Suchergebnisse

This thesis studies sectarianism in New South Wales from 1947 through to 1981. This was a period of intense change in Australian socio-cultural history, as well as in the history of religious cultures, both within Australia and internationally. Sectarianism, traditionally a significant force in Australian socio-cultural life, was significantly affected by the many changes of this period: the religious revival of the 1950s, the rise of ecumenism and the Second Vatican Council in the 1960s, as well as postwar mass-immigration, the politics of education, increasing secularism in Australian society and the Goulburn schools closure of 1962, which was both a symptom of the diminishing significance of sectarianism as well as a force that accelerated its demise. While the main study of sectarianism in this thesis ends with the 1981 High Court judgment upholding the constitutionality of state aid to non-government schools, this thesis also traces the lingering significance of sectarianism in Australian society through to the early twenty-first century through oral history and memoir. This thesis offers a contribution to historical understanding of sectarianism, examining the significance of sectarianism as a discursive force in Australian society in the context of social, political and religious cultures of the period. It argues that while the significant social and religious changes of the period eroded the discursive power of sectarianism in Australian society, this does not mean sectarianism simply vanished from Australian society. While sectarianism became increasingly insignificant in mainstream Australian socio-political life in this period, sectarianism -- both as a discourse and ideology -- lingered in social memory and in some religious cultures.

The article is devoted to the study of the acceptability of the introduction of digital technologies in the electoral process and their compliance with democratic standards. It is indicated, that the Recommendation CM / Rec (2017) revised the problematic aspects of the legal regulation of electoral technologies in accordance with the current stage of development of science and information technology and today remains virtually the only agreed act, containing requirements for electronic voting. The most common digital technologies in the election process are highlighted: devices for direct recording of electronic voting without a paper ballot form; means of scanning the ballot; technical mechanisms for speeding up the counting of votes; online voting system via a computer or mobile device with Internet access; a device for voter identification online or at a polling station (including by recording fingerprints or the retina). The following essential principles of this method of election are summarized: clarity of procedure, reliability, stability of electoral legislation and broad public support. The authors highlight the following advantages of the electronic election system - the presence of a coordinated, verified, labile voter register; increases administrative efficiency; reduces long-term costs of financial and labor resources; eliminates the possibility of manipulation; speeds up the counting of votes; improves political transparency; overcomes the problems of ignorance of the electorate. The article proves that elections, referendums or other forms of democracy, conducted using digital technologies, must meet the requirements and general principles of suffrage. Legitimation of digital technologies is possible only in the absence of discriminatory advantages. Therefore, the possibility of using digital technologies is possible in the case of organizing the technical perfection of the electronic voting system and counting of votes, as well as their alternatives, along with the classic form of voting

This article analyzes both general issues of the theory of reforms and the history of economic reforms in Russia in the XIX—early XX century. The authors propose to consider the procces of carrying out reforms and counter-reforms as a result of interaction of several actors — "a theoretician", "a reformer", "a ruler", "an elite" and "people". During the whole Russian history reforms were of cyclic character. This article studies reforms conducted by M. M. Speransky, great reforms of Alexander II, reforms carried out by S. Yu. Vitte and P. A. Stolypin, counter-reforms of Nickolas I and Alexander III. All Russian reforms have always been aimed at the country's modernization. However, though reforms were usually initiated for political reasons, economic reforms were in fact implemented. The tasks of modernization were realized in the first place in the military industry. Economic modernization occupied the second place by importance. Modernization of culture received much less attention, and modernization of political institutions was almost neglected. Historical experience shows that every project of modernization is unique and implies that reformers and intellectual elite are able to find those key decisions that will guarantee success. It is for this reason that the art of economic policy remains the prime factor in working out the strategy of reforms.

This paper is based on a research of communication aspect of the relationship between local newspapers and culture in the period from 1990 to 2000. Political changes during 1990s marked political changes having an impact on all life segments in the Republic of Croatia, thus in the town of Zadar too. The process of democratization in the Republic of Croatia was marked with a series of difficulties. The Homeland war brought about tough days of poverty, deaths, destroyed towns and local heritage, as well as other difficulties usually brought about by war. Culture is an important segment of human life, and studying culture and cultural life in war period requires special attention. Cultural life in such extraordinary conditions influences raising morale and has a significant role in the spiritual life of citizens. Political changes had an effect also on the media going through a process of creating a democratic pluralistic information system. The paper is based on a hypothesis that the Zadar newspapers − in terms of culture and cultural work in the first decade of democratic changes, in pre-war period, war period and post-war period − had the role of an active participant in cultural life as well as the role of a mediator among journalists, cultural workers and citizens of Zadar. The research is based on researches of reaction papers in the area of culture in Zadar's local newspapers in the period from 1990 to 2000. The newspapers include: Narodni list, Zadarski list, Fokus, Zadarski tjednik and Zadarski regional. This paper defines culture in terms of the document Cultural politics of the Republic of Croatia, harmonized with the European standards in terms of cultural politics.

Public War, Private Conscience offers a philosophical reflection on the moral demands made upon us by war, providing a clear and accessible overview of the different ways of thinking about war. Engaging both with contemporary examples and historical ideas about war, the book offers unique analysis of issues relating to terrorism, conscience objection, just war theory and pacifism. Andrew Fiala examines the conflict between utilitarian and deontological points of view. On the one hand, wars are part of the project of public welfare, subject to utilitarian evaluation. On the other hand, war is a

"This Handbook provides a comprehensive global survey of the policy process. Written by an outstanding line up of distinguished scholars and practitioners, the Handbook covers all aspects of the policy process including:Theory - from rational choice to the new institutionalism Frameworks - network theory, advocacy coalition and development models Key stages in the process - Formulation, implementation and evaluation Agenda setting and decision making The roles of key actors and institutions This is an invaluable resource for all scholars, graduate students and practitioners in public policy and policy analysis" --

Ukraine's 2004 presidential election was falsified, spurring the Orange Revolution. To many observers, the Orange Revolution was a shock, and the stolen election a recent development. However, both the election fraud and the effort to topple the government of Leonid Kuchma emerged from political dynamics that had appeared in earlier Ukrainian elections.In this path breaking volume, leading scholars place Ukraine's 2004 Orange Revolution in the longer perspective of Ukraine's post-Soviet electoral politics. Covering both presidential and parliamentary elections over the entire post-Soviet period, the chapters clarify the manner in which earlier elections had emerged as part of the battle for power in Ukraine well before 2004. The opposition that came to power in 2004 had also won the 2002 elections and had developed its strategies during opposition protests that had been catalyzed by the Kuchmagate crisis in 2000. The evolution of the dynamics that led to the fraudulent 2004 election reveals that the events of 2004 represented continuity as well as change. By placing the 2004 elections within a longer trajectory, the volume enriches our understanding of the Orange Revolution and helps us to understand the difficulties faced in consolidating Ukraine's democratic breakthrough following the Orange Revolution.The volume contains an introduction to "Aspects of the Orange Revolution I-VI" by Andreas Umland, followed by eight chapters by Robert K. Christensen, Edward R. Rakhimkulov and Charles Wise, Paul D'Anieri, Robert Kravchuk and Victor Chudowsky, Paul Kubicek, Taras Kuzio, Lucan Way, and Anna Makhorkina. These authors bring complex and varied perspectives that situate Ukraine's post-Soviet elections in economic reforms, constitutional law, foreign policy objectives of integrating into Europe, as well as in the broader context of the rough and tumble

IFPRI5 ; EPTD ; PR ; xv, 265 p. : col. ill. ; 24 cm.