Suchergebnisse

This chapter sets out to explore charity and solidarity approaches in three cosmographic genres: aid galas, foreign news, and documentaries about foreign nations. I argue that their nation-based ratio together with the panoptic character that allows the home nation a privileged invisibility as the rest of the world is being written, constitute predominantly charity approaches. Solidarity approaches towards global, inter- and intra-national divides do however appear when dialogic modes of writing (verbally and visually) are used. They also concur with political rather than culturalistic understandings of these divides, therefore oppose naturalization of differences and open up for possibilities of change. In the end I discuss possible ways of analyzing solidarity in relation to power in media studies, as well as ways of constituting solidaritarian media texts. A key feature in this project is the breakup of the opposition of genres that discuss the domestic respectively the foreign.

This book represents the first comprehensive overview of the US-Iraqi relationship since 1979 and the first attempt to place the 2003 American invasion and subsequent occupation of Iraq in that wider historical context. Using a modified version of World Systems Theory, the book places American policy toward Iraq at the centre of a number of dynamics, including America's dominant role in managing the world capitalist system, the fundamental importance of Persian Gulf oil to that system, and long-term change in the American political system. It argues that American policy towards Iraq since 1979 has been shaped above all by the importance of Persian Gulf oil to the world economy and the consequent need to restore America's position as regional hegemon and guarantor of the global oil supply, which had been destabilized by the Iranian revolution. It also emphasizes the role of American domestic politics and above all the 'conservative ascendancy' which brought George W. Bush to the presidency, as a critical factor in explaining the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Key Features Provides a comprehensive analysis of US-Iraqi relations from 1979 Demonstrates that the second Iraq War is a result of a longer historical process and not just the product of 9/11 and the War on Terror Deepens understanding of the underlying factors of US policy towards the Persian Gulf, and its oil Uses World Systems Theory to analyse US foreign policy

Abstract
Whereas the Obama administration had equivocated, the Trump White House declared its vehement opposition to the Belt and Road Initiative (bri). This shift went together with the Trump administration's designation of the People's Republic of China (prc) as a strategic competitor and a broader deterioration in bilateral relations. However, as it began to posit alternatives to the bri, the Trump administration fell back on the policy thinking of the established foreign policy community. In doing this, it tacitly accepted the importance of soft power and the adoption of strategies requiring close cooperation with allies and partners so as to develop regional infrastructural "connectivity" projects. The White House thereby stepped back from the unilateralism, "principled realism," and reliance upon hard power that had defined Donald J. Trump's 2015–2016 presidential campaign. Nonetheless, U.S. efforts to develop policy alternatives to the bri were limited, unstable, and variegated. The Trump administration's actions in other policy arenas often stymied efforts to counter the prc and initiatives such as the build Act and "Prosper Africa" received scant resources. On the basis of this policy pattern, the article argues that policy communities at times can "harness" other counter-positioned, political currents, but ongoing ideational stresses and abrasion will inevitably characterize the process.

Studies of Sino-American rapprochement in 1972 have not sufficiently explored how the Chinese public, which had been taught to hate the American "imperialists," learned (or was instructed) about the dramatic change. By analyzing Renmin Ribao (People's Daily) and Cankao Xiaoxi (Reference News), an internal (neibu) newspaper circulated only among Chinese Communist Party cadres, this article examines how the Chinese government prepared the party and its people for rapprochement from 1969 through 1971. Reference News kept cadres posted about Washington's overtures, Nixon's expressed wish to visit China, and Mao's willingness to receive him, among other items not shared with the wider public. Before official exchanges were agreed, the Chinese government conducted "people-to-people diplomacy" by inviting American "friends" and displaying them to the Chinese public through banquets, receptions, and ceremonies. People's Daily, which offered intensive coverage to these visitors, was particularly important in promoting the atmosphere of friendship. Party leaders did not need the approval of the public and party workers, but they did take their response into account in making foreign policy, especially on dramatic changes. By evaluating the Chinese communication system and its handling of public opinion on relations with the United States, this article presents a more nuanced picture of the "propaganda state."

US policy and the Yugoslav Crisis, by F. Stephen Larrabee
This essay examines US policy toward the crisis in the former Yugoslavia and its implications for Transatlantic relations. The crisis has reinforced a growing scepticism in the United States ahout the role of the United Nations and peacekeeping. This scepticism has hecome even more pronounced since the November Congressional élections in which the Republican party gained control of the Senate and the House of Representatives for the first time in 30 years. The new Republican-dominated Congress is likely to he more unilateralist and sceptical about foreign commitments than the previous one. This will make it much more difficult for the Clinton Administration to forge a bipartisan consensus not just on Bosnia but on many other international issues as well. The crisis has also created serious cracks in the Western Alliance. Despite efforts by the Clinton Administration to paper over these differences, it is clear that the US and its allies do not share the same strategie assessment regarding Bosnia. This pertains to a number of other critical issues related to European security as well, especially the enlargement of NATO. The danger is that the differences over Bosnia could spill over into the debate about NATO expansion and complicate the effort to enlarge NATO.

Mubarak's Egypt, by Gudrun Kràmer
After a period of isolation resulting from her peace treaty with Israël, Egypt seems to be reasserting herself once more in the Arab world, especially since the restitution of the Sinai. Her military and political roles have gained importance in the eyes of pro-Western Arab countries and the position of her adversaries ― those who refuse compro mise and seek confrontation ― has weakened as a result of changes in relative strength brought about by the Irak-Iran war and by the Israeli invasion of Lebanon. After death, both Egypt and the other Arab countries expected to see change of internal and external policy. It was thought that Hosny Mubarak would not follow Sadat's line towards liberal capitalism and strict démocratisation of political structures coupled with rapprochement towards the United States and return to normal relations with Israel. There was much contradictory speculation about what line would be. He has, in fact, imposed « new style » and though this does not question the basic principles of policy, it does lean towards a more flexible interpretation. Contrary to expectations the return of Sinai did not provoke fundamental change of direction. However, in spite of repeated assurances of stability and continuity, new elements are discernible within the government, especially as regards foreign policy, and these are worth analysing carefully.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is attracting significant attention from governments and scholars. This study examines the evolution of the SCO as a regional security provider and a framework for cooperation, drawing on fieldwork interviews with officials and experts from its member-states

This two-volume collection brings together the first 53 Joseph Fisher Lectures in economics and commerce, presented at the Adelaide University every other year since 1904. Funds for the Lectures, together with a medal for the top accounting student each year, were kindly provided by a £1,000 endowment to the University by the prominent Adelaide businessman Joseph Fisher in 1903. The Lectures address a wide range of Australian economic issues, in addition to some international economic issues of national significance. They have stood the test of time extremely well, while also providing a reminder of the events and concerns that were prominent at different times during the past century.

This two-volume collection brings together the first 53 Joseph Fisher Lectures in economics and commerce, presented at the Adelaide University every other year since 1904. Funds for the Lectures, together with a medal for the top accounting student each year, were kindly provided by a £1,000 endowment to the University by the prominent Adelaide businessman Joseph Fisher in 1903. The Lectures address a wide range of Australian economic issues, in addition to some international economic issues of national significance. They have stood the test of time extremely well, while also providing a reminder of the events and concerns that were prominent at different times during the past century.