In: Rabels Zeitschrift für ausländisches und internationales Privatrecht: The Rabel journal of comparative and international private law, Band 85, Heft 3, S. 705
There is heated debate over the wisdom and effect of secrecy in international negotiations. This debate has become central to the process of foreign investment arbitration because parties to disputes nearly always can choose to hide arbitral outcomes from public view. Working with a new database of disputes at the world's largest investor-state arbitral institution, the World Bank's International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes, the authors examine the incentives of firms and governments to keep the details of their disputes secret. The authors argue that secrecy in the context of investment arbitration works like a flexibility-enhancing device, similar to the way escape clauses function in the context of international trade. To attract and preserve investment, governments make contractual and treaty-based promises to submit to binding arbitration in the event of a dispute. They may prefer secrecy in cases when they are under strong political pressure to adopt policies that violate international legal norms designed to protect investor interests. Investors favor secrecy when managing politically sensitive disputes over assets they will continue to own and manage in host countries long after the particular dispute has passed. Although governments prefer secrecy to help facilitate politically difficult bargaining, secrecy diminishes one of the central purposes of arbitration: to allow governments to signal publicly their general commitment to investor-friendly policies. Understanding the incentives for keeping the details of dispute resolution secret may help future scholars explain more accurately the observed patterns of wins and losses from investor-state arbitration as well as patterns of investment.
The First International Conference on Health and Human Rights was an effort to bring the worlds of public health and human rights together to exchange ideas, air differences, learn from one another, identify issues for future research and begin to develop a language that will facilitate communication across disciplines. (Original abstract-amended)
'Bei dem vorliegenden Beitrag handelt es sich um eine international vergleichende Analyse zur Bildungshomogamie. Untersucht werden die Länder USA, Österreich, Ungarn und Deutschland. Dabei wird auf die Daten des International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) zurückgegriffen. Im Beitrag wird analysiert, inwieweit Randverteilungseinflüsse und institutionelle Rahmenbedingungen zur Entstehung von Bildungshomogamie beitragen. Des weiteren wird überprüft, ob es sich bei bildungsbezogenen Heiratsbarrieren eher um sozialisations- oder statusbedingte Heiratsbarrieren handelt. Ausserdem wird auf verschiedene Formen sozialer Abgrenzung zwischen den Bildungsgruppen eingegangen. Die Analyse zeigt, dass die Unterschiede der Bildungshomogamie in den untersuchten Ländern vorwiegend durch Randverteilungseffekte zustande kommt. Die relative Bedeutung von Sozialisations- und Statuseffekten divergiert kaum zwischen den vier untersuchten Ländern. Dies weist auf die Existenz eines länderübergreifenden 'sozialen' Mechanismus hin, der unanhängig von institutionellen Rahmenbedingungen und länderspezifischen Vorgaben wirksam wird.' (Autorenreferat)
Examines the complexities & pitfalls inherent in any effort to administer international justice, focusing on the International Criminal Court (ICC). The issue of ICC jurisdiction is addressed in terms of two officially voiced objections voiced by the US with respect to the authority of the ICC prosecutor to bring cases on his own initiative & the ICC's authority to assert jurisdiction over nationals of a state not party to the Rome Statute. A detailed look at US criticisms & concerns of the ICC is then provided, highlighting the ideological debate on sovereignty vs global governance. In this light, considered is the referral of the Darfur crisis to the ICC & the US decision not to veto the resolution, which, it is argued, opened the door for a new US relationship with the ICC, wherein ideological objections might be put to rest. Attention is given to the ICC's actions & four policy options for the US: opposition, indifference, cooperation, & ratification. Why cooperation is more viable than ratification is addressed, identifying two reasons why the US is not ready for the latter. D. Edelman
Intro -- Foreword -- Contents -- Abbreviations -- Editors and Contributors -- 1 Introduction -- Abstract -- Part I Foreign Fighters: A Multidisciplinary Overview of New Challenges for an Old Phenomenon -- 2 Foreign Fighters in the Syria and Iraq Conflict: Statistics and Characteristics of a Rapidly Growing Phenomenon -- Abstract -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Background and Definition -- 2.3 Numbers and Characteristics of Foreign Fighters in Syria and Iraq -- 2.3.1 Growing Numbers, Diverse Background -- 2.3.2 Latest ICSR Report -- 2.3.3 Foreign Fighters Siding with the Governments in Damascus and Baghdad and Kurdish Groups -- 2.4 Explanations and Reactions -- 2.4.1 Reactions to the Rise of Numbers of Foreign Fighters to Syria and Iraq -- 2.5 Concluding Remarks -- References -- 3 Foreign Fighters Involvement in National and International Wars: A Historical Survey -- Abstract -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 The American Revolution -- 3.3 Latin America and the Quest for Independence -- 3.4 Freedom for Greece -- 3.5 19th Century Foreign Fighters -- 3.6 The Italian Risorgimento -- 3.7 Volunteers in the 20th Century: World War I -- 3.7.1 The Wars of the 1930s -- 3.7.2 The Volunteers and World War II -- 3.8 The New Waves of Volunteers after WW II -- 3.8.1 The Invasion of Afghanistan and the New Pattern of Foreign Volunteers -- 3.9 Conclusions -- References -- 4 Foreign Fighters as a Challenge for International Relations Theory -- Abstract -- 4.1 Irregulars in Focus -- 4.2 Mobilised Transnational Identities -- 4.3 Bringing the State Back in -- 4.4 Westphalia's Tectonics -- 4.5 Conclusions -- References -- 5 Foreign Fighters: Motivations for Travel to Foreign Conflicts -- Abstract -- 5.1 Introduction -- 5.2 Outrage and Empathy -- 5.3 Adherence to the Ideology -- 5.4 Search for Identity and Meaning -- 5.5 Conclusion -- References.
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International audience ; International Law and the Emerging Countries in the XXIst Century ; Si la montée en puissance des pays émergents a déjà fait l'objet de nombreuses recherches dans les domaines de l'économie et de la science politique, il existe aujourd'hui peu d'études juridiques d'ensemble consacrées à cette question pourtant incontournable pour la compréhension des relations internationales contemporaines et de la formation du droit international au XXIe siècle. Or, face à l'impact des pays émergents sur le droit international, il semble exister un double besoin d'adaptation. D'une part, bien évidemment, tous les États de la planète qu'ils soient développés ou en développement devront trouver sur le plan juridique les voies et moyens permettant de prendre en considération la place et le rôle des pays émergents dans le système international. D'autre part, la seconde exigence concerne la doctrine juridique qui sera très certainement de plus en plus appelée à analyser le développement du droit international à l'aune de l'influence des pays émergents. En ce sens, cette nouvelle livraison de L'Observateur des Nations Unies propose une série d'éclairages relatifs à l'étude juridique de l'action internationale des pays émergents.