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1. Political reintegration after war -- 2. The case and methodology -- 3. Political involvement -- 4. Expressed antagonism -- 5. Tolerance of dissent -- 6. Inclusion in the political community -- 7. Understanding and explaining the politics of ex-combatants.

This book aims to restore the role of political analysis in education policy by presenting a new political sociology for framing, conducting and presenting research. In doing so, it will be the first in the field to connect political thinking from Arendt with sociological thinking from Bourdieu.

The essays in this volume examine the tensions between two major political and intellectual structures: the global and the postcolonial, charting the ways in which such tensions are constitutive of changing power relations between the individual, the nation-state and global forces. Contributors ask how postcolonialism, with its emphasis on cultural difference and diversity, can respond to the new, neo-imperialist imperatives of globalization. Signalling the discursive grounds for debate is the fissures/fusions title, suggesting alternative categorizations of stereotypes like 'global homogenization' and 'postcolonial resistance'. Interwoven are considerations of the intellectual or writer's position today.Literary texts from a wide range of countries are analysed for their resistance to global hegemony and for representations of manipulative power structures, in order to highlight issues such as environmental loss, nationality, migrancy, and marginality. Specific topics covered include 'westernizing' the Indian academy, ecotourism and the new media of computer technology, the corporatization of creativity in 're-branding' New Zealand (including film), and the hybrid forms of Latin American photography. Writers discussed include Chinua Achebe, Samuel Beckett, Hafid Bouazza, Bei Dao, Mahmoud Darwish, Witi Ihimaera, James Joyce, Yann Martel, Rohinton Mistry, Ellen Ombre, Michael Ondaatje, George Orwell, Arundhati Roy, Salman Rushdie, and Edward Said. Different essays stress the hegemony of global networks; the technological revolution's revitalizing of niche marketing while marginalizing postcolonial resistance; the implications of the internationalization of culture for the indigene; and the potential of cultural hybridity to collapse cultural hierarchies.

published_or_final_version ; abstract ; Architecture ; Doctoral ; Doctor of Philosophy

Does the information on the Web offer many alternative accounts of reality, or does it subtly align with an official version? In Information Politics on the Web, Richard Rogers identifies the cultures, techniques, and devices that rank and recommend information on the Web, analyzing not only the political content of Web sites but the politics built into the Web's infrastructure. Addressing the larger question of what the Web is for, Rogers argues that the Web is still the best arena for unsettling the official and challenging the familiar.Rogers describes the politics at work on the Web as either back-end -- the politics of search engine technology -- or front-end -- the diversity, inclusivity, and relative prominence of sites publicly accessible on the Web. To analyze this, he developed four "political instruments," or software tools that gather information about the Web by capturing dynamic linking practices, attention cycles for issues, and changing political party commitments. On the basis of his findings on how information politics works, Rogers argues that the Web should be, and can be, a "collision space" for official and unofficial accounts of reality. (One chapter, "The Viagra Files" offers an entertaining analysis of official and unofficial claims for the health benefits of Viagra.) The distinctiveness of the Web as a medium lies partly in the peculiar practices that grant different statuses to information sources. The tools developed by Rogers capture these practices and contribute to the development of a new information politics that takes into account and draws from the competition between the official, the non-governmental, and the underground.

Meet the Billionaires: the 1,645 men and women who control a massive share of global assets worth 6.5 trillion. Darrell West reveals what the other 99.99998% of us need to know. With rich anecdotes and personal narratives, West goes inside the world of the ultra wealthy. Meet U.S. billionaires such as Sheldon Adelson, Michael Bloomberg, David and Charles Koch, George Soros, Tom Steyer, and Donald Trump—as well as international billionaires from around the globe. The growing political engagement of this small supra-wealthy group raises important questions about influence, transparency, and government performance, and West lays bare the wealthification of politics, including: • How billionaires can block appointments and legislation they don't like • Why the supra-wealthy moved into policy advocacy and referenda at the state level • Why billionaires run for office in more than a dozen countries around the world.

The article is devoted to the analysis of V.S. Solovyov's "Sunday Letters". Aspects of the author's dialogue with the reader within the framework of this publicist cycle are considered. The relevance of the topic is based on the importance of this work for understanding the writer's last work, "Three Conversations" and the general direction of the development of his publicist writing. The "Sunday Letters" have relatively recently come to the attention of Solovyov scholars and remain little studied. On the basis of the main premises of M.M. Bakhtin's concept of speech genres, the article examines the works included in the Solovyov cycle from a communicative perspective, highlighting several perspectives: author – addressee, author – text, addressee – text. This approach is new for Solovyov studies and productive due to the combination of literary and linguistic methods of scientific research. As a result, the general scheme of the way Solovyov the publicist constructs a communicative act with the reader established and some features of his dialogue with the audience are characterized. The article concludes that 1) Solovyov's main goal in publishing "Sunday Letters" was to organize a regular and direct dialogue with the Russian reading public on a wide range of social, political, philosophical, religious and moral issues (reflecting the influence of the tradition of F.M. Dostoevsky's "Writer's Diary"); 2) the author of the cycle primarily implemented an educational and prophetic creative strategy; 3) during 1897–1898 Solovyov distinguished between various sections of the reading public, corrected his position regarding the addressee; 4) the choice of the genre form of the work (letter-sermon) was not accidental, it was justified by the nature of the speech situation, participants of dialogue, specifics of communication sphere, subject of speech and determined the uniqueness of his style; 5) the style of the Solovyov cycle is characterized by heterogeneity, unevenness, excitement. These conclusions clarify the specifics of the author's position in the works of Solovyov the publicist, the character of his implementation of creative strategies.

Practising political life writing in the Pacific /Jack Corbett --Political life writing in Papua New Guinea /Jonathan Ritchie --Understanding Solomon /Christopher Chevalier --The 'Pawa Meri' project /Ceridwen Spark --'End of a phase of history' /Brij V. Lal --Random thoughts of an occasional practitioner /Deryck Scarr --Walking the line between Anga Fakatonga and Anga Fakapalangi /Areti Metuamate --Writing influential lives /Nicole Haley --Celebrating my journey /Sethy Regenvanu --Reflections on a remarkable journey /Carol Kidu --Solomon Islands' biography /Clive Moore --Biographies of post-1900 New Zealand prime ministers /Doug Munro.

Argues that differences and conflicts over policy are often as much to do with rival interpretations of the underlying framework as they are to do with immediate options. The policy agenda of race in the 1980s is very different from that of the 1960s/70s. Examines the change from paternalism to radicalism in the mid-1970s which gave rise to the approach adopted by a number of Labour administrations. Looks at Ealing. (SJK)

Since the 1970s, Cairo has experienced tremendous growth and change. Nearly three million people now live in new urban communities characterized by unregulated housing, informal economic activity, and the presence of Islamist groups. Salwa Ismail examines the effects of these changes in Political Life in Cairo's New Quarters. Working in Cairo, Ismail interviewed new quarter residents, observed daily life in markets and alleyways, met with local leaders, and talked with young men about their encounters with the government. Rich in ethnographic detail, this work reveals the city's new urban quarters as sites not only of opposition and relative autonomy, but also under governmental surveillance and discipline. In doing so, it situates the everyday within the context of wider developments in Cairo: the decline of welfarism, the shift to neoliberal government, and the rise of the security state