature in terms of characteristics, fabrication methods, advantages and disadvantages. The ion bridges play two basic roles, namely to ensure electrical contact in a microfluidic network and mechanically separate a liquid phase from another. More interestingly, the charged surfaces of ion bridges, which can be chemically modified, create new characteristics such as permselectivity and concentration polarization. Asymmetric ion transport as well as ionic conductivity through the ion bridges suggests a variety of applications including sample preconcentration, electroosmotic pump, electrospray ionization, electrically driven valve and many others. This review categorizes the ion bridges into several classes and describes the structures, materials, fundamental functions and applications. 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Inhaltsangabe:Einleitung: 'We are here to mark an extraordinary achievement: a comprehensive, first stage, U.S.-EU Air Transport Agreement.' Diese Worte richtete Condoleezza Rice in ihrer Rede zur Verkündung des Abschlusses des ersten einheitlichen Luftverkehrsabkommens zwischen den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika und der Europäischen Union am 30. April 2007 an die Öffentlichkeit. Damit fanden die seit viereinhalb Jahren andauernden Verhandlungen über die weitere Öffnung des transatlantischen Luftverkehrsmarktes im Luftverkehrsabkommen 'Open Skies' ein erstes Ergebnis. Der Begriff 'Open Skies' - Abkommen wird standardmäßig für ein Vertragsmodell verwendet, welches eine Mustervorlage zur Vereinbarung von Luftverkehrsrechten zwischen zwei Nationen darstellt. Dieser Abschluss eines bilateralen Vertrages dient zur Liberalisierung des Luftverkehrs zwischen zwei Staaten. Es handelt sich um weniger restriktiv gestaltete Konventionen, deren Ziel die Schaffung eines freien Luftverkehrsmarktes zwischen den zwei unterzeichnenden Nationen ist. Den Luftverkehrsgesellschaften jeder Vertragspartei wird die uneingeschränkte Bedienung von Strecken zwischen einem Städtepaar der beiden Länder gewährt. Darüber hinaus sieht ein solches Abkommen den Wegfall von Restriktionen hinsichtlich Kapazität bzw. Code Sharing vor. Der 'Open Skies' - Standard wird als geeignete Vertragsform zur Öffnung des Luftverkehrsmarktes zwischen zwei Staaten betrachtet, da hier die Marktkräfte frei wirken können. Die folgende Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit einem wesentlichen Aspekt der Liberalisierung des transatlantischen Luftverkehrsmarkts und den ihr zugrundeliegenden regulativen Rahmenbedingungen. Obzwar in der Vergangenheit weltweit zahlreiche bilaterale Luftverkehrsabkommen nach dem 'Open Skies' - Standard abgeschlossen wurden – die z. T. bis heute in Kraft sind – liegt der Fokus der vorliegenden Analyse auf dem Luftverkehrsabkommen 'Open Skies' zwischen den USA und der EU, welches am 30. März 2008 in Kraft getreten ist. Gang der Untersuchung Zunächst soll die Historie des transatlantischen Luftverkehrsrechts in Grundzügen dargestellt werden. Gegenstand der Untersuchung bildet dabei die luftverkehrsrechtliche Entwicklung der beiden Vertragspartner USA und Europäische Union. In diesem Teilstück der Arbeit soll herausgestellt werden, welche Notwendigkeiten zum Abschluss des 'Open Skies' - Abkommens USA - EU geführt haben. Gegenstand des zweiten Kapitels stellt das Abkommen selbst dar. Im ersten Abschnitt wird die Zielsetzung der Verhandlungen herausgearbeitet. Dem schließt sich im zweiten Abschnitt die inhaltliche Darstellung des Vertrages – mit besonderem Augenmerk auf die Deregulierung der Eigentümer- und Kontrollklausel sowie die Einräumung unternehmerischer Freiheiten –an. Der dritte Abschnitt widmet sich der Evaluation der Zukunftsfähigkeit des Abkommens sowie dessen möglicher Weiterentwicklung. Im dritten Kapitel der Arbeit wird auf die Bedeutung dieses Vertrages für den transatlantischen Luftverkehrsmarkt eingegangen sowie eine Aussage zu ersten ökonomischen Auswirkungen getroffen. Abschließend folgt eine Gesamtbetrachtung, in welcher die Ergebnisse der Arbeit zusammenfassend aufgeführt werden.Inhaltsverzeichnis:Inhaltsverzeichnis: I.Einleitung6 1.Definition und Abgrenzung6 2.Gang der Untersuchung7 II.Die Deregulierung des transatlantischen Luftverkehrs im Überblick8 1.Entwicklung bilateraler Luftverkehrsabkommen8 a)Manifestierung des Hoheitsprinzips8 b)Liberalisierung des US-amerikanischen Luftverkehrsmarkts10 c)Schaffung eines Luftverkehrsbinnenmarkts innerhalb der EU11 d)Entwicklung des transatlantischen Luftverkehrsmarkts12 aa)Bilaterale Luftverkehrsabkommen nach dem 'Open Market' – Standard13 bb)Bilaterale Luftverkehrsabkommen nach dem 'Open Skies' – Standard14 2.Das Erfordernis eines Gemeinschaftsabkommens16 a)Nachteilige Auswirkungen der bilateralen Luftverkehrsabkommen vor Abschluss eines einheitlich geltenden Vertrages16 b)Die 'Open Skies' - Urteile des Europäischen Gerichtshofs (EuGH) vom 5. November 200218 aa)Verletzung der Niederlassungsfreiheit gem. Art. 43 EGV19 bb)Verletzung der EU-Außenkompetenz gem. Art. 10 EGV19 cc)Auswirkungen der 'Open Skies' – Urteile20 c)Die Verhandlungen zum Abschluss eines einheitlich geltenden Luftverkehrsabkommens20 d)Exkurs: Das Bermuda II - Abkommen zwischen dem Vereinigten Königreich und den USA22 III.Das Luftverkehrsabkommen 'Open Skies'23 1.Zielsetzung des Abkommens gem. Präambel23 2.Inhaltliche Schwerpunkte des Abkommens26 a)Aufbau und Anwendungsbereich (Präambel, Art. 18, Art. 22, Anhang 4 des Abkommens)26 b)Gewährung von Rechten zugunsten der Vertragsparteien (Art. 3, Anhang 1 des Abkommens)28 c)Erlass und Widerruf von Genehmigungen (Art. 4 - 5 des Abkommens)30 d)Sicherheitsbestimmungen (Art. 8 - 9 des Abkommens)32 e)Eigentümer- und Kontrollklausel (Art. 6, Anhang 4 des Abkommens)33 f)Wettbewerbsbestimmungen (Art. 2, Art. 20, Anhang 2 - 3 des Abkommens)36 g)Unternehmerische Freiheiten (Art. 10, Anhang 5 des Abkommens)37 h)Gebühren- und Preisgestaltung (Art. 11 - 14 des Abkommens) 42 i)Gemeinsamer Ausschuss (Art. 18 des Abkommens)43 j)Inkrafttreten, Streitschlichtung, Kündigung (Art. 19, Art. 23, Art. 25 - 26 des Abkommens)45 3.Erste Wertung46 IV.Bedeutung des Abkommens und erste ökonomische Auswirkungen52 1.Evaluation des 'Open Skies' - Abkommens EU-USA52 2.Slotallokation54 3.Wirtschaftliche Auswirkungen des Abkommens57 V.Zusammenfassung der wichtigsten Ergebnisse60 Literatur- und Quellenverzeichnis62 Anhang69Textprobe:Textprobe: Kapitel 3, Erste Wertung: Den Liberalisierungsbestrebungen der Europäischen Union gingen bereits Ende der 1990er Jahre Überlegungen zur Entwicklung eines freien transatlantischen Luftverkehrsmarkts, einer 'Transatlantic Common Aviation Area - TCAA' voraus. Dies hätte die Schaffung eines einheitlich geltenden Rechtsrahmens, innerhalb dessen der Luftverkehr hätte stattfinden sollen, impliziert. Es sollte eine umfassende Reform erfolgen. An die Stelle der bisher geltenden traditionellen Luftverkehrsabkommen sollte ein Rechtsregime treten, welches zwingend gleichermaßen für die Luftfahrtgesellschaften beider Seiten gelten sollte. Dazu hätte die Kompetenz zur Setzung einheitlicher Rechtsvorschriften von den Vertragsstaaten auf ein gemeinsames normgebendes Organ übertragen werden müssen. Einzelne Interessengruppen der Vertragspartner leisteten jedoch politischen Widerstand, unter anderem wegen sicherheitstechnischer Fragen und möglicher negativer Auswirkungen auf Arbeitsbedingungen und Arbeitnehmerrechte. Weiterhin stellten die Anforderungen an Eigentum und Kontrolle an die Unternehmen beider Vertragspartner entscheidende Hindernisse dar, da eine rechtliche Angleichung eine vollständige Öffnung des Marktes bedeutet hätte. Dies schlösse auch den US-amerikanischen Inlandsmarkt ein. Es war daher von vornherein eher unwahrscheinlich, dass sich die USA einer supranationalen Rechtsordnung unterwerfen würden. Demgegenüber stellte der Abschluss eines 'Open Skies' - Abkommens die realistische Möglichkeit dar, einen freien transatlantischen Luftverkehrsmarkt zu schaffen, jedoch unter Beibehaltung der jeweilig geltenden Rechtsordnungen. Mit der Vereinbarung des Luftverkehrsabkommens 'Open Skies' zwischen der Europäischen Union und den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika wurde ein erster Schritt zur Liberalisierung des transatlantischen Luftverkehrsmarkts getan, welcher als '… unprecedented breakthrough in the global aviation industry' gilt, '(but) several issues remain to be addressed in second stage negotiations'. Die erste Stufe des 'Open Skies' - Abkommens zwischen der EU und den USA hat, wie bereits erwähnt, nicht alle angestrebten Verhandlungsziele in die Tat umsetzen können. Von Seiten der Europäischen Union waren u. a. der Zugang zum Inlandsluftverkehrsmarkt der USA sowie einheitliche Regelungen bei der Vergabe staatlicher Beihilfen erklärte Ziele zu Beginn der Verhandlungen. Beides konnte nicht erreicht werden. Der Zugang zum US-amerikanischen Inlandsluftverkehrsmarkt bleibt weiterhin verschlossen und staatliche Beihilfen können zwar bemängelt werden, jedoch liegen keine einheitlichen Vorschriften zur Vergabe vor. Hingegen konnten auch Neuerungen in der Luftverkehrspolitik geschaffen werden, indem es beispielsweise erstmals Mitgliedsstaaten der Europäischen Union gestattet wird, eine Strecke von einem Punkt außerhalb ihres Heimatlandes in die USA zu bedienen. Im Ergebnis sind zwar die ersten Schritte gemacht worden, die den Weg zur Liberalisierung des transatlantischen Luftverkehrsmarkts beschreiten. Eine Reihe von Verhandlungseckpunkten sind jedoch auf die Entwicklung einer zweiten Stufe des Abkommens vertagt worden. Verhandlungen über ein Nachfolgeabkommen sollten gem. Art. 21 des Abkommens spätestens 60 Tage nach dem Beginn der Interimsanwendung des Abkommens, damit im Mai 2008, beginnen, um rasch Fortschritte zu erreichen. Wichtigstes Ziel ist eine weitere Öffnung der Märkte zur Schaffung von Vorteilen für die Verbraucher, Luftfahrtgesellschaften und Arbeitnehmer. Darüber hinaus sollen die Vorschriften für ausländische Investitionen weiter gelockert werden, um Bedingungen zu schaffen, die der globalen Luftfahrtindustrie eher entsprechen. Dies soll auch Drittländer dazu ermutigen, ihre eigenen Luftverkehrsmärkte dem freien Wettbewerb zu öffnen. Zur Erreichung deutlicher Fortschritte haben die Vertragsparteien die Agenda für die weiterführenden Verhandlungen bereits in der ersten Stufe des Abkommens festgelegt. Folgende Zielsetzungen werden in den kommenden Verhandlungen prioritär behandelt: - eine weitere Liberalisierung der Verkehrsrechte; - die Erweiterung der Möglichkeiten für Auslandsinvestitionen; - durch Umweltschutzmaßnahmen und infrastrukturelle Grenzen hervorgerufene Effekte; - ein breiterer Zugang zu staatlich subventioniertem Luftverkehr und wet leasing-Bestimmungen. Um hinsichtlich der genannten Tagesordnungspunkte hinreichend zügig entsprechende Fortschritte zu machen, soll ein genau festgelegter Zeitplan die Entwicklung des Nachfolgeabkommens sichern. Art. 21 Abs. 3 des Gemeinschaftsabkommens legt daher fest, dass spätestens 18 Monate nach der Aufnahme der Verhandlungen über eine zweite Stufe des Abkommens die ersten Weiterentwicklungen überprüft werden sollen. Weitere 12 Monate später soll ein Nachfolgeabkommen vereinbart worden sein. Ist dies nicht der Fall, so haben die Vertragsparteien die Option, die in diesem Abkommen gewährten Rechte zu suspendieren. Eine solche Aussetzung träte jedoch frühestens mit der Flugplanperiode in Kraft, welche ein Jahr nach Notifizierung der Aussetzung der Rechte beginnt. Der ehemalige EU-Verkehrskommissar Jacques Barrot äußerte sich gegenüber der Financial Times Deutschland in einem Interview optimistisch: 'Ich bin guter Hoffnung, dass die USA Mehrheitsbeteiligungen zulassen. Es kommen starke Impulse von den Unternehmen'. Damit erwartet die Europäische Union, dass die Regierung der Vereinigten Staaten die Eigentümer- und Kontrollvorschriften weiter lockern wird und Mehrheitsbeteiligungen an US-amerikanischen Luftfahrtgesellschaften seitens Fluggesellschaften der Mitgliedsländer der EU gestattet werden und damit eine tatsächlich Kontrolle durch ein ausländisches Unternehmen ermöglicht wird. Die Verhandlungen zur Vereinbarung einer zweiten Stufe des Abkommens, welche im Mai 2008 im slowenischen Ljubljana begonnen haben, finden vor dem Hintergrund einer schwachen Konjunktur in den USA und einer signifikanten Dollar-Schwäche statt, wodurch die US-Fluggesellschaften mit immer stärker ansteigenden Treibstoffkosten umzugehen haben. Barrot rechnet mit einem Entgegenkommen der Vereinigten Staaten und verleiht seinen Worten Nachdruck, indem er auf die Möglichkeit der EU verweist, entsprechende Anflugrechte der USA wieder zurückzuziehen. Auch Lufthansa-Chef Wolfgang Mayrhuber sieht Konsequenzen von großer Tragweite voraus, falls sich die USA nicht zur Öffnung ihres Inlandsluftverkehrsmarkts entscheiden werden. Seinen Worten zufolge verhindere dies Fusionen von Luftfahrtgesellschaften der USA mit denen der EU und begünstige damit eine beschleunigte Konsolidierung auf dem Luftverkehrsmarkt der EU. Dies führe womöglich rasch zur Schaffung eines Gegengewichts auf der EU-Seite gegenüber den bereits erfolgten Zusammenschlüssen US-amerikanischer Airlines. Sollten Joint Ventures zwischen den Luftfahrtgesellschaften der Vertragspartner verboten bleiben, so drohen möglicherweise Ankäufe von Mitbewerbern aus dem Nahen Osten. Hierbei gilt die Airline Emirates als potentieller Kandidat, die gewinnträchtigste und größte Luftfahrtgesellschaft der Erde zu werden, der die Gelegenheit nicht ungenutzt verstreichen lassen wird, die Verzögerung zu seinen Gunsten zu nutzen und Marktanteile zu gewinnen. Aus diesem Grund ist es wichtig, einen tatsächlich freien transatlantischen Luftverkehrsmarkt zu schaffen, damit eine Konsolidierung der Branche dazu genutzt werden kann, wettbewerbsfähig zu bleiben. Zusätzlich sei eine Haltungsänderung seitens der US-Amerikaner hinsichtlich des Handels mit Verschmutzungsrechten im Luftverkehr laut Aussage des französischen Kommissars mit dem Präsidentschaftswechsel zu erhoffen. Die Europäische Union will den Flugverkehr ab dem Jahr 2011 mit in den Emissionshandel einbeziehen und möchte mit den Vereinigten Staaten an einem Strang ziehen. Bisher stoßen die Vorhaben zum Klimaschutz jedoch bei US-Partnern auf Kritik. Für die Zukunft gibt es seitens der Europäischen Union große Pläne. Man arbeitet seit über 15 Jahren an dem Projekt Single European Sky, das die Aufteilung des Luftraums in größere, funktionale Gebiete als bisher entlang der Landesgrenzen vorsieht. Damit wären wesentlich weniger Überwachungsstellen notwendig, was einer Kosteneinsparung in Höhe von über vier Milliarden Euro gleichkommen würde. Zudem könnten Flüge pünktlicher sein und hätten den Vorteil eines höheren load factors. Die Umsetzung dieses Projektes wird notwendig, um überhaupt eine vergleichbare Situation zu den Vereinigten Staaten zu schaffen. Innerhalb Europas bestehen mehrere hundert Kontrollzonen, die unter nationaler Überwachung stehen. Das sind weitaus mehr als in den USA, welche nur neun Kontrollzonen besitzen. Diese werden von Kontrollzentralen mit nur einem Betriebssystem überwacht, dessen Programmierung einzig in englischer Sprache umgesetzt wird. In der EU hingegen werden 22 Computersysteme zur Überwachung betrieben, welche untereinander unvereinbar sind und mit 30 verschiedenen Programmiersprachen betrieben werden. Damit betrugen zu Beginn dieses Jahrtausends die Kosten für die Luftraumüberwachung auf der EU-Seite 667 USD pro Flug, in den Vereinigten Staaten lagen die Kosten bei nur 380 USD pro Flug. Der ehemalige EU-Verkehrskommissar arbeitete intensiv an diesem Projekt, damit das zukünftige Luftverkehrsmanagement effizienter gestaltet werden kann. Seinen Worten zufolge 'kann (man) den Luftraum nicht mehr entlang nationaler Grenzen kontrollieren. Die Airlines machen starken Druck, diesen Zustand zu ändern.' Die Vervollständigung des freien Binnenmarktes ist von enormer Bedeutung, um eine gemeinsame Luftverkehrspolitik gegenüber Drittstaaten wie den USA umsetzen zu können. Die Europäische Union muss dazu als einheitlicher Markt akzeptiert werden. Dem Handelsblatt gegenüber äußerte Barrot, dass eine zweite Stufe des Abkommen genauso wichtig sein wird wie die erste. 'Mehr als eine Milliarde Flugreisende im Jahr ist in Europa und den Vereinigten Staaten unterwegs. Wenn es uns gelingt, die Hindernisse ein für alle Mal zu beseitigen, die dem Wettbewerb auf den beiden Märkten entgegenstehen, auf die mehr als 50 Prozent des internationalen Luftverkehrs entfallen, werden wir eine neue Ära der modernen Luftfahrt einleiten'.
[eng] The interest in geographical information technologies has grown considerably over the last three decades. Today, geographical information is no longer the exclusive domain of government and public administrations (in the areas of planning, demography and topography), thanks to the development of computer tools which have enabled firms and academic institutions to use this information. Statistical information of this kind is usually published at a variety of territorial levels in order to provide information of interest to all potential users. When using this information, researches have two alternatives for defining the basic territorial units for use in the study: first, they may use geographical units designed following normative criteria (that is, officially established territorial units such as towns or provinces) or, second, they can apply analytical criteria in order to design geographical units directly related to the phenomena under examination. Most empirical studies use geographical units based on normative criteria, for several reasons: these units are officially established, they have traditionally been used in other studies, their use makes comparison of results easier and there is less scope for criticism. However, studies using units of this type may have an "Achilles' heel": they may be very restrictive, or unsuited the problem considered. For example, if we are analysing phenomena such as the regional effects of monetary and fiscal policy, how will the results be affected if the aggregated areas^ in each region are heterogeneous? Can these results change if the areas are redefined in such a way that each region contains similar areas? This situation could be improved by the use of regionalisation processes to design geographical units based on analytical criteria by aggregating small geographical units^, but without reaching the upper level, or alternatively by combining information obtained from different levels. In this context, the design of analytical geographical units should consider three fundamental aspects: a. Geographical contiguity. The aggregation of areas into regions such that the areas assigned to a region are internally connected or contiguous. b. Equality: In some cases, it is important that the regions designed are "equal" in terms of a particular variable (for example population, size, presence of infrastructures, etc). In this thesis dissertation, the term "area" will be used to denote the smallest territorial unit. The aggregation of areas will form a "region" and the aggregation of regions will cover the whole considered territory. Apart from aspects such as statistical secrets or other legislation on the treatment of statistical data, according to Wise et al. (1997), this kind of territorial units are designed in such a way as to be above minimum population or household thresholds, to reduce the effect of outliers when aggregating data or to reduce possible inaccuracies in the data, and to simplify information requirements for calculations and to facilitate its visualisation and interpretations in maps. See, for example, Albert et al. (2003), who analyse the spatial distribution of economic activity using information with different levels of regional aggregation, NUTS III for Spain and France and NUTS II for other countries, with the objective of "using similar territorial units". López-Bazo et al. (1999) analyse inequalities and regional convergence at the European level in terms of GDP per capita using a database for 143 regions using NUTS II data for Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Greece, Spain, France, Italy, Netherlands and Portugal, and NUTS-I data for the United Kingdom, Ireland and Luxembourg so as to ensure the comparability of geographical units. c. Interaction between areas: Some variables do not exactly define geographical characteristics that can be used to aggregate the different areas, but may describe some kind of interaction between them (for example, distance, time, number or trips between areas, etc). These variables can also be used as interaction variables using a dissimilarity measure between areas in terms of socio-economic characteristics. The objective in this kind of regionalisation process is to make the areas belonging to the same region as homogeneous as possible with regard to the attribute(s) specified. Unfortunately, in most cases, the aggregation of territorial information is usually done using "ad-hoc" criteria, due to the lack of sufficiently flexible regionalisation methods. In fact, most of these methods have been developed to deal with very particular regionalisation problems, so when applied in other contexts the results may be highly restrictive or inappropriate for the problem under consideration. However, whatever territorial aggregation method is applied, there is an implicit risk, known in the literature as the "Modifiable Areal Unit Problem" (Openshaw, 1984): the sensitivity of the results to the aggregation of geographical data and its consequences on the analysis. The main objective in this thesis dissertation is to implement a new automated regionalisation tool to design homogeneous geographical units directly related to the phenomena analysed which overcomes some of the disadvantages of the methodologies currently available. Thus, the specific objectives are: a. To formulate the regionalisation problem as a linear optimisation model able to take into account not only the areal characteristics but also their non-metric and contiguity relationships. b. To propose a heuristic model able to solve bigger regionalisation problems, incorporating in its search procedure the characteristics of a regionalisation process. c. To compare the homogeneity of the analytical regions designed by applying the regionalisation model proposed in this thesis with those obtained using another regionalisation method based on normative criteria. For this comparison, provincial time series of unemployment rates in Spain will be used. This dissertation is organised as follows. Chapter 2 briefly summarises the literature on different regionalisation methods. Special emphasis will be placed on those methodologies which have made the greatest impact on the specialist literature and on those that have been tested satisfactorily in real problems. In chapter 3 the regionalisation problem is formulated as a linear optimisation model in which the problem of obtaining r homogeneous regions is based on the minimisation of the total heterogeneity, measured as the sum of the dissimilarity relationships between areas belonging to the same region. The proposed model has the following characteristics: a. It is an automated regionalisation model that is able to design a given number of homogeneous geographical units from aggregated small areas subject to contiguity requirements. b. The aggregation process takes into account not only the characteristics of each area but also the relationships between them (symmetric and not necessarily metric). c. By formulating the regionalisation problem as a linear optimisation problem, we have the chance of finding the global optimum from among all feasible solutions. d. More consistent solutions can be easily obtained by introducing additional constraints taking into account other specific requirements that are relevant for the regionalisation process. e. There is more freedom than in other methodologies regarding the shapes of the regions, which depend only on data characteristics and are not imposed by the methodology chosen. f. With this model a region consists of two or more contiguous areas; this implies that no region can be formed by a single area. In order to apply this model in larger-scale regionalisation processes, Chapter 4 presents an algorithm called the RASS (Regionalisation Algorithm with Selective Search). The key advantage of this new algorithm is that the way it operates is based on the features of regionalisation processes themselves, where available information about the relationships between areas can play a crucial role in directing the search process more selective, more efficient and less random fashion. In fact, the RASS incorporates inside the linear optimisation model presented in chapter 3 in order to achieve local improvements in the objective function. These improvements can generate significant changes in regional configurations, changes that would be very difficult to obtain using other adapted iterative methods. In Chapter 5 provincial time series of unemployment rates in Spain are used to compare the results obtained by applying two analytical regionalisation models, each one representing a different regionalisation strategy: a two-stage procedure based on cluster analysis and the RASS algorithm. The results will also be compared with normative regions available at two different scales: NUTS II and NUTS I. Lastly, in Chapter 6 we present the most important conclusions and make proposals for further research lines.
OÖ. LANDWIRTSCHAFTLICHER KALENDER 1905 Oö. landwirtschaftlicher Kalender (-) Oö. landwirtschaftlicher Kalender 1905 (1905) ( - ) Einband ( - ) [Abb.]: ( - ) Werbung ( - ) Titelseite ([3]) [Kalender]: 1905. (4) Das Jahr 1905. Bewegliche Feste. Die vier Quatember. Von den Finsternissen. Vom Jahresregenten. (16) [Tabelle]: Bare Einnahmen und Ausgaben. ( - ) [Tabelle]: Zusammenstellung der Bar-Einnahmen und -Ausgaben des Jahres. ( - ) [Tabelle]: Beleg- und Geburtsliste. ( - ) [Tabelle]: Probemelk-Tabelle. ( - ) [Tabelle]: Anbau- und Ernteregister. ( - ) [Tabelle]: Ausdruschregister. ( - ) Genealogie des Allerhöchsten Kaiserhauses. (17) Stempel und Gebüren. (18) [3 Tabellen]: (1)I. (2)II. (3)III. (18) IV. Für Schriften und Urkunden, welche einer festen scalamäßigen oder Percentual-Gebür unterliegen. (19) Das Postwesen. (20) Briefpost. (20) Fahrpost. (22) Postsparcassen. (23) Der k.k. Staatstelegraph. (23) Uebersicht der Pferde-, Schweine- und Hornviehmärkte. (24) Oberösterreich. (24) Wochenviehmärkte. (24) Pferdemärkte. (24) Schweinemärkte. (25) Hornviehmärkte. (25) Januar. - Juni. (25) Juli. (25) August. - December. (26) Angrenzendes Niederösterreich. (26) Wochenviehmärkte. Pferdemärkte. (26) Viehmärkte. (26) Januar. (26) Februar. - September. (27) October. (27) November. December. (28) Salzburg. (28) Januar. - August. (28) September. (28) October. - December. (29) Obersteiermark. (29) Pferdemärkte. (29) Hornviehmärkte. (29) Januar. -März. (29) April. (29) Mai. - September. (30) October. (30) November. December. (31) Südliches Böhmen. (31) Wochenmärkte. (31) Januar. - April. (31) Mai. (31) Juni. - December. (32) Angrenzendes Bayern (Ober- und Niederbayern). (32) Wochen- und Monatviehmärkte. (32) Januar. (32) Februar. (32) März. - Juni. (33) Juli. (33) August. - December. (34) Kleiner Wegweiser in Linz und Urfahr. (34) Politische Behörden. (39) K.k. Statthalterei. (39) Baudepartement. Rechnungsdepartement. (40) Departements-Eintheilung der k.k. Statthalterei. (40) K.k. Bezirkshauptmannschaften. (41) 1. Braunau. 2. Freistadt. 3. Gmunden. 4. Kirchdorf. 5. Linz. 6. Perg. (41) 7. Ried. (41) 8. Rohrbach. 9. Schärding. 10. Steyr. 11. Urfahr. 12. Vöcklabruck. 13. Wels. (42) Exponierte Bauleitung für die Traunregulierung. K.k. Strombauleitungen. (42) Delegierte des hohen k.k. Ackerbau-Ministeriums für die Landes-Pferdezucht-Angelegenheiten Oberösterreichs. (43) Wählerliste des oberöstereichischen großen Grundbesitzes. (43) Reichsvertretung. (45) In das Abgeordnetenhaus des Reichsrathes entsendete Abgeordnete. (45) a) Großgrundbesitz. b) Städte. c) Handelskammer. d) Landgemeinden. e) Allgemeine Wählerclasse. (45) Landesvertretung und Landesverwaltung. (45) Landeshauptmann. Landeshauptmann-Stellvertreter. Virilstimme. Abgeordnete des großen Grundbesitzes. (45) Abgeordnete der Städte und Industrialorte. (45) Abgeordnete der Handels- und Gewerbekammer. (46) Landesausschuß. (46) Vorsitzender. Vorsitzender-Stellvertreter. Mitglieder des Landesausschusses. (46) Referatsvertheilung. (46) Oberösterreichische Landes-Hypothekenanstalt. (47) Landesausschuß-Commissär. (47) Mitglieder des Curatoriums. (47) Direction. (48) Oberösterreichische Landesanstalt für Rindviehversicherung. (48) Zweigniederlassung der n.ö. Landes-Lebens- und Renten-Versicherungs- sowie der Landes-Unfall- und Haftpflicht-Versicherungsanstalt für Oberösterreich, Linz, Landhaus. (49) Landes-Ackerbau- und Obstbauschule Ritzlhof. (49) Stand des Lehrkörpers und Vertheilung der Unterrichtsfächer. (49) Schüleraufnahme. (50) Landesculturrath im Erzherzogthume Oesterreich ob der Enns. (50) Landw. chem. Versuchsstation des Landesculturrathes in Otterbach bei Schärding. (51) K.k. Landwirtschafts-Gesellschaft in Oesterreich o.d. Enns. (52) Präsident. Vicepräsident. Mitglieder des Centralausschusses. Gesellschaftskanzlei. (52) Ziele und Bedeutung der Gesellschaft. (52) Landw. Bezirksvereine. (54) Fachvereine. (55) I. oberösterreichischer Geflügelzuchtverein. Oberösterreichischer Landes-Bienenzüchterverein. Oberösterreichischer Landes-Fischereiverein. Forstverein für Oberösterreich und Salzburg. Verein zur Hebung der Landes-Pferdezucht in Oberösterreich. Hopfenbauverein. Vöcklabrucker Bezirks-Fischereiverein. (55) I. o.ö. Thebutter-Verkaufsgenossenschaft in Schärding. Genossenschaft der Kardenbauer in Katsdorf. Landw. Casino in Freiling. Verein zur Unterstützung o.ö. Landwirte bei Errichtung von Blitzableitern. (56) Mit der Ehrenmedaille der k.k. Landwirtschafts-Gesellschaft betheilte Mitglieder und Corporationen. (56) Landwirtschaftliches. ([58]) [Gedicht]: Was der Landwirt haben soll. ([58]) Eine nützliche landwirtschaftliche Einrichtung. (59) Diebs- und feuersichere Wandschränke. (61) [Abb.]: Eingemauerter Wandschrank. (62) Das Nesselfieber der Schweine. (62) Wenn die Truthenne zu legen beginnt. (63) Bändigung der Stiere. (64) [2 Abb.]: Bändigungsvorrichtung für Stiere. (64) Heidelbeerweine und -Liqueure. (65) Zerlegbare, transportable Wohnhäuser. (66) [2 Abb.]: (1)Zerlegbares, transportables Holzhaus. (2)Parterre. (67) [Abb.]: Mansarde. (68) Zum Anbau der Gründüngungspflanzen. (68) Unglück im Kuhstalle. (69) 1. Das Kalbe- oder Milchfieber. (69) [Abb.]: Kuh mit Kalbefieber (günstige Lage). (70) [Abb.]: Kuh mit Kalbefieber (gefährliche Lage). (71) 2. Das Festliegen. (71) [Abb.]: Aufhebungsart bei festliegenden Kühen. (72) Für die Verdauungsorgane heilsame Futtermittel. (73) [Sprichwort]: "Wer schnell arm werden will, Der führ' Proceß und baue viel" - (74) Praktische Nestanlage für Hühner. (74) [Abb.]: Praktische Nestanlage (Innenansicht). (74) [Abb]: Praktische Nestanlage (Außenansicht). (75) Unfälle beim Ferkeln und Säugen der Schweine. (75) I. Die Sau will die Ferkel nicht saugen lassen. (77) II. Das Ferkelsterben. (77) III. Durchfall der Ferkel während der Säugezeit. (78) Gegen Blattläuse an jungen Bäumen. (79) Maschinelle Herstellung von Strohseilen. (79) [Abb.]: Strohseilmaschine "Concordia". (80) Zottige Sandwicke. (81) [Abb.]: Zottige Sandwicke. (81) Obst- und Küchengarten. (82) Beeren-Obstgarten. (83) [Abb.]: Beeren-Obstgarten. (83) Heu-Aufzug (84) [Abb.]: Heu-Aufzug. (84) Kalk als Nährstoff unserer Culturpflanzen. (85) [Abb.]: Düngerkalk-Streumaschine. (85) Staubfreies Dreschen. (86) Staubsauger an Dreschmaschine. (86) Die Vortheile der eigenen Waldpflanzenerziehung. (87) [Abb.]: Verschulapparat. (87) [Abb.]: Waldsamen-Saatmaschine. (88) Gewinnung haltbarer, guter Milch. (89) [Abb.]: Verbesserter Melkeimer. (89) [2 Abb.]: Milchsieb "Alfa". (1)Zusammengesetzt. (2)Siebfläche und Spannringe. (90) [10 Abb.]: (1)Drahtsieb. (2)Schutz Deckel. (3)Klemmring. (4)Drahtsieb. (5)Wattafilter. (6)Drahtsieb. (7)Milchsieb "Perfect", mit den einzelnen Theilen. (8)Drahtsieb. (9)Wattafilter. (10)Sieb für Milchkühler. (91) [8 Abb.]: Milchsiebe für den Haushalt. (1)(2)Drahtsieb. (3)(4)Wattafilter. (5)(6)Drahtsieb. (7)(8)Milchfilter "Edelmilch". (92) [Abb.]: "Hansa"-Apparat zur Reinigung, Lüftung und Kühlung der Milch. (93) Der Schweinestall und seine Einrichtung. (93) [Abb.]: Praktischer Schweinestall vom Eisenwerk München, A.-G., vorm. Kießling-C. Moradelli. (94) [3 Abb.]: (1)Transportable Schweine- und Ferkeltröge. (2)Schweinetrog. (3)Ferkeltrog. (95) [Abb.]: Schmiedeeiserne Schweinebuchtwände. (96) Der Esel als Zugthier. (97) [2 Abb.]: (1)Heimatlicher Stall der "Grauthiere". (2)Esel auf der Weide. (97) [Abb.]: Eseltransport des Deutschen Thierschutzvereines Berlin. (98) [2 Abb.]: (1)Eselgespann des Thierschutzvereines Berlin. (2)Eselgespann des neuen Leipziger Thierschutzvereines. (99) [Abb.]: Privat-Eselgespann. (100) Wertschätzung des Abortdüngers. (100) [2 Abb.]: (1)(2)Abtritt mit fahrbarer Tonne. (100) [2 Abb.]: (1)(2)Torfstuhl ohne Sitzbrett. (101) [2 Abb.]: Torfstreuclosett "Danubia". (1)Ansicht. (2)Durchschnitt, Streuvorrichtung. (102) Kaninchenstall aus Tonnen. (103) [Abb.]: Kaninchenstall aus Tonnen mit Gehege. Gesammtansicht. (103) [2 Abb.]: (1)Rückansicht des Tonnenstalles. (2)Brettereinlage für die Tonnen. (104) [4 Abb.]: (1)Theilwand. a)Schlupfloch. b)Wird oben an der Tonne festgenagelt. (2)Balkenunterlage. (3)Fässer der zweiten Etage mit Verbindungsgang. (4)Zwischenbalken gegen das Kippen der Fässer. (105) Feldscheunen. (106) [2 Abb.]: (1)Aufrichten der Joche der Feldscheune. (2)Aufbringen der Sparren zur Versteifung der Joche. (106) [Abb.]: Praktische Feldscheune. (107) Leitsätze der Stierhaltung. (108) "Weizen und Spreu". Für Haus, Hof und Familie. ([109]) Der Reinertrag. ([109]) Reform-Blumentöpfe. Hyacinthen-Stützen. Schöner Rasen. (110) [5 Abb.]: (1)(2)Reformblumentöpfe "Natur". (3)(4)Hyacinthen-Stützen. (5)Fahrbare Rasenschere. (110) Nothglieder für Ketten. Die Fruchtpresse "Tutti Frutti". (111) [2 Abb.]: (1)Kettenverbindungsglieder. (2)Fruchtpresse "Tutti Frutti". (111) Praktische Kartoffelschaufeln. (111) [Abb.]: Praktische Kartoffelschaufeln. (111) Gartenschnur "Hilf Dir selbst". Praktische Geschirrhaken. Beim Aufbewahren von Eiern in Kalkwasser. (112) [4 Abb.]: (1)Neue Gartenschnur. (2)(3)Sicherheitszughaken für Pferdegeschirre. Offen. Zu. (4)Geschirrzughaken mit Schutzklappe. (112) Für den Feierabend. ([113]) Der gedoppelte Holzschlegel. ([113]) Warum haben wir die "Krot" gefressen? ([113]) [Gedicht]: Auf da Maut. (114) Alle Schinken von demselben Schwein. (114) Ein salomonisches Urtheil. (115) Lustige Ecke. (115) Stilblüte. Er nicht. Fortschritt in der Landwirtschaft. Moderner Wunsch. (115) Gewiegter Kenner. Anzeige. Boshafte Frage. Ach so! Münchener Bekenntnis. Amtsstil. Falsch Verstanden. Modern. (116) Unechte Touristen. (116) Prompte Antwort. Vorschlag. Kühner Vergleich. (116) Ein Glücklicher. Der Maulkorb. Inschrift am Hause eines Glaserers. Reaumur oder Celsius? Seine Ansicht. Culturfortschritt. Sie versteht's! Gemüthsmensch. Er nicht, aber die Zeugen. Eine Lüge ist der andern wert. Im Mai. Ein sinnverwirrendes Buch. Gegen die Eismänner. m.p. Billiges Land. (117) Fortschrittlich. Hilf, was helfen kann. Gut getrumpft. Arzt. Aus der Volksschule O diese Fremdwörter. Seltsame Grabverse. Irrthum. Betrachtung. Die Aufgabe des Trains. Sonderbare Logik. Fahrplanmäßig. Zur Wahl. Höhere Tochter. Bitter. (118) Aus einem Localbericht. Allerdings. Richtig. Die weite Reise. Billiges Ragout. Wortspiel. (119) [Gedicht]: Das Brustbild. (119) Das Räthsel. Eine Kröte. Wahlscherz. Sie kennen ihn. O, diese Männer! Galgenhumor. Ein Pechvogel. (119) Eine kleine Verwechslung. Der poetische Gemeinderath. Logik. Angst. Einfaches Mittel. Gemüthlich. Kindlicher Einfall. Wettervoraussage auf der Weide. Lob der Hühner. Stimmt. Die Menge macht's. Bedient. Der pfiffige Secundärbahn-Conducteur. (120) Milchtheuerung. Auskunft. Berechtigte Klage. Darum eben. Sinnsprüche. Recht angenehm. Die beste Politik. Er muß müssen. Eine moderne Hausfrau. Ein witziger Dieb. (121) [Gedicht]: Korb. (121) Ein Kenner. (121) Auch ein Toast. Je nachdem. (122) Aus dem Geschäftsleben. (122) Ein gutes Hausmittel. Altbewährte Hausmittel. Für unsere Kinder das Beste! Die Apotheke C. Brady. Was ist Somatose? (122) Wirtschaftstabellen und Wirtschaftsnotizen. (123) Des Landmanns monatliche Verrichtungen. (123) Januar. - Mai. (123) Juni. (123) Juli. - October. (124) November. (124) December. (125) [Tabelle]: Aussaat und Ernteverhältnisse. (125) [Tabelle]: Gewährsmängel und Gewährszeiten der Hausthiere. (126) [Tabelle]: Paarungs-, Trächtigkeits- und Brüte-Verhältnisse unserer Hausthiere. (126) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Brünstigkeit. (2)Zähneausbruch und -Wechsel bei Pferd, Rind, Schaf. (129) Altersbeurtheilung des Pferdes. (129) Verhältniszahlen für die Bienenwirtschaft. (130) Stärke und Gewicht der Schwärme. Eierlegen der Königin. (130) [4 Tabellen]: (1)Entwicklungszeit, Lebensdauer, Größe und Gewicht der Biene. (2)Jahrestracht und Honigbedarf zur Winterfütterung. (3)Stärke der Stöcke zur Schwarmzeit. Blüten und Honigbedarf zum Wachsbau. (4)Zellenmenge. Temperatureinfluß auf Wachs und Bienen. (130) [Tabelle]: Schonzeiten des Wildes und der Fische. (131) [Tabelle]: Cubiktafel für runde Hölzer. (132) Inhalt. ( - ) Werbung ( - ) Einband ( - ) Einband ( - )
DER MÜHLKREIS Geschichte, Geographie und Statistik des Erzherzogthums Oesterreich ob der Enns und des Herzogthums Salzburg (-) Der Mühlkreis (1. / 1827) ( - ) Einband ( - ) [Karte]: Der Mühlkreis ( - ) Titelseite ([I]) [Motto]: ([II]) Der Mühlkreis. Erster Theil. Erste Abtheilung. Allgemein historisch-geographisch-statistischer Umriß des Mühlkreises. ([III]) Vorrede. ([V]) Inhalts-Anzeige. (IX) 1) Geschichte. ([1]) Eigenthümliche Geschichte des Mühl-kreises. Erste Periode. a) Die Umwelt. (2) Eigenthümliche Geschichte des Mühl-kreises. Zweyte Periode. b) Das Mittelalter von Karl dem Großen bis zur Reformation durch Luther. (6) Eigenthümliche Geschichte des Mühl-kreises. Dritte Periode. c) Neuere Zeitgeschichte. (46) 2) Name. (78) 3) Lage. (78) 4) Gränzen. (79) 5) Flächenraum, Breite und Länge. (84) 6) Karten. (85) 7) Prospekte. (86) 8) Klima. (87) 9) Beschaffenheit des Mühlkreises. (89) 10) Beschaffenheit des Bodens. (89) 11) Gebirgsart. (90) 12) Berge. (90) 13) Wälder. (91) 14) Schöne An- und Aussichten außer Linz. (92) 15) Gewässer. (92) 16) Flüsse und Bäche. (93) 17) Gränzflüsse und Gränzbäche. (95) 18) Bäder und Gesundheitsbrunnen. (99) 19) Seen, Teiche, und Sümpfe. (100) 20) Natürliche Erzeugnisse des Bodens. (102) [Tabelle]: Fünfjährige Bevölkerungs-Uebersichts-Tabelle des Mühlkreises vom Jahre 1819 bia 1823. ( - ) 21) Einwohner und ihre Wohnplätze. (105) 22) Fünfjährige Bevölkerungs-Uebersicht des Mühlkreises vom Jahre 1819 bis 1823. (105) [Tabelle]: Fünjährige Uebersicht der Geborenen, Getrauten und Gestorbenen von 1819 bis 1823. (106) 23) Sprache. (106) 24) Viehzucht. (107) [Tabelle]: Viehstands-Ausweis vom Jahre 1819 bis 1823. (108) 25) Feldwirtschaft und Gartenbau. (110) 26) Bergbau, Steinbrüche, Inflammabilien. (114) 27) Religion. (115) 28) Verzeichnis der passauischen Bischöfe und Fürsten vom Jahre 737 nebst den Bischöfen von Linz von 1784 an. (116) 29) Volkscharakter und Sitten. (125) 30) Gewerbsanstalten, Industrie, Handel. (129) 31) Ausfuhr, Einfuhr, Jahrmärkte, Vieh- und Getreidemärkte. (132) Hier folgen nun die Verzeichnisse der Jahrmärkte, Viehmärkte und Schrannen dieses Kreises. (133) Jahrmärkte zu: (133) Viehmärkte bestehen an folgenden Orten: (135) Privilegirte Schrannen sind: (135) 32) Hülfsmittel des Handels. (136) 33) Schiffbare Flüsse und Straßenzüge. (136) [Tabelle]: Tabelle der Straßenzüge im Mühlkreise. ( - ) 34) Die Eisenbahn von Mauthhausen bis nach Budweis. (138) 35) Recitfizirte Militär-Routen im Mühlkreise. (139) I. Von Linz nach Passau. (139) II. Von Linz nach Freyung. III. Von Linz nach Hohenfurth. (141) IV. Von Linz nach Kapplitz. V. Von Linz nach Arbesbach. (142) VI. Von Linz nach Karlstift. VII. Von Linz nach Persenbeug. VIII. Von Freystadt nach Arbesbach. (143) IX. Von Freystadt nach Aigen. X. Von Ottensheim nach Haslach. XI. Von Ottensheim nach Helfenberg. (144) XII. Von Ottensheim nach Leonfelden. XIII. Von Enns nach Freystadt. (145) Hiernach enthält das oben angeführte Regierungsdekret folgende Rectificationen: (146) 36) Kirchliche Eintheilung. (147) 37) Politische Eintheilung. (150) Im oberen Mühlviertel bestehen folgende zwölft Landgerichte, als: (158) Im unteren Mühlviertel bestehen diese 19 Landgerichte, nämlich: (160) 38) Verfassung. (163) Entstehung der Kommissariate. (166) 39) Justizverfassung. (169) 40) Die ständische Verfassung. (170) Gleich Unterösterreich besteht auch die Landstandschaft im Erzherzogthume Oesterreich ob der Enns aus folgenden Standes-Abtheilungen: (170) ; indeß nannte ich dort die Individuen nicht, welche mit den Landes-Erbämtern in diesem Erzherzogthume bekleidet sind; dieses geschieht nun hier. Folgende sind es: (171) 41) Militär-Verfassung. (172) 42) Steuerwesen. (173) 43) Zollgefällen-Verwaltung, Salz-Transport, Aufsichtsstationen für die Tabak- und Siegelgefälle, Lotto. (174) Linien-Aemter sind: (174) Außer dem k. k. Kommerzial-Stämpelamte in Linz sind Waarenstämpelstationen vom Linzer Bezirke: Untergeordnete Aemter des offenen Landes von dem Inspektorate Rohrbach sind folgende: Rohrbacher Bezirks-Waarenstämpel-Stationen sind: (175) Die Verordnung der k. k. obderennsischen Landesregierung in Linz vom 28. May 1821 enthält folgende Straßenbestimmung der kaiserl. königl. Wegmauthstationen im Mühlkreise: (177) 44) Unterrichtsanstalten, Vereine, Kabinette, Sammlungen, besondere Anstalten für Wissenschaft und Kunst, Gelehrte. (178) 45) Kranken-, Armen-, Versorgungs- und andere Humanitäts-Anstalten. (183) 46) Medizinalwesen. (185) In den letzten fünf Jahren ergaben sich im Impfgeschäfte nachstehende Resultate: (188) 47) Post- und Bothenwesen. (188) Hier wird das Verzeichniß der Bothen des Mühlkreises gegeben; nämlich: (190) Vom oberen Mühlviertel treffen diese von folgenden Orten ein, als von: (190) Aus dem unteren Mühlviertel kommen von folgenden Orten Bothen an; und zwar von: (191) Der Mühlkreis. Erster Theil. Zweyte Abtheilung. Geographisch-historisch-statistisches Detail des Mühlkreises nach Distrikts-Kommissariaten. ([I]) Titelseite ([I]) Chronologische Inhalts-Anzeige. Zweyte Abtheilung. (V) A) Die Distrikts-Kommissariate des oberen Mühlviertels. (V) 1. Altenhof. 2. Berg. (V) 3. Eschelberg. 4. Götzendorf. 5. Helfenberg. 6. Leonfelden. (VI) 7. Lichtenau. 8. Linz. 9. Marsbach. 10. Neuhaus. (VII) 11. Ottensheim. 12. Peilstein. 13. Pührnstein. 14. Ranaridl. (VIII) 15. Schlägel. 16. Sprinzenstein. 17. Waschenberg. 18. Wildberg. (IX) B) Die Distrikts-Kommissariate des unteren Mühlviertels. (X) 19. Baumgartenberg. 20. Freystadt (Schloß). 21. Freystadt. (X) 22. Greinburg und Kreuzen. (X) 23. Harrachsthal. 24. Haus. 25. Klamm. (XI) 26. Mauthhausen. 27. Reichenau. 28. Riedeck. 29. Ruttenstein. (XII) 30. Schwertberg. (XII) 31. Steyreck. 32. Waldenfels. 33. Waldhausen. (XIII) 34. Weinberg. 35. Windhag. 36. Zellhof. (XIV) [Motto]: ( - ) A) Die Distrikts-Kommissariate des oberen Mühlviertels. ([193]) 1) Altenhof [Altenhof (Dorf und Schloß), Falkenstein, Hochhaus, Pfarrkirchen, Putzleinstorf]. ([193]) 2) Berg [Berg (Schloß), Rohrbach]. (200) 3) Eschelberg [Bergheim, Feldkirchen, Freudenstein, Mühldorf, Müllacken, Oberlandshag, Oberwallsee, Pösenbach, Goldwörth, Eschelberg (Schloß und Dorf), St. Gotthart, Rotteneck, Eidenberg, Grammastetten, Lichtenhag, Herzogstorf, Murschberg, Walding]. (205) [Tabelle]: Doch war man am Dreykönigsabende 1818 so glücklich, bey der zweyten Karlbauernfeldmasse am Angerergrunde das Kohl und Erz anzufahren. Seitdem ergab sich folgende Ausbeute: (217) 4) Götzendorf [Götzendorf (Schloß und Dorf), Oepping]. (219) 5) Helfenberg [Helfenberg (Schloß und Dorf), Piberstein, Unterneuling, St. Johann am Windberge, St. Stephan am Walde oder am Ridl]. (221) 6) Leonfelden [Leonfelden (Markt)]. (226) 7) Lichtenau [Haslach, Lichtenau (Schloß und Dorf), St. Oswald]. (230) 8) Linz [Eiserne Hand, Lustenfelden, Kleinmünchen, Leonding, St. Peter in der Zizlau]. (234) Das Verzeichnis der in das Distrikts-Kommissariat Linz konkurrirenden 69 Dominien und Landgüter liefert folgende Namen: (236) Die 84 Freyhäuser befinden sich in- und um Linz, und laufen nach folgenden Numern: (237) A) Es werden die merkwürdigen Real-Veränderungen angezeigt, welche sich seit der Erscheinung meines Werkes von Linz in dieser Hauptstadt ergeben haben. (239) B) Es werden die erheblichen aufgefundenen Nachträge und die in Erfahrung gebrachten Verbesserungen mitgetheilt. (240) Die ersten Stadtrichter sowohl, als ihre nachfolger waren diese 93 [1333 -1784]: (241) Nachdem Kaiser Friedrich IV. am 10. März 1490 die Stadt Linz zu einer Hauptstadt erhoben hatte, wurden gemäß beygesetzten Wahlprivilegiums die 56 Bürgermeister in folgender Reihe gewählt [1490 - 1784]: (242) Von nun an durften nur mehr geprüfte Bürgermeister angestellt werden, welche folgende sind. (243) 9) Marsbach [Hofkirchen, Marsbach (Schloß und Dorf), Lembach, Tannberg, Dorf, Haibach, Niederkappel]. (246) 10) Neuhaus [Grub, Kirchberg, Obermichl, Partenstein, Gneissenau, Kleinzell, Schallenberg, St. Martin, Neuhaus (Schloß und Dorf), Untermühl, Wolfstein]. (253) 11) Ottensheim [Ottensheim (Markt), Buchenau]. (259) 12) Peilstein [Julbach, Kollerschlag, Peilstein (Markt)]. (264) 13) Pührnstein [Altenfelden, Blumau, Fraunschlag, Hölling, Liebenstein, Thum, Blankenberg, Langhalsen, Neufelden, Niederwaldkirchen, Steinbach, St. Ulrich, St. Peter am Windberge, Pührnstein (Schloß und Dorf), Steinbruch]. (266) 14) Ranaridl [Oberkappel, Ranaridl (Schloß und Dorf)]. (280) 15) Schlägel [Aigen, Schlägel (Kloster), St. Wolfgang, Schwarzenberg, Ulrichsberg]. (283) 16)Sprinzenstein [Sarleinsbach, Sprinzenstein (Schloß und Dorf)]. (294) 17) Waschenberg [Lobenstein, Oberneukirchen, Traberg, St. Veit, Waschenberg (Schloß und Dorf), Weissenbach]. (299) 18) Wildberg [Hellmonsöd, Kirchschlag, Wildberg (Schloß und Dorf), Auhof, Katzbach, St. Magdalena, Pöstlingberg, Auberg, Hagen, Urfahr, Zwettl]. (306) B) Die Distrikts-Kommissariate des unteren Mühlviertels. (319) 19) Baumgartenberg [Arbing, Auhof, Bergkirchen, Mitterberg, Thurnhof, Baumgartenberg (Dorf und Schloß), Steindl, Hütting, Mitterkirchen]. (319) 20) Herrschaft oder Schloß Freystadt [Grünbach, Leopoldschlag, Reinbach, Windhag]. (325) 21) Magistrat Freystadt [Freystadt (Stadt), St. Peter]. (332) 22) Greinburg und Kreuzen [Grein (Stadt), Greinburg (Schloß), Kreuzen (Markt und Schloß), St. Nikola, Sarmingstein, Struden, Klingenberg, Pabneukirchen, St. Thomas am Blasenstein]. (341) 23) Harrachsthal [St. Leonhart, Hackelbrunn, Rosenhof, Sandl, Harrachsthal (Schloß und Dorf), Weitersfelden]. (354) 24) Haus [Dambach, Gutau, Prandeck, Hagenberg, Greisingberg, Pregarten, Reichenstein, Haus (Schloß), Wartberg]. (359) 25) Klamm [Klamm (Markt und Schloß), Hofkirchen, Saxen]. (370) 26) Mauthhausen [Mauthhausen (Markt), Pragstein]. (373) An dem Schwibbogen im unteren Markte sind folgende Wasserhöhen angemerkt: (376) 27) Reichenau [Ottenschlag, Reichenau (Markt und Schloß), Schenkenfelden]. (380) 28) Riedeck [Altenberg, Gallneukirchen, Riedeck (Schloß), Bodendorf, Breitenbruck, Kattstorf]. (385) 29) Ruttenstein [Kaltenberg, Königswiesen, Liebenau, Mönchsdorf, Weissenbach]. (393) 30) Schwertberg [Au, Hartschlößchen (das), Lab, Narn, Perg, Altaist, Grünau, Marbach, Obenberg, Ried, Ponecken, Schwertberg (Markt und Schloß), Windeck]. (398) 31) Steyreck [Frankenberg, St. Georgen, Luftenberg, Spielberg, Pulgarn, Steyreck (Stadt)]. (409) 32) Waldenfels [Hirschbach, Reichenthal, Waldenfels (Schloß), Waldburg]. (418) 33) Waldhausen [Dimbach, St. Georgen am Walde, Waldhausen (Markt und Schloß)]. (423) 34) Weinberg [Käfermarkt, Weinberg (Dorf und Schloß), Dornach, Lasberg, Kronäst, Neumarkt, Maria Bründl, St. Oswald, Wartberg]. (430) 35) Windhag [Innernstein, Münzbach, Saxeneck, Rechberg, Altenburg, Pragthal, Windhag (Schloß und Dorf)]. (438) 36) Zellhof [Allerheiligen, Pierbach, Ruttenstein (Schloßruine), Schönau, Kriechbaum, Lugendorf, Tragein, Aich, Habichriegel, Zell, Zellhof (Schloß und Dorf)]. (445) Alphabetisches Orts-, Namen- und Sachregister, wodurch sich zugleich das topographische und genealogische Lexikon bildet. ([I]) A. ([III]) B. (V) C. (VII) D. (VII) E. (VIII) F. (IX) G. (XI) H. (XIII) I., J. (XVII) K. (XVIII) L. (XX) M. (XXIII) N. (XXV) O. (XXVI) P. (XXVIII) Q. (XXXI) R. (XXXI) S. (XXXIII) T. (XXXVII) U. (XXXIX) V. (XL) W. (XLI) Y. (XLIII) Z. (XLIII) Verzeichnis der P. T. Pränumeranten des Mühlkreises. ([1]) A. ([3]) B. (4) C., D., E. (5) F. (6) G. (6) H. (7) J. (10) K. (10) L. (11) M. (12) N. (13) O. (14) P. (14) R. (15) S. (16) T. (18) U., V. (19) W. (19) Z. (20) Aenderungen während des Druckes und Verbesserungen der eingeschlichenen Druckfehler. ( - ) Einband ( - ) Einband ( - )
Issue 30.6 of the Review for Religious, 1971. ; EDITOR R. F. Smith, S.J. ASSOCIATE EDITOR Everett A. Diederich, S.J. QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS EDITOR Joseph F. Gallen, S.J. Correspondence with the editor, the associate editors, and the assistant editor, as well as books for review, should be sent to I~VIEW FOR RELIGIOUS; 612 Humboldt Building; 539 North Grand Boulevard; Saint Louis, Missouri 6:31o3. Questions for answering should be sent to Joseph F. Gallen, S.J.; St. Joseph's Church; 321 Willings Alley; Philadelphia, Pe.nnsylvania 191o6. + + REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS Edited with ecclesiastical approval by faculty members of the School of Divinity of Saint Louis University, the editorial offices being located at 612 Humboldt Building; 539 North Grand Boulevard; Saint Louis, Missouri 63103. Owned by the Missouri Province Edu-cational Institute. Published bimonthly and copyright ~) 1971 by REVIEW 'VOg RELIGIOUS. Published for Review for Religious at Nit. Ro\'al & Guilford Ave., Baltimore, .Xld. Printed in U.S.A. Set'ond class postage paid at Baltimore, .Maryland and ,at addithmal mailing offices. Single copies: $1.25. Subscription U.S.A. and Canada: $6.00 a year, $11.00 for two years: other countries: $7.00 a year, $13.00 for two years. Orders should indicate whether they are for new or renewal subscriptions and should be accompanied by check or money order paya-ble to REVIEW POg RELIOIOGS in U.S.A. currency only. Pay no money to persons claiming to represent REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS. Change of address requests should include former address. Renewals and new subscriptions should be sent to REviEW FOR RELIGIOUS; P. O. Box l 110; Duluth, Minnesota 55802. Manuscripts, editorial correspondence, and books for re-view should be sent to REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS; 619 Humboldt Building; 539 North Grand Boulevard; Saint Louts, Missouri 63103. Questions for answering should be sent to the address of the Questions and Answers editor. NOVEMBER 1971 VOLUME 30 NUMBER 6 JOSEPH F. GALLEN,.S.J. Decree on Confessions of Religious. In a decree dated December 8, 1970, effective immedi-ately, and confirmed by the Pope on November 20, 1970, the Sacred Congregation for Religious and Secular Instb tutes made the following.changes in the canon law on the sacrament of penance for religious, especially religious women, and on exclusion from a religious institute of one in temporary vows because of ill health. These provisions will remain in force until the new Code of Canon Law is effective. Number 4, e), of the Decree states that the pre-scriptions of the present canon law that are contrary to the new provisions, incompatible with them, or which because of them no longer apply, are suspended. Any provision of the Decree that~ affects novices will apply to those in a temporary commitment other than temporary vows. The numbering of the Decree has been retained in the following explanation. 1-2. The Decree exhorts religious to value highly the sacrament of penance as a means of strengthening the fundamental gift of metanoia or conversion to the king-dom of Christ, and to esteem in the same way the fre-quent use of this sacrament, which debpens ~true knowl-edge of self and humility, provides spiritual direction, and increases grace. These and other wonderful effects, according to n. 2, contribute not only to daily growth in virtue but are highly beneficial also to the common good. 3. All religious, men and women, clerical and lay, ex-empt and nonexempt, should strive to receive the sacra-ment of penance frequently, that is, twice a month. Supe-riors are to encourage this frequency and make it possible [or the members to go to confession at least every two weeks and even oftener, if they wish to do so. In the past, canon law did not oblige religious to go to confession at least once a week. The canonical obligation extended onl~ to superiors, who had to make it possible for their subjects to confess at least once a week. How-÷ ÷ ÷ Joseph F. Gallen, s.J., writes from St. Joseph's Church at 321 Willings Alley; Philadelphia, Penn-sylvania 19106. VOLUME 30, 1971 4" 4" J. F. Gallen, S.J. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 944 ever, the Code of Canon Law presupposed that an obliga-tion of weekly confession, existdd at least from custom, and very universally the constitutions obliged religious to confess at/east once a week. 4, a). "All women religious and novices, in Order that they may have proper liberty, may make their confession validly and licitly to any priest approved for hearing confessions in the locality. For this no special jurisdiction or designation is henceforth required." The first sentence of this number" gives all women reli-gious and novices, in orders, congregations, or societies of common life, the right always to go to confession validly and licitly to any priest of their choice, whether he is diocesan or religious, who is approved for confessions in the locality of the partic.ular confession. Furthermore, as this number of the Decree also states, the confessor does not have to be designated or appointed, for religious women.' Even in the past there were no canonical norms on the confessions of men or women postulants, who were regulated canonically by the same laws on confession as secular men and women. Religious women and novices are therefore .no longer obliged to go to ordinary or ex-traordinary confessors, eveh when such confessors exist for their houses. The special confessor of a particular reli-gious woman of canon 520, par. 2, no longer exists be-cause a religious woman may go, even habitually or al-ways, to any confessor of her choice. The same reason excludes the supplementary confessors (c. 521, par. 2), the occasional confessor (c. 522), and the confessor of seri-ously sick religious women (c. 523). Number 8, e), of the recent norms on the papal enclosure of nuns permits the following: "A priest [even if he possesses no jurisdiction for confessions] may likewise be admitted to assist those religious suffering from a chronic or greave illness." Mere spiritual direction, unlike absolution, does not require jurisdiction for confessions. Because of the sus.pended canons listed above in this paragraph, canon 2414, the last canon in the Code, is also suspended. This canon reads: If a superioress acts against the prescriptions of canons 521, par. 3, 522, and 523, she shall be admonished by, the local or-dinary; if again delinquent, she shall be punished by removal from office, and the Sacred Congregation of Religious is to be immediately informed of the matter. By reason of the second sentence of this number, spe-cial jurisdiction is no longer required for the valid or licit confessions of professed women religious or novices, whether in orders or congregations, nor for those in the analogons states of societies of women living in common without public vows (c; 675). All of these are now ab-solved in virtue of the same jurisdiction as secular women. Priests ordinarily possess jurisdiction for the con-fessions of the faithful ol~ both sex~esf@hey may therefore, in the locality for which they posses such jurisdiction, valid!y absolve the religious women listed" above any-wherd, in the confessional or outside of it. They may licitly do the latter in a case of sickness or for any other reason of like import (c. 910, par. 1). In the pa.st, to absolve validly and licitly the~ same religious women listed above, special jurisdiction was nec-essary. The jurisdiction was special becfiuse it "~as not contained in the jurisdiction granted for the faithful of both sexes~or for women. It had t3 be given expressly for religious women (c. 876, par. 1). The pres.ent suspension of the necessity of special jurisdiction also implies the suspension of the necessity of the designation of a special spiritual director (c. 520, par. 2) by the local ordinary or the regular superior. The i'eason for the necessity of this designation was that special jurisdiction for confession was granted to such a spiritual director. Lay religious institutes o[ men. According to n. 5 of the Decree, the applicable norms of n. 4 on women appertain~ also to lay institutes of men. Therefore, all religious and novices of such institutes may go to confession to any confessor, as explained above for women (n. 4, a). Be-cause of this right of choice, the special ordinary ~onfes-sor of professed °(c. 528), for whom the permission of the religious superior was° required, no longer exists," as is true also of the supplementary confessors of novices in the same institutes (c. 566, par. 2, n. 3),'and likewise of the occasional confessor of both professed and novices (c. 519). All of canon 566, par. 2, on confessors of novices in lay and clerical institutes of men is also suspended. Clerical institutes o[ men. Nothing is said directly in the Decree on the confessions of members of clerical or-ders' or congregations except that they too Should go to confession twice a month (n. 3). However, the applicable provisions on the confessions of women religious and nomces must also apply to clerical institutes. Otherwise, their members would be in an inferior condition to that of religious women and of the members of lay institutes of men, which has not been their status thus far in the laws of the Church. It is also the sufficiently evident intention of the Sacred Congregation to simplify the law on confes-sion [or religious and to grant greater liberty, and these are also desirable in the laws affecting clerical institutes. Therefore, all religious and novices in clerical institutes may make their confession to any confessor, as explained above [or women (n. 4, a). It would be incredible that clerical religious alone would be excluded from the pre-ceding concession. As above for lay institutes of men, the occasional confessor of both professe.d and novices (c. 519) ÷ ÷ ÷ Conlesslons VOLUME 30, 19TI 945 ~. l~. Gallen, $.~. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 946 no longer exists nor the supplementary confessors for novices of canon 566, par. 2, n.3. 4, b). An ordinary confessor must be named for monas-teries of contemplative nuns, for houses of formation of women, and for large houses of women. An extraordinary confessor is to be named at least for the first two types of the preceding houses. The women religious and novices are not obliged to present themselves to either such ordi-nary or extraordinary confessors. The provision for the monasteries of contemplative nuns should in practice be extended to nuns who are doing immediate apostolic work, for example, conducting schools within their monasteries, and also to the houses or monasteries of contemplative congregations of sisters, for example, the Sisters Adorers of the Precious Blood, who have monasteries in the archdiocese of Portland, Oregon and in the dioceses of ~Brooklyn, Lafayette, Indi-ana, Manchester, Ogdensbu?g, Portland, Maine, and To-ledo Houses of formation of women include novitiates and juniorates, although the small number of novices and juniors and other circumstances can in some cases render the appointment of ordinary and extraordinary confessors impractical. There is no canonical definition of a large religious house. The determination of such houses should be made hy the local ordinary after a considera-tion of all the circumstances and even by consultation of its members. It could happen that the members of a very large house in a city can and prefer to go to any confes-sor. The presence or absence of members who cannot go outside the house for confession is obviously an impor-tant factor. Nor is consideration for the confessor to be forgotten, for example, an ordinary confessor who would come every two weeks and find nothing to do. In some cases a priest such as the one Or" ones who celebrate daily Mass in a larger house may be able to handle readily the few confessions that will occur. The fact that no religious woman or novice is obliged to present herself to any of these ordinay or extraordinary confessors follows from the general principle of the decree in n. 4, a), that all women religious and novices may make their confession validly and licitly to any priest approved for hearing confessions in the locality. This number of the Decree commands merely [he appointment of an extraordinary confessor, that is, the confessor who frequently, not neces-sarily at least for times during the year, is accessible that the members of the community may have the opportunity of confessing to another than the ordinary confessor. This was the definition of the same wording in canon 528 on the extraordinary confessor for professed religious in lay institutes of men. The Code explicity commanded the extraordinary confessor of professed religious women and novices (c. 521, par. 1)and of novices in institutes qf men' (c. 566, par. 2, n. 4) to be available atleast four times a year, but this provision is suspended by the Decree, In a liouse of ~formati0n, ord_i.nary .and extraordipar.y_, confeS, sors are to be app0intedl only for those in formation unless, with regard to an ordinary confessor, tbe other members of the house are sufficient to constitute a large house. This doctrine is evident from the fact that ordi-nary and ~xtraor,dinary confessors would not be ap-pointed [or these other members if they were in another house. Therefore, for example, in a novitiate house these confessors are appointed for the novices, not [or the mem-bers of the generalate or provincialate staff residing in tbe same house of formation. 4, c). "For other co.mmunities [in additition to the monasterieg of nuns, houses of formation, and large houses of n. 4, b) immediately above] an ordinary confes-sor may be named at the request of the community itself or after consultation with its members if, in the judgment of tlie ordinary, special circumstances justify such an ap-pointment." The "special circumstances" will be at least very com-monly those that prevent the religious women of a house fi'om going to confession twice a month unless an ordi-nary confessor is appointed. This can arise from the pres-ence in the house of religious who cannot go out for confession, from the location of the house that makes access to other confessors difficult, or that allows such access to only one confessor, for example, the sole priest in the one parish in a small town, and so forth. Lay and clerical institutes oJ men. With the exception of that on monasteries of nuns, the provisions of n. 4, b) and c) immediately above apply also to lay institutes of men by reason of n. 5, and to clerical institutes in virtue Of the arguments given under n. 4, a). It would again be incredible that ordinary contessors would continue to have to be appointed for all houses of clerical institutes (c. 518, par. 1) but only for the restricted number of houses of religious women and lay institutes of men ac-cording to n. 4, b) of the present Decree. Houses of for-mation in Clerical institutes include also houses of study (C. 587) and houses for the apostolic year and tertianship (see Sedes Sapientiae, nn. 48, 51). The judgment on the existence of a large house and on the special circumstan-ces tbat justify the appointment of ordinary confessors in houses that are not houses of formation or large apper-tains in clerical orders and congregations to the religious superior who has the right of appointing ordinary confes-sors according to the constitutions 0f the particular insti-tute. 4, d). "The local ordinary should choose confessors 4. 4. 4. ~. F. Gallen, S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 948 ~arefully. They should be priests of sufficient maturity and possess the other necessary qualities. The ordinary may determine the number, age and term of office of the confessors and may name them or renew their appoint-ment after consultation with the community concerned." This paragraph of the decree commands the local ordi-nary to choose the ordinary and ektraordinary confessors of women religious and novices of the tw9 preceding sections with care. The suitability of priests for these two duties appertains to the judgment of the local ordinary. For example, it is no longer required that these confessors be 'forty years of age (c. 524, par. 1). The local ordinary also determines the number of such confessors, and it is no longer demanded that per se only one ordinary and extraordinary confessor be appointed for each house (cc. 520, par. 1; 521, par. 1). The local ordinary may but is not obliged to determine the duration of the term of office of these confessors, for example, two year.s, and may reappoint them immediately and indefinitely after con-sultation with the community concerned. He may also, with the same consulation, immediately appoint an ordi-nary coiafessor as extraordinary of the same commun.ity (see c. 524, par. 2). Clerical and lay institutes o[ men. The ordinary and extraordinary confessors in these institutes from the na-ture of the matter are to be priests suitable for the office. The provisions, however, of n. 4~, d) of the Decree imme-diately above apply only to institutes of women both from their wording, which is based on the canons on confessors of religious women, and from the fact that the present canon law prescribes no qualities for the ordinary and extraordinary confessors in institutes of men, whether clerical or lay. It is evidently permitted to follow such a provision as the previous consultation of the com-munity concerned. The following are the canons specifically on confessors of religious that remain in force: Can. 518, par. 1. In . every clerical Institute there shall be deputed. [ordinary] confessors with power, if it be ques~ tion of an exempt Institute, to absolve also from the cases re-served in the Institute. Par. 2. Religious Superiors, having faculties to hear confes' sions, can, in conformity with the law, hear the confessions of their subjects who spontaneously and freely approach them for that purpose, but they may not without grave reason hear them habitually. Par. 3. Superiors must take care not to induce, personally, or through others, by force, by fear, or by importunate persua-sion, or by any other means, any of their subjects to confess his sins to them. Can. 524, par. 3. The confessors, whether ordinary or extra-ordinary, of religious women are not, in any manner, to inter- fere either in the internal or external government of the com-munity. Can. 525. For all houses of religious women immediately subject to the Apostolic See or to the local Ordinary, the latter selects both ordinary an.d extraordinary ,confessor;. ~o~" those subject to a Regular Superior, this Superior presents the con-fessors to the'Ordinary who will grant them the approval to hear the confessions of'the nuns; the Ordinary also shall supply, if necessary, for the negligence of the Regular Superior, Can. 527. According to the terms of canon 880, the local Ordinary can, for a serious~ cause, remove both the ordinary and extraordinary confessor of religious women, even when the monastery is subject to Regulars and the confessor himself a Regular, nor is the Ordinary bound to make known the reason for the removal to anyone except to the Holy See, if it should require the reason from him; he must, however, if the nuns are subject to Regulars, inform the Regular Superior of the removal. Can. 875, par. 2. In an exempt lay Institute, the Superior proposes the confessor, who, however, must receive jurisdiction from the Ordinary of the place in which the religious house is situated. The preceding are taken from the authorized but unof-ficial translation, Canonical Legislation concerning Reli-gious. Canon 891, which also remains in force, is ~not contained in this translation. It reads as follows: Can. 891. The master of novices and his socius, the superior of a seminary or of a college may not hear the sacramental con-fessions of his students residing in the same house with him, unless the students spontaneously request this in particular cases for a grave and urgent reason. The canons therefore specifically on confessors of reli-gious that remain are part of canon 518, par. 1, and all the rest of this canon; all of canons 524, par. 3, 525, 527, 875, par. 2, and 891. "II The final clause of canon 637 is to be understood in the sense that a religious in temporary vows who, because of physical or mental illness even if contracted after pro-fession, is judged by the competent superior with the consent of his council, on the basis of examinations by physicians or other specialists, to be incapable of living the religious life without personal harm or harm to the institute, may be refused admission to renewal of vows or to final profession. The decision in such cases is to be taken with charity and equ!ty." According to canon 637 a professed of temporary vows could be excluded from the renewal of temporary vows or from making perpetual profession because of ill health ofily if it was proved with certainty that the ili health had been contracted and fraudulently concealed or dissi-mulated before the first profession of temporary vows. The same principle is true of the dismissal of a professed of temporary vows (c. 647, par. 2, n. 2). These canons are not completely logical. The time of temporary vows is Confessions 949 4. 4. 4" J. F. Gallen, S.J. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 950 one of probation; the canons permit exclusion or dis-missal of such professed for other inculpable causes; and canon 637 otherwise requires only .just and reasona-ble causes for exclusion and canon 647, par. 2, n. 2, only serious reasons for dismissai. These canons also caused serious and, without recourse to the Holy See, even insol-uble problems. This was verified especially with regard to psychological disorders when the subject would not vol-untarily leave the institute. His retention could cause great difficulty to the institute, even intensify his own condition, and cases occurred in which superiors could not in conscience admit such subjects to further profes-sions, particularly to perpetual profession~ It is evident that the decision in these cases of physical or psychologi-cal health is to be made with proper regard and considera-tion for the subject, and, as the Decree states, with char-ity and equity (see REVIEW I~OF RELIGIOUS, 16 [1957], 218-9, 271; 25 [1966], 1104-5). In virtue of the present legislation in II, an exclusion from further temporary or perpetual profession because of physical or psychological illness, even if contracted after the first temporary profession, may be made by the competent superior with the consent of his or her council if they judge, on the basis of examinations by physicians or other specialists, that the subject is incapable of living the religious life without personal harm or harm to the institute. The subject should ordinarily at least be first encouraged to leave voluntarily and this as soon as such a condition is sufficiently ascertained. The new legislation is concerned only with an exclu-sion from further profession; it does not extend to the dismissal of a professed of temporary vows in the same case. This can cause a serious difficulty if the case comes to a head when a considerable part of a temporary profes-sion is unexpired, for example, in the early part of the second year of a three-year profession, and the subject will not leave voluntarily. This case, when it occurs, may be proposed to the Sacred Congregation for a solution. Practical summary o[" the Decree. The~ norm'~f fre-quency of confession is every two weeks. All religious may always confess to any confessor in the locality. Spe-cial jurisdiction is not required for religious women. The only confessors proper to religious are ordinary confessors in monasteries Of nuns and in the following houses of men and women: houses of f6rmation, large houses, and other houses in special circumstances, and extraordinary confessors in the same monasteries and houses of forma-tion. Such confessors of women do not have to be forty years of age. A professed of temporary vows may be ex-cluded from further professions because of physical or psychological illness. CHRISTOPHER KIESLING, O.P. Ministry in the Schools of the Church Religious should get out of Catholic schools. Such schools should not exist.The Church should not be in the business of education, but should devote its resources to the social problems of our day. Moreover, Church schools serve the affluent middle and upper classes more than the oppressed minorities. Religious, ther~efore, should go into other ministries in which they can serve the world, especially the underprivileged. Undoubtedly it is good that religious are venturing into nev~ ministries besides ~eaching or administration in schools of the Church. It is good for sisters and brothers because some have temperaments, inclinations, interests, and talents which equip them much better for other min-istries titan that of the church school. It is good for the Chnrch and the world because both have grave needs which can be met only by the service of highly motivated and generous people such as religious. But while some religious should be encouraged to enter into new forms of apostolate, it would be most unfortu-nate if others were not encouraged to enter Or Continue in the apostolate of the schools of the Church. This apos-tolate is extremely important and even assumes, a ni~wness today by virtue of the many changes taking place in both the Church and the w6rld. As is well known, these schools are threatened with extinction today. The demise of the schools of the Church, however, is a most grievous set-back to the emergence of mature Christian laymen in the life and apostolate of the Church and hence in the Church's mission to the world, especially to the world's social problems. Vatican II expres'~d the int.egral mission of the Church with special clarity. It was compelled to do tiffs in its efforts to describe p, ositively the place, digni_ty, and role of the laity in the Church. The Decree on the Apostolate o] the Laity, for instance, says: 4- 4- Christopher Kies-ling, O.P., is a fac-ulty member of Aquinas Institute School of Theology in Dubuque, Iowa 52001. VOLUME 30, 1971 951 + C. Kiesling, O.P. REVIEW I:OR REI.IGIOUS 952 Christ's redemptive work, while of itself directed toward the salvation of men, involves also the renewal of the whole tem-poral order. Hence the. mission of the Church is not on!y to bring to men tlie message and grace of Christ, but also to pene-trate and perfect the temporal sphere with the spirit of the Gospel (n, 5). Tlie missiofi of the Church, in other words, is not to rescue men from this world for salvation in another world, but to unite men to God in this world and through them permeate human activity, culture, and his-tory with fl~e spirit of Christ, thus cooperating with God in bringing all creation to its divinely intended goal: eternal life and resurrection of the body for men in a new heaven and a new earth. Every member of the Church participates in her mis-sion: For this the ChurCh was founded: that., she might bring all men to share in Christ,s saving redemption; and that through them the whole world might in actual fact be brought into relationship with him. All activity of the Mystical Body directed to the attainment of this goal is called the apostolate, and the Church carries it on in various ways through all her members. For by its very nature the Christian vocation is also a vocation to the apostolate (ibid., n. 2). The Church is the whole body of baptized believers, sent by Christ into the world to bring men his truth and grace and to work for the divinely willed perfection of creation. In order to accomplish this mission, baptized believers nfinister to one a~aother, building up the whole Body of Christ in truth and grace for service to the world for the glory~of tlte Father. Some ministries are purely charismatic, the fruit of the Spirit's quickening believers to particular services to fellow members of Christ's Body for their joint mission to the world. Some ministries are also institutional, that is, in addition to the call of the Spirit, they have a more or less per.manent place and a more or less defined [unction in the structure of the Chnrch as ordained by God in Christ or by the Christian community in the course of history; consequently, these ministries appear in the canon law of the Church. But whether institutional or not, all these ministries are in-cludetl in the Spirit-inspired serf-help which the members of Christ's Body give to one another for the vigorous life of His Body and for its continuing mission and ministry to the world. What is required of the members of Christ's Body if they are to fulfill their apostolic vocation? They need articulate faith, a keen appreciation of the meaning and value of creatures, and zeal coupled with skill for building a better world of truth, justice, love, and freedom for every man, woman, and child. By "articulate faith" is meant a faith with some under- standing of the assertions.of faith, .including recognition of the difficulties which these assertions present to human intelligence today, their historical conditioning, and their need for continual reinterpretation and restatement if they are going to remain vali'd'expression~ of'~tuthentic faith in the midst of constantly changing human con-sciousness of reality. More importantly, articulate faith is aware of itself as.an adventure into ineffable mystery and personal communion with the living God, for which faith's assertions are a means not an end: a gateway, not the end of the road. Articulate faith also includes the willingness, ability, and c6nfidence to talk about what one believes. Because faith is a great adventure toward the fulfillment of men's deepest longing, one is willing, even eager, to discuss matters of faith; and one does not shy away from such discussion for fear of being wrong, because one is aware that faith is response to a loving Person who is more interested in drawing men to per-sonal communion with Him than He is in theological niceties. Vatican II expects the members of the Church to have such articulate faith, in accord with their capacity for it. According to the Decree on the Apostolate of the Laity, "the apostolate of the Church and of all her members is designed primarily to manifest Christ's message by words and deeds and to communicate his grace to the world" (ibid., n. 6). Noteworth~ in this statement is that all mem-bers of the Church are to manifest Christ's message by words, as well as deeds, and to communicate His grace. The ministry of teaching and sanctifying is not restricted to the clergy's ministry of the word and the sacraments. The decree proceeds to note that one of the ways in which the laity exercise their apostolate of "making the Gospel known and men holy" (ibid.) is through the testi-mony of a good life. But it goes on to say that "an aposto-late of this kind does not consist only in the witness of one's way of life; a true apostle looks for opportunities to announce Christ by words addressed either to non-believ-ers with a view to leading them to faith, or to believers with a view to instructing and strengthening them, and motivating them toward a more fervent life" (ibid.). ¯ In other words, the laity, as well as the clergy and religious, are responsible for building up the Body of Christ in truth and love and [or implementing its teach-ing and sanctifying mission. To fulfill this responsibility, laity, as well as clergy and religious, need articulate faith. A second need which each member of Christ's Body has is for a keen appreciation of the meaning and value of creatures: The Lord wishes to spread his kingdom . In this kingdom, creation itself will be delivered out of its slavery to corruption 4- 4- 4- Schools VOLUME 30, 1971 4" 4" 4" C. Kiesling, O.P. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 954 and into the freedom of the sons of God (cf. Rom. 8:21) . The faithful, therefore, must learn the deepest meaning and the value of all creation~ and how to relate it to the praise of God. They must assist one another to live holier lives even in their daily occupations. In this way the world is permeated by the spirit of Christ and more effectively achieves its purpose in justice, charity, and peace (Constitution on the Church, n. 36). In the light of revelation,, baptized believers must see and appreciate creatures in their original goodness and in their relationship to the Incarnation and the eschaton; They should perceive and treasure creatures as the poet does, with awe and reverence for the uniqueness and beauty of each. They should not view them simply with the detached, calculating eye of the technician. Yet tech-nology too is a creature of God, so that Christians should understand and evaluate rightly its place and products in the scheme of things. Especially must the Christian be aware and appreciative of man and the mysteries of his being: the human body, feeling and emotion, love and sex, work and play, community and celebration, art and science, the aspirations of the human spirit~and the long-ings of the human heart--all bathed in the light of God's gracious love. Thirdly, the members of Christ's Body need zeal cou-pled with skill for building a better world: By their competence in secular fields and by personal activity, elevated fr6m" within by the grace o[ Christ, let them labor vigorously so that by human labor, technical skill, and civic culture created goods may be perfected for the benefit of every last man. Let them work to see that created goods are more fittingly distributed among men and., in their own way lead to general progress in human and Christian liberty (ibid.). Baptized believers should also "by their combined efforts remedy any institutions and conditions of the world which are customarily inducements to sin, so that all such things may be conformed to the norms of justice and may favor the practice of virtue rather than hinder it" (ibid.). They need to "imbue culture and human activity with moral values" (ibid.). The question now arises: By what means are the mem-bers of Christ's Body going to develop articulate faith, appreciation of the meaning and value of creatures, arid zeal with skill for building a better world? Can weekly liturgies of the word (including homily) and the Eucha-rist accomplish this end? Even supposing the Scriptures are well read, the homilies well prepared and delivered, and the celebration well carried through, weekly liturgies alone hardly seem capable of generating the qualities which Christ's members ought to have to fulfill their apostolic vocation. CCD classes are not going to yield the needed qualities. They are limited in time. They p~vide little sustained interaction between mature Christians and growing ones over a wide spectrum of life. Their very organization fosters the idea of faith as a gegment of life, [,or Which one sets aside a piece of time each week. Finally, they are impeded in effectiveness by the forced and often chaotic conditions under wliich .they operate. Newman Centers too are very limited in what they can do to develop the necessary qualities in the members of Christ's Body beyond a small circle. Courses in "religiqus studies" are far from adequate means. They are by definition uncommitted, objective examination of religion and religions. They are highly intellectual, speculative, whatever existential and subjec-tive use an individual student may make of them. They are also limited in the amount of time given to them and, being a self-cOntained part of a curriculum, they convey the impression that religion also is a self-con-tained part of life, rather than~a dimension of all life. Adult education does not appear to be the solution. The competition for adults' time and attention is ex-tremely intense. Moreover, dae qualities required of a mature Christian should be well developed before he reaches the age at which l~e would enroll in adult educa-tion courses that are more than remedial. The answer is not Catholic newapapers, magazines, and books. People who love and profit from reading are relatively few in our activist culture, and are becoming even fewer in this post-linear age of happenings and tele-vision in the global village. The Church's recourse to happenings and television will not be much more fruitful than literature for achieving the necessary goal. Once people are gathered, happenifigs and television can be extremely effective instructors, but the problem is pre-cisely gathering the people. Unless people are already rather strongly motivated religiously, they are not going to prefer religious happenings and television programs to their secular coi~nterparts. As for parents as the source of the needed Christian maturity, parents are limited in what they Can do for their children. They cannot ,.lead their children to an articulate faith much beyond their own. They will find themselves limited especially when they come to helping their children develop that keen appreciation of the meaning and value of creation which Vatican iI urges for all members of Christ's .Body. Parents may be able to foster such apl~reciation for the simpler things of life, but they may be at a loss in matters of biology, the physical universe, history, poetry, drama, music. Parents' social consciousness and involvement may or may not be very highly developed, and will almost always be limited in 4- 4- 4- Schools VOLUME .'30, "1971 955 + 4. 4. C. Kiesling, O.P. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 956 scope because of family responsibilities and finite human energies. Social services of the Church are not ordered, by defini-tion, to the development of mature Christians, but to relieving the pressing needs which men and women have in their personal and social lives, in order that their lives may meet basic standards of health, decency, dignity, and happiness. It is difficult to imagine any project of the Church which offers the opportunities that schools do for p.ro-viding the members of Christ's Body with the develop-ment of faith, .appreciation of creation, and apostolic zeal and know-how which they need and to which they have a right. Several points are to be noted about this affirma-tion. First, it does not mean that schools alone do the whole job. There is still need for good liturgies, adult educa-tion, and all the rest. Secondly, the schools referred to are not only elementary schools. High schools and colleges are more important. Thirdly, the assertion speaks of schools for providing the needed qualities of articulate faith, appreciation of creation, and apostolic zeal with skill. It does not speak simply of religion courses in schools operated by the Church, though such courses have their rightful place. It is not a matter of the Church going into the education business, so that it can, with ease, slip religion courses into the curriculum. It is, rather, a matter of providing a Christian milieu in which learning to live a full life can Occtlr. Finally, the argument is not based on the actual con-duct or achievements of the Church's schools in the past. Whatever judgment is rendered on the past, the situation has changed so much since Vatican II that the schools of the Church today constitute an entirely new set of oppor-tunities. In recent years new methods of teaching have evolved which make learning boi:h more exciting for students and more in contact with life in society. Lay teachers have become a familiar part of the faculties of the Church's schools. Priests' and religious' styles of life have changed, bringing them into closer contact with ordinary life and with the laity, particularly their students. The ghetto mentality has largely disappeared, so that Church schools are less prone to be instruments of defense and more liable to be openings to the world. The ecumenical spirit enables Protestant, Anglican, and Orthodox Christians, as well as Jews and men of other beliefs, to have some place in the education that goes on in the schools of the Church. Administrators, faculties, and students are more aware of the school's obligations to the civic community in which it exists, All these new [actors mean :that the value of the Church's schools today cannot be judged on the basis of their past conduct and achievements. The opportunities which the schools of the: Church offer do not consist only or even mainly in the possibili-ties for religion courses or religious pract~ices. They con-sist in the possibilities for the young to develop articulate faith, a keen appreciation of creatures, and zeal with com-petence for building a better world by close association in learning and doing with mature Christians who them-selves have such faith, appreciation, and zeal. There is a difference, I would maintain, between what a youth derives from a course in English literature taught with competence and enthusiasm by a Christian whose faith permeates his life, and what he derives from such a course taught by someone else. A course in English litera-ture well taught by a Christian tells a young person that Christianity embraces all of life, that it is willing and able to learn from human experience as well as from revela-tion, that it recognizes the Spirit of God working in the world and speaking to men through human events, per-sonal and social. Besides this non-verbal communication, there can be explicit comparisons between the views of life in English literature and the view of the gospel. These comparisons are opportunities to develop articu-late faith without indoctrination. But even without any explicit mention of Christian faith, this course in English literature is a Christian ministry. As Vaticap II affirmed, Christians should have a deep sense of the meaning and value of all creation. The Church, therefore, has a duty to provide for its members to learn about creation through the arts and sciences illumined by the gospel. It is a precious gift which a Christian teacher gives to a student in patiently helping him to appreciate-a poem, even though faith is not explicitly referred to. If this Christian teacher of English literature is also aware of the world's and ldcal community's problems; if he is involved outside the school in trying to build a better world, if he lets this be known to his students and even involves his students in his social concern outside the classroom, his students will be made aware of another dimension of the Christian vocation and will even gain some knowledge of what they can do concretely to build a better world. If the administrators and teachers in a school of the Church are articulate in their faith, if they treasure God's creatures, if they are socially concerned and involved, if they constitute the nucleus of a genuine, open Christian community into which they assimilate their students, that school offers unparalleled opportu.nities for developing in the members of Chris,t's Body the qualities nece~ssary for + ÷ + Schools VOLUME 30, ].971 957 + 4. + C. Kiesling, O,P. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 958 their sharing the mission of the Church to mankind and the world. But, it may be objected, should not such a Christian teacher of English literature or physics or sociology or mathematics be in apublic school? Could he not perform a most valuable Christian ministry there Yes, he could; and such Christian teachers--lay, religious, cleric-- should be in public schools. They would be fulfilling the Church's apostolic mission to the world in a most excel-lent way. But could his pupils derive as much benefit from him in the public school as they could in a school of the Church---or of the Churches, as some would propose in this ecumenical age? In a public school, his pupils could only rarely, and then with the greatest circumspection, explicitly view the subject with the teacher in the light of the gospel. Never could they celebrate their Christian awareness of the subject in worship, liturgical or other, unless they met outside the school and school time. This condition raises the complex problem of finding a con-venient opportunity for such celebration; and it intro-duces a division into the public school community, which could Iead to all sorts of unpleasant complications: More-over, students in a public school would not experience their learning within a known Christian milieu and hence would not see it as part of Christian life and Chris-tian life as embracing it. But is this not the age of anonymous Christianity? Is it necessary for students to examine explicitly a subject in the light of the gospel, to celebrate it in worship, and to see it as part of Christian life and Christian life as em-bracing it? Recourse to the concept of anonymous Christianity is a way Christians have adopted to take the sting out of the widespread de-christianization and secularization that has occurred in modern times. But anonymous Christianity, though a good thing in comparison to being altogether outside the influence of God's grace,'is a humanly imper-fect thing. To be human is to have self-awareness. Man is not only conscious as animals are, but reflectively con-scious; he is aware of himself as animals are not. If man's self is actually graced by God, then his self-awareness should include that fact, otherwise he is not fully self-aware, not fulIy human. Hence it is important, not only for Christian education but for the human education of the Christian, that he see what he learns as part of Chris-tian life and Christian life as embracing it. When one reads carefi~lly the documents of Vatican II in regard to its ideal of what Christian laymen should be in the life and mission of the Church, one cannot help asking how they are ever going to achieve that ideal, and how clergy and religious are going to help them in fulfill- ment of their priestly and religious responsibilities to serve their fellow members in the building up of Christ's Body. What i~ called for is not comprehended under the labels of religious instruction or religious practices. Nor is it adequately described as handing on, preserving, or nourishing Christian faith, What is required is education in the fullest sense of the word, education of the whole man for the whole of life, bnt education with a'Christian quality to it. Of all the Church's projects, its schools offer the most opportunities for such education. With such education, Catholic laymen would exercise their role in the mission of the Church, not by contributing money to a Human Development Fund, of which the hierarchy is the banker, but by becoming involved in human development in the neighborhood, city, state, nation, and the world. This latter is the more authentic fulfillment of the Christian apostolate by which the members of Christ's Body partici-pate in its mission to the world. The schools of the Church will very likely be fewer in number in the future. But they remain unique opportun-ities for building up the Body of Christ for its mission. Abandonment of the struggle to maintain them and, still more important, to exploit their new possibilities under the conditions, which have arisen since Vatican II will grievously set back the emergence of the layman and the mission of the Church to the world. It will promote the tendency of the Church to be identified with the clergy and religious rather than the whole People of God, and to become a club for fellowship in subjective re_ligious experience rather than the leaven in the dough ~of his-tory. Religious' involvement in the schools of the Church remains both~an important and challenging ministry. Schools VOLUME $0, '].97~ 959 SISTER MARY JEANNE SALOIS, R.S.M. Opinions of the Laity on Changes in Religious Life Sister Jeanne is director of research services at the Sis-ters of Mercy Gen-eralate at 10000 Kentsdale Drive, Box 34446; Be-thesda, Maryland 20034. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 960 Literature concerning recent developments in the re-ligious life provide little information on the effects of these developments on the laity. Since the prima.ry pur-pose of adaptation and renewal as stated in the docu-ments of Vatican II is to become more effective in promoting the kingdom of God on earth---"That this kind of life and its contemporary role may achieve greater good for the Church, this sacred Synod issues the following decrees" 1--it should be helpful to know how a section of this kingdom feels about the adaptation they are observing. Such knowledge should contribute sub-stantially to an honest evaluation of the changes being made. This article summarizes the thinking of lay people on adaptation in religious life in seven parishes distributed geographically from the New England coast to mid-western United States. A random sampling of 60 families from each of the parishes listed in Table 1 participated in this study. Treatment o[ the Data: The investigator sent an in-strument entitled "Opinionnaire to Obtain the Lay-man's Assessment of Religious Women in the Church Today" to 420 randomly selected persons. Of these, 220 responded, constituting 53.4 percent returns. Distribu-tion of respondents is shown in Table 2. Eighty-three men and 137 women responded to this opinionnaire. Of these only One was black, the others being white. Age of respondents varied as indicated be-low: 1Walter M. Abbott, S.J., ed., The Documents o[ Vatican II, "Decree on the Appropriate Renewal of the Religious Life," n. 1. Age of Re~#ondent Number in Category Percent 20-29 16 7 30-39 59 27 40-49 77 35 50-59 42 19 60-69 19 9 70- 7 3 Approximately half of the respondeqts attended a Catholic grade and high school and most of them at-tended college. Most of the respondents indicated they were professional or sell-employed with very few saying they were semi or unskilled workers. TABLE :1 Parishes Participating in Study to Obtain Opinions of Laity on Changes being' Made in Religious Congregations Parish* City and State Our Lady of the Assumption St. Joseph Immaculate Heart of Mary Sacred Heart Immaculate Conception St. James Gate of Heaven Atlanta, Georgia Denver, Colorado Detroit, Michigan Hattiesburg, Mississippi Memphis, Tennessee New Bedford, Massachusetts Dallas, Pennsylvania * Parishes were selected at random from the total list of parishes being served I~y a religious congregation of women. TABLE 2 Distribution of Laymen Who Responded to Opinionnaire New Denver, Bedford, Hatties- Dallas, Colorado burg, Atlanta, Detroit, Memphig, Penn~yl, chusettsMassa" Mississippi Georgia Michigan Tennessee vama No. % No. % No. % No. % No. % ~o. % No.! % 17 58.3 26 43.3 41 68.3 28 46.6 37 62.7 36 Findings from Opinionnaire: Items and comments of respondents will be summarized under the three headings on the instrumefit: (1) The individual's personal contacts with sisters, (2) the religious life, and (3) sisters' aposto-lates. Personal Contacts with Religious Sisters Almost three-fourths (72%) of the respondents at-tributed most of the credit for helping them become religious persons to their parents. Twenty-six percent credited the sisters for having provided them with in-spiration, and 9 per cent mentioned the clergy. When asked how much influence for good religious sisters had exerted on them, participants responded as 4. 4- 4. Laity Opinion VOLUME 30, 1971 961 Sister 1eanne REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 962 follows: A mount of Influence Number Percent Very great influence 58 '26 I~reat influenc'e 54 24 Some influence 63 29 A little influence 29 13 No influence 13 6 Thus, 50 percent of respondents indicated that re-ligious sisters had influenced them greatly for good and 29 percent said sisters had influenced them some. Most of the respondents consider sisters friendly and easy to meet (192 or 88%). Nineteen respondents (13%) consider the sisters unaware of people around them, and four persons said they were unfriendly. When asked if they would go to a sister for help if they had some personal religious problem, 106 (48%) said they would go rarely, 71 (32%) said they would never go, and 38 (17%) said they would usually go to a sister for help. Most respondents feel that sisters show respect for them as persons (all do--61%; some do--36%). Ninety percent of respondents indicated that the sisters they have known spend most of their time in the educa-tion of children. Ninety percent are pleased with this effort, 6 percent are indifferent, and 3 percent are un-happy. Most respondents believe that sisters manifest an in-terest in the welfare of people in general (78%), and 18 percent don't know. Two percent said that sisters do not manifest an interest in the welfare of others. When asked to express their thinking on the age distribution of the sisters serving them, 81 respondents (37%) said age is not important, 74 (34%) s.aid the age distribution was about right, 25 (11%) said they did not have enough younger sisters, and 5 (2%) said they did not have enough older sisters. The Religious Life Two-thirds of the respondents believe there is no difference between the religious life and mariage in so far as thei~ comparable merits are concerned. Seventeen percent believe the religious vocation more pleasing to God, and 25 respondents (11%) said they didn't know. One hundred and twenty-five respondents (57%) said they would respond favorably if they had a daughter who wanted to become a religious, 77 (35%) would be neutral, and 15 (7%)would respond unfavorably. Most of the respondents (93%) said the sisters they have known seem to be happy. Respondents were widely distributed in their thinking on the economic level of religious living. One hundred and nine (50%) of the respondents believe that the sisters are living on the same or better economic level than they are. Sixty-nine (31%) believe they are living more comfortably than~ the sisters, and 41 ~(19%) said they don't know. When asked whether the sisters seem more progressive since Vatican 11, 161 (73%) said they were either out-standing or quite progressive. About 10 percent found them too progressive and approximately the same per-centage considered them not progressive at all. Almost three-fourths (70%) of the respondents pre-ferred to see religious women living in a convent espe-cially designed for them. Fourteen percent prefer to see ~them in a middle-class residence near their employment. Only two persons said they prefer to see sisters in a home in a poor neighborhood, and three persons said in an apartment. Thirty-eight respondents (17%) said they didn't care. Fewer than half (44%) of the persons responding in-dicated that they like to see religious dressed in a habit which includes a veil. About one-third (32%) like to see religious in conservative attire which does not include a veil, and 7 percent like to see them in contemporary clothing with accessories identical to lay women. Four-teen percent don't care what religious wear. Two-thirds of the respondents like to see sisters par-ticipating in all parish activities. Twenty-four percent-wish religious to participate in all parish activities ex-cept those which are purely social, such ,as dances. Seventeen respondent,s (8%) prefer that sisters attend only those activities related to the school, such as home-school meetings. Apostolic Services When asked how they would react if the sisters would decide to withdraw entirely from the school in order to do other works in the parish, 72 percent said they would respond unfavorably. Eighteen percent said they would be neutral, and 9 percent said they would respond fa-vorably to such a decision. Respondents .were asked if they thought the sisters should be 'more active in working with the poor. Re-sponses were evenly distributed with 68 (31%)in the affirmative, 70 (32%) in the negative, and 72 (33%)with no opinion on thismatter. Responses to items which attempted to find out which apostolaies seemed most necessary to the laity left no room for doubt. They strongly endorse the Catholic school concept and wish sisters would continue in this endeavor. In response to an item concerning the services they 4- 4- 4" 4" 4. Sister Jeanne REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 964 would prefer sisters provided for them if they were .in need of such services, 68 percent said they wished them to teach children. Other services given some priority by respondents were to administer to the sick in institutions (12%), administer to the sick in homes (5%), and teach adults (4%). Only one percent wish sisters to teach poor children only. Respondents were asked which apostolic works, if any, sisters should discontinue in which they are presently engaged. Each respondent could list three works. Results follow. Campus Ministry on Secular Campus 32 Diocesan services 92 Social work 19 College 16 High School I 1 Elementary school 10 Hospital 9 Religious Education 5 Respondents were asked to list in order of priority the works which they believed sisters should be engaged in at the present time and in the future. The following priorities were established by.averaging the ranks of the 220 respondents. 1. Teaching religion in Catholic school 2. Administrator in Catholic school 3. Teaching secular subjects in Catholic school 4. Teaching in Religious Education Program 5. Administrator of Religious Education Program in parish 6. Serving in Parish Ministry working with families 7. Staff position in health institution 8. Administrator in health institution 9. Social worker in inner city 10. Rehabilitation of drug addicts 11. Serving in Campus Minstry on secular campus 12. Administrator or staff position in public institution Comments of Laity on Adaptation and Rerlewal of Sisters In their comments on the adaptation they are observ-ing in religious communities, participants expressed di-verse opinions, presenting a kaleidoscopic view of re-ligious congregations. Many respondents praised the sisters for some of the changes they are making and for their continued dedication. Some, accustomed as they are to uniformity within religious communities, are using similarity of dress and dutifulness to t~aditional occupations as the criteria for evaluating renewal in religious life. Some are using normal standards of ac-ceptable behavior and are surprised and scandalized at the extremes to which some sisters are going in their new freedom. To the laity, these sisters seem immature and insincere, wanting the best of two worlds. Thus, much of the renewal effort is suspect to some of the laity, both that being made by large groups of sisters attempting to renew sincerely in keeping with the changing needs of the world and by the small group of extremist whose actions the layman is questioning. The comments below are typical of those made by many respondents. I don't think the'sisters are'adapting to the needs of the Church. Some sisters are radical; some are conservative: Some are in habits; some are not. Some are worldly; some are not. They seem to be divided among themselves. Some seem to act as immature young women wanting the best of both worlds. They ~vant the respect due to religious and the fun and entertainment of single women. They are mainly interested in satisfying their own desires. Opinions concerning the habit differed with many respondents reluctantly accepting the demise of" the traditional habit in favor of some lesser form of identifica-tion. Many emphasized the, importance of a religious identity and regret the loss of respect which the habit has always commanded. On careful analysis, responses seem to set forth the .primacy of "habit" over "person" in the thinking of some lay persons. I feel the sisters should have uniform attire~ even if it is a simple colored dresg with a large cross. They are married to God and should be proud of their vocation. They would also command more respect and be more useful, as people would be aware of their vocations and ask for help seeing the gar-ment, not the per.son. It was surprising to see how the laity identify religious with the traditioffal professions to the extent of con-sidering new occupations completely incompatible with the vocation itself. Sisters should either be in the religio~as vocation, or if they want to do soc.ial work they should not do it under the guise of a religious. Religious have pushed into social care areas where .they are not qualified. They have given scandal, betrayed their com-munity life and their origina! vocation. Sisters should work where they can influence and strengthen the faith and morals of young Catholics. Let others care for their social and physical needs. The laity continues to look for the dedicated, hard-working sister wh6 spends her time going from her work to her prayers in the convent where her physical, and social needs are met. They are surprised when they see sisters becoming more like other women in their use of leisure and in the external manifestation of their fem-ininity. They feel that the purpose o[ religious women was + + + Laity Opinion VOLUME 30, 1971 965 ÷ ÷ Sister Jeanne REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 966 and is to stay in the classroom and teach their children, and that to betray this purpose is to betray their calling as religious. Sisters should do what they have done for many years--see to the education of our future citizens. Most of God's work is just that--hard work--and this is probably the main thing I have always admired about the nuns I have known. They were committed and worked hard with little thanks or praise, and I'm sure they were often discour-aged and unsure of their accomplishments. Some of the laity are interpreting the trend to leave the traditional apostolates as a sign of individualism which prompts one to wish to "do her own thing." I find it disturbing that some sisters, when given the op-portunity to work in the world today, become concerned with their own needs or interests under the guise of making money for their order. Since Vatican II, I feel that many nuns are confused and at odds with their own previous commitment. Teaching sisters now seem to feel social work is their bag, nursing nuns feel that teaching would be more appropriate, etc. Confusion stems, I believe, from a lack of the whole spirit we used to know as dedication to God's work. It is being replaced today in all of society by a personal need to do your own thing. A change very pleasing to the laity where it has taken place is the updating observed in methods of teaching and curriculum. They praise the sisters who are more understanding of child nature than they used to be and who are ready to meet the explosion of knowledge which today's children are experiencing. They complain if these changes are not taking place. Unfortunately, older nuns are not adjusting methods, cur-riculum, and themselves personally to many facts, namely,. that today's children know much more in space and science study than is in textbooks and they often know more than the the teacher herself. The teacher's attitude often becomes bel-ligerent rather than pleased that children are this way. Some personal evaluation seems necessary. The older nuns seem to adapt to the needs of the Church. Younger nuns could learn from them. It is no longer a voca-tion to them, it is ajob. Some middle class lay people feel that religious are now prejudiced against them. They argue .that their needs for the services of religious are as great as those of any other segment of society. We who are just ordinary people--working, living, and .dying--also need the help and example of the religious sister in today's world. We feel that what's the use when our lives and struggles are treated with disdain. We don't want to be applauded, but we feel that by living an honest and decent life and ever-striving to do the works of Christ, that we ought to be considered at least as human as the girls who have il-legitimate babies who you would think had won the grand prize for all the attention they are given. In short, love us too, even though we have never broken a law. I believe ~many sisters aye giving up "their 6wn" to work in the inner cities and for social causes. A poor soul is not .Primarily found in a poor person--the person may be rich, middle 'class or ~poor. We should try to help all equally so all can be saved. Another change taking ~place among religious women which is greatly appreciated by the laity is the attitude of considering all persons as equals. They are happy that sisters have come down from their pedestal and no longer seem to expect deference from the laity. The sisters, I believe, are progressing to include all persons with whom they come in contact as equals. I used to. feel the sisters considered themselves.very special and should be looked up to by all. I think they are more aware of people's needs than previ-ously. They are more sensitive and less untouchable. Some have lost self-respect by playing down to the laity too much. Much of the advice given to religious by respondents argued for the maintenance, of balance in the matter of adaptation and warned against extremes. Don't go overboard! Keep attire and sense of misSio~a in line with Catholic beliefs. If the sisters participate in secular affairs, I feel they should remember they are sisters and uphold the traditions and reputation Catholic sisters have always had. General impressions reported by respondents include the following: I get the feeling they are not of the Church but of the world. Instead of giving up things of the world they are acquiring things of the world. Nuns, in general, appear ito be departing from a way of life which identified them as religious, and as a result of ,this proc-ess, society appears tO have less respect for religious orders. I think sisters are doing a fine job. This is a time for all people to join t.ogether and to remember that God is the father of all, not just the white man, Many so-called Christians have forgotten this. General Statements on Opinions of Laity From the many ideas expressed by the laity responding to this opinionnaire, a few generalizations can be stated: There is little evidence at this time that the changing needs of society, for example, the rapid increase of Catholic students on the secular university campus, have penetrated the thinking of: lay people to any great extent. Criteria used by most of the laity for judging sisters remain the. same today as before Vatican II in spite of the shift toward greater personal freedom and more leisure in society as a whole~ However, a few of .the respondents 4- 4- + Laity Opinion VOLUME 30~ 1971 967 Sister Jeanne REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 968 do seem to comprehend rather accurately the reasons for change in religious congregations. A few religious who, in the eyes of the laity, have seemingly lost sight of the meaning of religious vocation are impeding acceptance of the necessary changes large numbers Of religious women are making. There are certain paradoxes in the thinking of the laity concerning religious sisters at present. The laity are happy that sisters consider them as equals, no longer expecting deference; yet they lament the elimination of' external signs, such as the habit, which commands special respect. The laity give major credit to their parents for being the grea.test influence for holiness in their lives; yet they insist that the sisters are essential to growth of holiness in their children. The laity are happy that sisters have stepped down from their pedestal to walk among them; yet they wish to continue admiring them at a distance when they need help in the solution of their personal religious problems. In summary, respect for religious among the laity in this sample has decreased as a result of the changes made by religious congregations since Vatican II. This loss of respect can be attributed to a failure on the part of laymen to understand the reasons basic to change and their failure to recognize new needs in society for the services of religious women. It is also the result of unwise individual choices which some religious are making in their personal lives. The laity need the assistance of sisters if they are to understand the motives for their new behaviors. Perhaps the greatest need of the laity, as well as of religious, is familiarity with social doctrines of the Church and the emphasis given to these doctrines in the documents of Vatican II. Reflections of the Writer Religious congregations are attempting to implement the new emphases of Vatican II. The laity, familiar with the old structure, fail to understand the inevitable re-suits "of implementing such documents as "Declaration on Religious Freedom" from Vatican II, and Mater et Magistra, the encyclical letter of Pope John XXIII. An example of this implementation is the attention religious congregations are now giving to the dignity of the human person. In Mater et Magistra (215) we read, Whatever the progress in technology and economic life, there can be neither justice nor peace in .the world, so long as men fail to realize how great is their dignity; for they have been created by God and are His children. According to the social teachings of the Church, society is at~the, service of the human person to respect his dignity and allow him to attain his end and his full human development: "Society is made for man and not man for society.''2 Plus XII s~aid: "Man is a personal being, endowed.with intelligent& and free will;" ~a~ being who has the final choice of what he will or will not do," s Enhnciating this principle of the dignity of the human person, the ""Document on Religious Freedom" from Vatican II states: God calls men to serve Him in spirit and in truth. Hence they are bound ih consdence but they standunder n0: Com-pulsion. God has rbgard for :the dignity of the human person who.m He himseff created; man is to be guided by his own judgment and he is to enjoy freedom. . In contemplating these teachings concerning the basic freedoms o[ man and applying them to herself, a religious may conclude that she does not relinguish her innate freedom to govern herself when she enters a religious congregation. She believes that she is responsible to God alone for her actions and that she is responsible for keeping these actions in line with the life she has com-mitted herself to live. If this reasoning is correct, obe-dience in religious life needs to find its meaning apart from the responsibility of one person to govern the life of another. If religious growth takes place through responsible choices made freely, each person must be free to choose in matters pertaining to her personal life. In their efforts to implement tile new emphasis on the dignity of the person and_ her freedom of choice, religious congregations are eliminating rules which formerly gov-erned the personal life o[ each member. Remove pro-hibitive rules designed to channel actions according to a certain pattern which all members are exp6cted to observe and they are going to act as do all other members of the human race uniquely and differently. Some per-sons are going to make unwise choices as is true of persons in other walks of life. Freed from rules which prevent extremes, religious women are going to demon-strate their good taste or lack of it in their external appearance, their behavior, their use of leisure, and in their professional activities. But the end of this process is good the coming to being of a religious who is interiorly motivated to govern herself in a manner suited to her commitment as a woman who has dedicated her life to Christ and the service of His kingdom on earth. The new religious will come to r~alize as never before th~it she has been made = Plus XI,'Divini Redemptoris. a Pius xIi, "Allocution to the Sixth International Congress on Criminal Law," October 15, 1954, + Laity Opinion VOLUME 30, 1971 969 Sister Jeanne REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 970 in God's likeness to imitate His perfection, His goodness, and His love and mercy for men. She will realize that sh~ must 'lift herself up to God freely if she wishes to l~articipate with Christ in life eternal, in the divine life of God and of the Blessed Trinity. This is the destiny of all men, the religious included, and all must freely choose to follow this path, for with Christ there is no coercion, no forcing, no want of freedom. Surely every adult' outside of a religious community reaches the period in her life when she is no longer told what to wear and where to go. The fully committed re-ligious woman who has dedicated her life to Christ and to the service of his kingdom on earth should "be equally capable of" exercising her God-given freedom and of assuming the responsibility for her actions and her destiny. Lay people need to understand that they will be observing some evidence of poor taste as religious use the freedom they now have. Poor judgment is not a monopoly of the laity; it can also be expected of religious. Unless the formation period in the life of young re-ligious provides an understanding of how the gospel message is translated into daily living as a religious, sisters cannot be expected to make decisions in keeping with their form of life. In their uncertainty regarding the preparation which best prepares individual religious to exercise greater freedom, some congregations are ab-dicating their responsibility fbr the formation of young religious. To supose that new members who have not developed an understanding of the religious life will make personal decisions in keeping with it is a rash assumption. If religious congregations are to make wise choices. during this period of renewal and adaptation, they must take time to study the past and realize Gully the import of char~ge on the present and future. Unless changes are in line with the purposes for which the congregation was formed in the first place, the congregation will give way to a new entity or disintegrate completely. In-dividual members of apostolic religious congregations in the past realized their service of Christ in His Church through service of the congregation whose corporate end was this divine service. Today, many religious see them-selves as groups of dedicated individual members with a diversity of tasks. If religious retain the apostolic dimension of their original commitment, the transfer from corporate to individual commitment may be a change of means rather than ends. However, if the apostolic dimension of one's service is lost, the primary purpose of apostolic religious congregations in the Church no longer exists. When no unifying purpose is present, organizational structure becomes meaningless. It has been the purpose of this study to provide some insight on the reaction of the laity to observed change in religious congregations in the year 1971, Hopefully, the opinions expressed in this report will be.helpful to religious congregations as they chart their c0urse'for the future. + 4- 4- Laity Opinion VOLUME ~0, 1971 97! SISTER MARY JOHN MANANZAN, O.S.B. Must I Love You for God's Sake? ÷ ÷ .I. Sister John is a graduate student of the Gregorian Uni-versity and resides at Via dei Bevilac-qua, 60; Rome, Italy (00165). REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 972 Read the title without a pause and with the correct intonation lest you miss the point of this article, it is not an exasperated exclamation like "Must I put up with you, for heaven's sake?" The article concerns itself rather with the question whether we should love others "for the sake of God." This phrase has been so misinterpreted in the past and still also in the present that the word "char-ity" has fallen into disrepute or at least it has acqui~?ed a cold, antiseptic atmosphere. People say "I don't want your charity"--"I will not be an object of charity." In the stu-dent house where I lived while I was studying in Ger-many, the girls were very wary of "nuns" doing things for charity. Once an Idonesian girl living in another house got sick. A German friend of mine announced her inten-tion of driving over. I spontanously exclaimed: "I'11 go with you." She looked at me and cautiously asked: "Are you doing it for charity?" The reason for such wariness is that doing things for charity or for God's sake is taken to mean something like: "Actually you are a nasty fellow and for yourself I wouldn't lift a finger. But I am doing this because I see Christ in you." I don't tbink for a moment that Christ is at all pleased with such pious prattle. And the person concerned rightly feels himself an "object" of charity--a means to some altruistic, humanitarian or still worse to a spiritual ideal. C. S. Lewis in his delightful book Four Loves gives a punchy example of an "unselfish . self-sac-rificing" mother who "just lived for her family." In a remarkable self-deception she literally worked herself to the bone for them but actually what she managed to do was to suffocate each member of her family, because she did not actually see them as persons and did not really consider their real needs; She looked through them to work for her image of being an ideal mother. She used them as means to fulfill her need to be needed. In a similar manner "loving others for God's sake" has some-how taken on the meaning of disregarding the individual person. On this point one can learn a great deal from Kant who has been accused of having never written a word on love. But he actually offers a very solid foundation for what we call "love of neighbor" in his famous (infa-mous?) categorical imperative. This principle has also suffered a very one-sided treatment. The frequently cited formulation is the one that approximates the Golden Rule wearing a grim duty-conscious facial expression. A less quoted formulation however reads: "Act in such a way as to treat humanity whether in yourself or in others never only as a means but always also as an end/' Kant's moral theory is based on the absolute valuation of the person. A person is for him an autonomous subject. He alone possesses the dignity to be happy (Wtirdigkeit, glficklich zu sein). For this reason, a person may never be regarded only as a means but should be willed as a good-in- himself. This absolute valuation of a person manifests itself first and foremost in doing one's duty towards him. Again on this point Kant is frequently misinterpreted. No less than the great German poet Schiller is guilty of this shallow interpretation of Kant when he writes: Gladly I serve my friends but alas I do it with pleasure Hence I am plagued with doubt that I am not a virtuous person. This is answered by a similarly poor interpretation of Kant and a worse poetry: Sure your only recourse is to despise them entirely And then with aversion do what your duty enjoins you. Kant did not mean at all that interest and affection would detract from the moral worth of an action. His term "duty" is a limiting term. It simply isolates the factor which accounts in the last analysis for the moral worth of an action. But once this is ascertained, one can embellish one's action with all the affection one is capa-ble of. I think it is important that Kant makes this em-phasis. There are really people who lavish their affection here and there and everywhere but neglect their elemen-tary duty towards these same persons. It is this forgetfhl-ness of Kant which is responsible for the benevolent tyr-anny in many lands suffering from social injustice, where the rich landlords or employers give to their exploited laborers "in charity" what they owe them in justice. The elementary duty of "love of neighbor" is thus to take the person as an'end in himself and never a means for anyone or anything. Truly? Not even for God? No, not even. God needs no means. He is His own End. He ÷ ÷ Love VOLUME 30, 1971 973 doesn't rely on any means to reach it. What then does loving others "for God's sake" mean? If it means anything at all, it means: one must take the other in his totality. Man is essentially a relation. A per-son is most a person in his relation to God. One can give him absolute value because he has already been radically affirmed by an absolute Person, He is worthy to be loved because he has already been radically loved. One can therefore love him for his own sake if one regards him in the totality of his being rooted in God. But the totality of man also means his being an individual distinct person. Therefore "love of neighbor" means taking this concrete person beside me for what he is and loving him with all his quirks. I think it is one of the characters of Peanuts who said: "I love humanity; It is people that I cannot stand." To love another is to see him. It is to love him "interestedly." "Disinterested love" is no love. It is too pretentious. It is being in love with one's perfectly selfless way of loving. This is the reason why I think foreign aid to developing countries miserably fails in arousing the gratitude of the people it helps. It is literally disinter-ested. There is no interest in the people as persons. No wonder they feel insulted and are resentful. They do not feel loved--they feel that they are objects of love. The same is true in individual relationships. One wants to be loved,' becau'se one is lovable. A boy who tells a girl "I love you, because of your pug nose" is not necessarily being superficial. Maybe he grasps the point of love better than if he were to enumerate the noblest .motives in the world. I think the art of loving is to find something very concrete .in someone (be it a pug nose, a crooked smile, a naughty left eyebrow--whatever it is. There is one in every person aching to be discovered!), to discover this recapitulation of his personality and in this burning focal point of his being, to love him intensely. 4- + Sister John REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 974 TENNANT C. WRIGHT, s.J. A Note on Poverty This is simply a report on a mode of poverty lived at one Jesuit house in Mexico City. The report is drawn from a conversation with several members of the commu-nity there, including the Father Minister who was influ-ential in setting up the program and helps with its ad-ministration. The program seems particularly enlightening at this moment when there is such discussion of poverty and how it fits with a religious' psychological need to feel economically productive and responsible. The Mexican community is made up of Jesuits who receive a salary at one of the Universities (non-Jesuit) in Mexico City. The salary i.s paid by the University directly to the individual Jesuit~ It is turned over by the Jesuit to the community. The community treasury, derived from the salaries, is then divided into three parts: First, there is a common fund for the community, out of which comes such general expenseg as house upkeep, and the room and board of the Jesuits living there. Second, there is a monthly personal amount returned to each Jesuit, an equal amount to each, no matter what his salary from the University. Out of the monthly "allowance" the Jesuit is expected to take care of his or-dinary personal items, such as clothes, recreation, the or-dinary personal necessities of his study and work, his ordinary travel. Third, there is a fund retained by the community for emergencies. As I understand it, the emergencies are gen-erally of two types, each handled differently. There is that personal emergency which arises from the unexpected, for example, an accident, a particularly large medical bill. Such personal emergency expenses are met by the community in a direct payment (not a loan) out of this emergency fund. But this third fund also covers those personal but more expensive items needed by some but not all. For instance, if one of the Jesuits in the course of his work needs some particularly expensive equipment or books or a car, then the community lends to this Jesuit the money to buy the T. C. Wright is a faculty member of the University of Santa Clara; Santa Clara, California 95053. VOLUME .30, 1971 975 special item. The loan is made without interest, but it is gradually paid back to the community out of the individo ual's monthly allowance. This question of loans to the individual for special expenses is crucial. The Mexican community is clear that this is not a case of dominion, of true ownership. Rather it is a more sophisticated way of responsible use. The special item is only purchased after consultation with the superior. The ultimate decision remains with the supe-rior. Although the item is used with the responsible dis-cretion of the individual, when and if his need for it is no longer present it is sold and the money returned to the community fund. Although this three-fold scheme of community use of [unds seems simple and clear in presentation, Father Minister and other members of the Mexican Jesuit com-munity emphasized that the implementation of this mode of poverty has more difficulties and is more complex than its simple outline indicates. 4- 4- 4- T. C. Wright REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 976 W. L. L~CROIX,.S.J. The New Property" and the of PovertY In the past ten years there has taken place a consider-able change in the attitudes of many vowed to the reli-gious life with respect to their "having" material goods. At times, this change in attitude has been reflected by attempts to patch the tearsin earlier lived interpretations of the vow of poverty by talk of a "vow of common life," or something of the sort. By these patchwork efforts, peo-ple have tried to bring within a reflective understanding of the vow such new lived interpretations of poverty that permit individuals to have exclusive control over many more material items (from transistor radios to individual vacations) than were ever previously found acceptable. In this brief essay, I would like to suggest that these efforts are of secondary consequence. I submit that there is a much more pressing problem for the practice of vowed poverty in contemporary America. This more pressing problem emerges from the recent, qualitative leap taken in the lived interpreta)ion of property. If the vow of poverty at all concerns some deliberate taking up of a life style that is designated by its extraordi-nary attitude toward property (this does seem to be the "matter" of the vow), then it is of major importance to talk about that which a political economist might call today the "new property." This concept is both simple and subtle, so let me briefly try to present what lines of thought are involved, and then appraige the implications of "new property" for what I will call the positive "thrust" of the vow of poverty. The "'New Property" Property may be described as a socially acknowledged relation that a person has to what is considered, in the broadest sense, an item of value. Now what is considered of value (except for subsistence in food, clothing, shelter) is to a great extent determined by the concrete attitudes W. L. LaCroix, S.J., is a faculty member of Rock-burst College; 5225 Troost Avenue; Kansas City, Mis-souri 64110. VOLUME 3~0, 1971 ÷ ÷ ÷ W. L. LaCroix REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 978 within a cultural milieu. And what are the manifold ways in which, ordinarily understood, one may acquire rela-tion to items of value are familiar to us all. And so we have our ordinary image of what we talk about when we use the term "property." But this imagining is so easy only because so few have done serious reflection on some significant socio-economic developments of the last fifty years. Many people today. continue to be undisturbedly at ease with talk about property exclusively under the rubric of the individual's possession, use, and control of "permanent" and fixed (real property) or of manipulable or consumable items of value (personal property). In fact, however, with the growth of a corporate society in America, some are able to argue convincingly that this familiar rubric of prop-erty has become at least partially obsolete, and that the part where it is obsolete is the more important part. One major indication of the need for a new rubric is that, in, our society heavily toned by business relation-ships, political economists and businessmen now are will-ing to say that, for most of the large business corporations, there are capital investors, there are top and middle man-agers, there are employees, customers, unions, the govern-ment, and the society at large that are related to the corporate organization, but there are no owners. That is, there are none except the impersonal (albeit legal) entity of the corporation itself. Certainly one reason here is that the business corporation is no longer an item compassa-ble by any individual who might attempt personally to organize and control it, that is, to "possess" it, to have it as private property. This growth to bigr~ess is one that has moved not only vertically in the size of an individual corporation, but hlso horizontally to interlace organizations of diverse kinds into one corporate society. Qualitative alterations have taken place in how and by whom social relation-ships are determined within the individual private orga-nization, in the relations between the individual private organizat~ions, and between these organizations, govern-mental bodies, and the social community itself. Corpora-tional businesses today act less with attention to the com-petitive market and more with attention to a mutual self-interest of the leading businesses, or even at times with a mixture of this and "public interest." Government does not hesitate to curtail initiative from a "private" firm for the sake of "public interest," or, conversely, to subsi-dize private sector business for the "public interest," or to contract out to business and to educational institutions some "public interest" undertaking. Educational institu-tions concern themselves with good relations with the business community and government for financial assist- ance; and with accreditation agencies for professional prestige. In a society composed of such interlaced organ~izations, the sharp distinctions between the public and the private sectors of activities have faded (I will suggest a test for this further on), and all members of society have been drawn into new and manifold relations to all the organi-zations. This means that those items of value, or wealth, which the individual can have as "private property" have become secondary in social significance. From Locke to World War I in Anglo-American thought these items have been the key to civic freedom, self-identity, and individual capacity to initiate effects in society. Now the socio-economic fi'eedom, identity, and initiative--in one word, the social power---of the private property holder are minimal. As a society we have entered an era where the initiative comes from organizations which act for or-ganizational or for "public" interest. And the "public" interest today means .less and less each individual's inter-ests and more and more only organized interests~ As part of a growing consensus on the relations of persons to new items of value today, A. A. Berle, Jr., has spoken of the divorce from older property of the socio-ec-onomic power to make determinations in society. He terms this the distinction between "individual possessory holdings" and "power systems." What is at stake here :is not merely the separation of ownership from socio-eco-nomic control, but the "increasing elimination of pro-prietary ownership itself and its replacement by, substan-tially, a power system." Charles A. Reich has spoken of the new form of wealth which one obtains in a corporational social structure through the relationships one has to various organiza-tions. These relationships gain for one a place in the interlaced socio-economic system of organizations. The new marriage of wealth and power is a union within the blood line of the power structure itself, for the wealth is itself new power. One has this new wealth of socio-eco-nomic place, or power status, in so far as one has actively functional relations to the power systems. As active within the power systems, one individually has the socio-economic power without the need of property in the tra-ditional sense of individual possessory holdings, One only needs to obtain a place, a status in the power systems. To clarify how this change brings in new dimensions in the question of poverty, let me develop briefly how one acquires this power, what the power is, why it is special today, and whether it is legitimate. ~ (How acquired) One enters a place of power not by ownership, but by the possession of whatever credentials the people presently with an active function in an organi- 4- "New Property" VOLUME 30, 1971 979 ÷ ÷ ÷ W. L. LaCroix REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 980 zation designate as required. They in turn designate what matters are required in response to the organization's demand in view of~ its present strength and future fate in the interlaced system. These admission credentials are supposed to, and often do, signify the possession of some expertise, some "know how" in terms of the functions and goals of the organization. One's relations to active power status in an organiza-tion is always conditional. It is forever a trial marriage and lasts only as long as the person's power decisions make things function well for the organizational system. In turn, one is subject to those interchanges of power which constitute the organization to which he belongs directly, and to those interchanges of power by which his organization is interlaced within the American corporate system. One is tied to his organization's fate, which itself is precarious, by one's personal credentials, which are constantly under test. For brevity~s sake, let us call one's conditional relations to this new wealth of power status the "new property" (even though I have modified Reich's use of the phrase). Some kind of status in a community or in a private orga-nization, of course, is nothing new. But the status now at point is no longer simply a social by-product of possessory holdings, ancestry; or profession. The new status is a place of socio-economic power within active organiza-tional power. (What is power) As Berle has noted, we are still philo-sophically immature in reflections on power. For our pur-poses here, let us be satisfied with a simple concept: power allows the wielder to initiate decisions on the transmission, use, and determinations of socio-economic assets for the lives of persons. One who holds power has a "scope of significant choice" (Carl Kaysen) open to his decisions within a corporational social structure that widely and significantly affect the determinations of how one himself and others experience and express human values. Today we have large social and economic organi-zations which depend upon and which generate power to their members. These organizations are managed by non-owners whose decisions and instructions, by the mecha-nism of the organization, are made causative at distant points of application, both inside and outside the indi-vidual organization. Normally one distinguishes "power to do things" and "power over persons," but this distinction often is only in the relative immediacy of the results of power's exercise. And the exercise of "power over" brings a reduction for those affected in the range of personal alternatives in socio-economic activities, and an increase in dependence on the power's exercise. (Why special) As society's organizations become more complex, they become more interlaced and thereby more counterbalanced in their scope of initiative action. This primordial counterbalance, however, is less in terms o~ conflict and more in terms of agreement. As a result, as organizations grow to need each other, they become less counterbalanced in the consequent effects o~ their actions in the public arena. This is an important point. It any-one subject to a function of organizational power is still ultimately free to disassociate himself from .the power, with some but with no drastic repercussions in his total li~e style, then the "power over" that person may be said to be private. Sucb a freedom of the one subjected to private "power over" presupposes other, significantly dis-tinct sources of "power to do" things which produce real options for the one subject to the power system at hand. But if the disassociation, if possible at all, from one power would at best only bring about the substitution o[ tbe one by another qualitatively the same source of 'power over," then the "power over" may be said to be public. From this test of the distinction of the public and tbe private sector o[ society, one sees that the real c~runch of the "new property" power is that, more and more, its consequent effects can no longer be balanced out by deci-sions made by others with power. It is so far forth public. Power status is thus one's place in the organizationally active determination of the quality of people's lives. As holders of "new property," individuals exercise the resultant social power to determine some relations that others will have to the organization or to its products, and thereby to the corporateI society. With an ethical vocabulary based on the old p, roperty rubrics, many sta-tus power people still speak ofI these determinations they bring about in tbe lives of ot[~ers only in terms of privi-leges or options, and not in terms of rights and basic human values. They thereby presume that to deny a rela-tion to the orgamzat~on or to deny a cr~uc~sm of its products is merely to deny a lprivilege or to deny tbe immediate value of certain options. There is no wonder that umvers~t~es, for example, st~ll ~ns~st that students are there not by right but by privilege. When orgamzauons were private, such talk was movie acceptable ethically. But today, when org~inizations both decide upon and, in their interlaced stance, supply thos~ credentials which deter-mine a person in the roles he b~ts in tbe corporate society, the subject's relation to them i~ now public and nearly or completely in the area~of rigltts. We are less and less a society o~ persons who receive entrance into "private" organizations by privilege or lwho use the products of organizations by option. Simp,ly stated, the "new prop-÷ ÷ ÷ "New Property" VOLUME 30, 1973. 981 ÷ ÷ ÷ W. L. LaCroix REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 982 erty" gives not only "power to do," but, more signifi-cantly for human and Christian values, direct "power over" persons. " (How legitimate) Such "power over" persons requires justification. One must question such power that can "make things happen" in respect to basic values in a society and ask if it is legitimate. The question is raised today for non-owned economic organizations and is espe-cially vital for all organizations which by the interlacing of society have had their power effects take on the "pub-lic" quality noted above. Power is a fact, but the persons concerned can ask for the rights to its possession and to its use. By "legitimate" I signify that there are good answers in terms of human values to the questions "How come such and such has power" and "For what purpose does such and such have power." Such questions ask for standards by which to judge the possession and use of power which are extra-neous to the power itself. In a society of fre6 persons, power can legitimately be obtained and legitimately be used only under the aegis of some expression of "public consensus." Berle has sug-gested two phases in any legitimization. (1) People get control, within an organization's power mechanism by some inner organizational ritual established by the orga-nization and accepted at least passively by the public consensus. (2) Such people use socio-economic power le-gitimately if the organizati6n has a [unction to perform within the values of the full society which is acknowl-edged by consensus, and if their use of the power is appropriate to that function. (Of course, few such func-tions are well-defined, but public consensus has positive though vague ideals here of what is acceptable.) Let us stipulate that, ambiguous as it is, power over persons can be legitimate. And let us for convenience designate anybne with legitimate power over persons in our corporate society as one who has "authority," but let us call such authority in the socio-economic structure "authority (P)." By this authority (P) ~ person rightfully can affect others in societal relationships by making things happen [or them, and thus can determine them in respect to some of the values in their lives. Given that individuals are persons, non-counterbal-anced power to affect their lives will be legitimate ulti-mately only if it positively contributes to their develop-ment as individual and as social persons. In our corporately interlaced society, this legitimacy will imply that those who have power will be accountable to all per-sons whose lives the exercise of the power affects. In summary, then, the argument is that today "new property" is identified with the exercise of "power over" in the socio-economic field, d one's "power over" activ-ities, one's authority (P),g ~"ves one's social identity and one's social initiative.°Keep in]mind that, in a true sense, one need not "own" anything [in order to have this "new property." " [ I do not wish to argue here that the concept of "new property" is accurate. This h~s been done forcefully by the political economists. All I need is this brief and un-doubtedly inadequate overview in order to ask for Some reflection on the relation of ~his advent of "new prop-erty" to the vow of poverty in ~eligious life. / The Vow ol Poverty In every activity within the[ corporate society, ,persons make and express their selves as they transact with other persons. Thus each one in deeds gives answers to those questions which are either exp!icitly or at least implicitly in every personal encounter: "~Who are you?" and "What do you mean for me?" ,, The social power that is theI new property' makes one respond in terms of status and function: "I am one who has tlus place m the social sttqucture and "I determine these values for you." Let me at once contrast withlthese responses what I call the positive thrust of the vow of poverty and suggest that tt ~s that wluch would permit one to respond: I am the human being Ch~'ist has made !me, are you such a human being, too?" On~ thereby expresses the message and the challenge of the Good News by one's very life style itself. Usually in activities we express a functional connection between some parts of ourselves and some parts of the supporting socio-economic system. We are teachers, pro-fessors, administrators at such and such an educational institution; we are experts and on such and such commit-tees; we have such ahd such training, such and such de-grees, such and such publications to our credit; thereby we are in such and such relationships to this organization within the complex of interlaced organizations. That is "who we are." By this part-function'ality we conceptually merge a re-sponse to "Who are you" with the response to "What do you do?" or even more broadly "How do you fit into the socio-economic system?" Thus when .asked "Who are you?" or when we ask of others "Who is that?" we really change the meaning of the question in,our minds and then employ functional categories "to handle" other per-sons in our thoughts and to have identification as we are "handled" in the thoughts of others. (We must be taught to do this: a little girl at the border, when asked if.she was an American, replied, "No, my daddy is an Ameri-can. I'm a girl.") 4- 4- + "New Property" VOLUME 30, 1971 983 ÷ ÷ ÷ W. L. LaCroix REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 984 Generally then, and perhaps more especially in a "new property" milieu, one's functional roles in the corporate society determine one's self identity. And this identity is more and more dependent upon the fate of one's immedi-ate organization within the corporate society, and upon. one's acceptance by functional peers and one's perform-ance among functional inferiors. Thus the primary con-cern of the person with "new property" must be organiza-tional. This is antithetical to the thrust of vowed poverty. A second, equally significant factor from "new prop-erty," the socio-economic power endemic to organiza-tional place also jabs at the thrust of vowed poverty. One with "new property" determines the lives of others Jor them because, as functional within and dependent upon socio-economic power, one exercises "power over" per-sons. Those who consider the vow of poverty as significant for Christian religious life can no longer ignore the con-tradiction that occurs when one points only to one's "min-imal individual possessory holdings" and Overlooks one's "new property" holdings. Since many religious in the United States are in education, let us use an example from this organizational area to put the problem strik-ingly. Let us ask: Can one who has a vow of poverty act consistently if he becomes the president of a uniyersity? Even if he lives a most frugal and Spartan private life, one stripped of all but the immediately necessary mate-rial items, can he in deeds live the thrust of the vow of poverty, since 'he has willy-nilly status wealth in the pub-lic socio-economic system and acts constantly with "power over" persons? Can he express the message and challenge ¯ of the Good News in any continuous form coming from his life style itself if he so connects himself with the interlaced set of organizations whose basis is a power to determine for other persons items basic to their values in life? The same questions can be put to the tenured profes, sor, the high .school principal, and so on. Perhaps a test for an opposition to vowed poverty would be: Do the respect and consideration one has from peers and inferi-ors in societal transactions come primarily from one's "new property" functions or not? Some have argued that poverty does not mean the neg-ative "not using material items of value," but rather the positive "sharing of the effects and experiences resultant from any possession and use with the concrete religious community." These values are one's talents, the experi-ences of one's apostolate, as well as the gifts one receives, one's former individual possessory holdings, and so forth. Thus they might argue that one can also use the "new property" consistently without effect on poverty in reli-gious life. I suspect that such an argument misses the qualitative newness of the "new property.~" It also un~terplays the positive thrust in the rentmciation of the old property, suggested in this section's opening. I will stipulate that some of the inward thrust of pov-erty may be in terms of mutual sharing with the commu-nity. But the vow must be ultimately for the life of the Good News in the mission of the whole Christian com-munity. It cannot have for its final term the limited reli-gious community: And ~he outward thrust (and part of the inward thrust itself) of poverty is precisely so that one can respond to contact with others as a (Christian) human person and challenge the others also to be (Chris-tian) human persons. Poverty has been an attempt to remove those identification handles which passively ob-struct the transmission of the Good News which chal-lenges others to be in, deeds what Christ has made them. Perhaps more importantly in our time and place, poverty seeks to remove that public power which actively ob-structs others from determining for themselves their free response to the challenge of the Good News. This mission of the Good News one legitimately .ob-tains and legitimately exercises by the action of the Trin-ity in human history. Let us for convenience designate anyone with the legitimate mission to challenge others with the Good News as one who has Christian authority, but let us call this challenging authority "authority (C)." By this authority (C), a person in encounter~ can legiti-mately challenge others to be consistent with themselves as individual and social persons, but the challenger has no power to determine the others in respect to their values as human persons, because the thrust of one's Christian mission is to leave the others confronted with the Gospel challenge but free to determine themselves, As there is authority (P) which is legitimate power to challenge others by determining to some extent human values for them, so here there is authority (C) ~hich is the mission to transmit a legitimate challenge but with-out any power to determine for the one c.hallenged. Those who live a vow of poverty would seem to want to specialize in ~some continuity of deeds and life style in this Christian authority (C). Of course, it is not impossible for one tO have status property and to exercise the consequent determining power and still,, in addition, to transmit by authority (C) the challenge of the Good News. Christians who do not vow poverty do it every day. But they do not attempt to specialize in a continuity of deeds .which emphasize au-thority (C). 4- "New Property" VOLUME 30, 1971 985 ÷ ÷ W, L, LaCroix REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 986 Some would argue that those with the vow of. poverty also can utilize the "new property" and its logically con-seqt~ ent authority (P) as a means in their life style. They argue that religious do not rest in this "new property" but can have it and remain true to the thrust of the vow because, for example, they use the "new property" to make professional contacts vital to the universalization of the Good News. Let us reflect here not on the strengths of such a defense, and there are some, bnt on its weaknesses. A. Some would say that religious need the status, which is the wealth of the "new property," in order to contact the important people in a society organized around power status on their own level. From the "new prop-erty" gained by administrative, academic, or other cre-dentials, religious can contact the organizational profes-sions of the clay and influence them. But do religious as status members speak to others as trans-status human beings or as co,possessors of power status? Do religious who contact as holders of "new property" contact the whole person and challenge the other with authority (C)? Must religious not necessarily, if they are fellow "new property" holders, speak to others pronouncedly as fun-damental co-members who are equally bound to the power and th'e fate of the structure in dominance in today's corporate society? Remember, unlike the old property, one never "owns" the "new property;" One is always conditionally and precariously subject to the orga-nizations which generate the active power place. One keeps the p.lace only by somehow contibnting actively to a successful exercise of socio-economic "power to do" and "power over." B. Why was not a parallel argument valid for religious to have the "old" property? If it was not valid, what value did Christians place on the vow of poverty in the past that made it so? Was it simply the release from worry over those things which other people must daily worry about? Certainly not. Christians held [or some rea-son that religious vowed to poverty could give a special continuity to the use of authority (C) lrom the very form their life style gave to all their activities. Religious could give this special continuity to the use of authority (C) if they were not the equals of others as holders of individ-ual possessory property, if they encountered the others not in a role of co-wielders of social power from that property, but radically as persons unconnected with a social function category. Can this thrust be realized if religious with a vow of poverty are equal co-holders of social economic public power from the "new property" of today? It is not easy to answer this with a simple "no." Many seem successful in their mission with the Good News to challenge others t(; be "the persons Christ has made them even though these present challengers, vowed religious, or lay Christians, are co-holders with the chall~n~ged of the "new property." X~'hether such success is limited to this period of transi-tion, wherein few are fully .aware of the i.mplicationS of "new property," is a good question. But whether even such success continues to make a religious vow of poverty meaningful is a better one~ ÷ ÷ ÷ "New Property" VOLUME 30, 1971 987 ROBERT OCHS, S.J. Experiments for Closing the Experience Gap in Prayer ÷ ÷ ÷ Robert Ochs is a faculty member of Bellarmine School of Theology; 5't30 South University Avenue; Chicago, Il-linois fi5615. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 988 "Speaking exactly as one friend speaks to another"- these are the words with which Ignatius Loyola character-izes what he calls "colloquies," conversations with the Father, Christ, or Mary which conclude so many of the exercises which make up his Spiritual Exercises. This prayer of conversation, explicitly evoking a personal part-ner, is not the whole of prayer. To try to make it such, to focus on the divine Thou in all our prayer, is a strain which can cut us off from other avenues of divine contact. Trying to force all prayer irito a conversational mold can even short-circuit what it intends to further, by making us hurry past the "impersonal" world of divine power and energy, fire and spirit, not to mention Silence and nothingness. Yet to turn our back on it would be to lose a vital dimension of religious experience. Prayer as conversation, dialogue, or encounter with God has recently become much harder for increasing numbers of Christians, as they have rediscovered God both as transcendent mystery and as immanent Spirit. But, I submit, neither our new awareness of God's tran-scendence or of his immanence is the real cause of our inability to meet God in a face to face encounter. For some reason we are not bold enough, or realistic and imaginative enough, in our use of dialogal prayer. Prayer of colloquy is not nearly "colloquial" enough. Speaking with God "exactly as one friend to another," as Ignatius flatly states it, has yet to be really explored, partly out of a misplaced fear of anthropomorphism, partly because our personal relationships themselves have become so bland that we have forgotten exactly how intimate friends do speak to one another. (I sometimes feel Dr, George Bach's paperback, The Intimate Enemy: How to Fight Fair in Love and Marriage, would be a better aid to prayer nowadays than many books directly on prayer,) Underlying our lack of imagination is a peculiar mind set of ours which renders any boldness in encountering God all but impossible. Until we alter this mind set about where and how God is encountered, about the mediurn of any encounter with God, any modeling of our encounter with God on the model of human encounters will look merely like improved make-believe. The Spiritual Exercises speak a great deal about this medium, what Ignatius calls creatures or .simply "all things." Early in the text~ the so-called "Principle and Foundation" insists on "indifference" to things, using them "in as far as" they help find God. And toward the end, the "Contemplation to Attain Love" reminds us that love manifests itself in deeds and consists in a mutual sharing of goods. Between these two exercises, which span the whole Ignatian retreat, the effort is to make things a vehicle of mutual communication instead .of an obstacle, to make them a locus of encounter and matter for shar-ing. As an introductory school of prayer the Exercises teach us to find God in all things, so that things become the means of exchange for dialogue. The whole effort to encounter God involves us therefore in a vast transforma-tion of our view of things. All this sounds terribly obvious. And yet the shift in point of view we are called on to effect in ourselves is enormous, and if we could do it we could pray. The effort involves, for a Christian who supposedly "already believes in God" but does not yet really live in faith, the overcoming of an attitude about God and things which is perhaps the great obsta_cle to encounter with God in our lives, an attitude I Choose to call Deism. Deism sounds at first a harmless enough term, and that is partly why I have chosen it. Giving a harmless name to what one feels is The Great Obstacle has the advantage that it opens us to look for the obstacle to prayer within ourselves and our own pale Christianity. For much that goes by the name of Christianity is no more than Deism, and Deism is as far removed from Christian faith as ag-nosticism or atheism. At any rate, Deism stands along with agnosticism and atheism on the opposite side of the line dividing belief from unbelief. And it is perhaps more dangerous than those two, because it apes Christianity and obscures it own lack of faith. After all, is it not at least theistic, admitting the existence of God? But it ad-mits a God with whom one does not deal, an inaccessibld God with whom one does not argue or wrestle. From the viewpoint of faith the Deist is worse off than the atheist who seeks an accessible God but cannot find him. It is not true that believing in a Deistic God is better than + ÷ ÷o VOLUME 30, 1971 989 ÷ ÷ ÷ Robert Ochs REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 990 believing in none at all, because to believe in a God who does not enter into intimate relationships with men im-plies giving him certain personal attributes opposed to such relationships, making him aloof, arbitrary, uncon-cerned. While faith says He is our Father. Deism is far from harmless. It is religion without reli-gious experience, religion without encounter and without prayer. It declares God inaccessible. It views the world of things precisely as providing no access to God. It would be profitable to read Ignatius' "Contemplation to Attain Love" as an overcoming of Deism, seeing God dwelling in creatures, "conducting Himself as one who labors" for us in all creatures on the face of the earth. The "Contempla-tion" is the effort to see deeds as potential manifestations of 10ve and all goods as material for mutual sharing. I somewhat regret having to use the term Deism, be-cause it sounds too exclusively associated with the ages of' enlightenment and rationalism. What I mean by it is less a theological position than a state of mind, one which is still very much with us. Deism is a whole sensibility impeding our prayer. One could almost define it as the opposite of finding God in all things, as finding things and supposedly finding God, but not putting these two together except in an awkward juxtaposition. It is what modern thinkers are trying to overcome when they talk of transcendence in immanence and of encountering God in the world. We are Deists when we find God in religion and' not in secular things, and when we admit that reli-gion is more important but more boring than life. We are Deists in our inability to talk about God without using pale language divorced from life, language made more and not less abstract when it becomes pious. We are Deists when we live out our own human growth Odyssey without relation to our spiritual Odyssey. These are old accusations. We are no doubt overfami-liar with these aspects of our Deism. Accordingly, in the following pages I propose taking a look at certain things in which we are not used to finding God. We do not look for God in these things because we think He is already there. We are already aware of the problem of finding God in matter, in the secular, in the ugly. But the things I want to look into with the reader are, briefly, the will of God, our thoughts (especially our religious thoughts), and our images of God and ourselves as we engage God in dialogue. If we looked more for God in these things, .we would be much more able to pray. The best way to take this look is not by direct description, but by watch-ing our spontaneous reactions provoked by certain thought experiments. This way we can uncover the var-ious Deistic mind sets we are caught up in. We should not be surprised by this procedure. The Exercises them- selves proceed often in this same fashion, asking us, for example to imagine three classes of men or to imagine ourselves at tile hour of deatli, or to enter in fantasy into a gospel scene and then ',reflect On myself." The itinerary through the Exercises proceeds as much by uncovering and then healing attitudes of unbelief as by appropriat-ing attitudes of belief. God Present in the Things .That Are His will The second is that love consists in a mutual sharing of goods, for example the lover give and shares with the be-loved what he possesses, or something of that which he has or is able to give: and vice versa, the beloved shares With the lover. Hence, if one has knowledge, he shares it with the one who does not possess it; and' 'so also if one has honors, or riches. Thus, one always gives to the other.--Spiritual Ex-ercises, n. 231. Let us start hy a look at our will-of-God-talk. There is, in fact, a curious anomaly in much recent will-of, God-talk. This anomaly can be expressed in different ways. For example, we seem to be theists in our discei:ning process, and secularists in our carrying out process (and therefore Pelagian Deists all round: Discern as if every-thing depended upon God; act as if everything depended on you). Our talk of discerning God's will sounds more convincing than our talk of God's will once discerned. We do talk rather convincingly (that is, convincedly; with words that at least sound as if we were convinced of the reality we were talking about) about finding God'S will, but our handling of God's will once we have supposedly found it seems to give the lie to such talk. It is not iust that we fail in performance, that we are slow to fulfill what we think we must do, as Christians have always felt themselves to be. It is that the talk that accompanies our efforts to fulfill the wi.l,1 of God sounds as if we were~less than convinced that there was any such thing as a will of God manifested in discernment. In short, our talk gives the impression that we aim at doing more than merely discerning "What the situation calls for," because we in-sist on giving it a theological dimension. And yet once we have discerned "the will of God," we carry on as if this theological dimension were sheer ideology. Various Symptoms point to this, especially Our vacilla-tion and our regrets (and recriminations). Our vacillation during the process of discernment, weighing and search-ing our motives, 'indicates that we take seriously what we are doing. But vacillation after the moment of deciSion indicates rather the opposite. Again, it is not so much vacillation in performance I am talking about, but a kind of vacillation in the belief which governs the perform-ance. (If you are going to believe in a will-of-God uni-verse, an agnostic observer might say, at least take the ÷ ÷ ÷ Prayer VOLUME 30, 1971 991 ÷ ÷ ÷ Robert Ochs REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 992 advantages as well as the onus of your world view, and taste a bit of the joy and enthusiasm that ought to accom-pany such a belief.) For example, a line of action em-barked upon as a result of discernment will be aban-doned with a lightness incompatible with the discern-ment talk which launched it. The project is not adjusted in the light of new circumstances, discerned anew, as we say, but is changed without recourse to any discernment process at all. A project may be entered upon with some sense of vocation, and then abandoned with neither a sense of infidelity to any call, nor a sense of a new version of the call. If it does not work out, it is simply dropped as a misguided enterprise shot through with human fallibil-ity. After this, curiously enough, the whole discernment process may be started again, with'hopes inexplicably undimmed of finding this time the will-of-God project that will not turn sour. This phenomenon makes one wonder if any genuine discernment was ever done at all, especially when one considers that true discernment does not just provide the knowledge of what to do, but the grace to carry it out, the grace not to forget for long that one is about the Lord's business. Nadal remarks that what struck the early companions about Ignatius was his single-mindedness once he had adopted a course of action through discernment. Ignatius especially deplored the failure of spiritual nerve or what he called courage in difficult enterprises. Another index is regret. We have pursued a course under the aegis of God's will, expended our energies on it, and it does not work out, or works only tolerably well. Hindsight reveals all the deficiencies of our original choice--it looks dated, it is not what we would have chosen if we knew then what we know now. We regret, we recriminate, we think rather quickly .that we have been duped, wasted our efforts, labored under a very human delusion. Even though when we made the deci-sion we claimed to be aware that we had no choice but to choose, further postponement of decision being a worse choice than the one we made, yet we have no sense of accomplishment, no sense of having done God's will or even qf having done our best trying. For another index, let us observe our reactions to the account, in Chapter I of Acts, of the drawing of lots to fill up the vacancy left in the Twelve by Judas' betrayal. Matthias and Barsabba
This N = 173,426 social science dataset was collected through the collaborative COVIDiSTRESS Global Survey – an open science effort to improve understanding of the human experiences of the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic between 30th March and 30th May, 2020. The dataset allows a cross-cultural study of psychological and behavioural responses to the Coronavirus pandemic and associated government measures like cancellation of public functions and stay at home orders implemented in many countries. The dataset contains demographic background variables as well as measures of Asian Disease Problem, perceived stress (PSS-10), availability of social provisions (SPS-10), trust in various authorities, trust in governmental measures to contain the virus (OECD trust), personality traits (BFF-15), information behaviours, agreement with the level of government intervention, and compliance with preventive measures, along with a rich pool of exploratory variables and written experiences. A global consortium from 39 countries and regions worked together to build and translate a survey with variables of shared interests, and recruited participants in 47 languages and dialects. Raw plus cleaned data and dynamic visualizations are available.