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From Indira to Rajiv Gandhi, by Gilbert Etienne
The present situation in India is a curious one. On the one hand, the country is threatened by grave political dangers and, on the other, its economy is in rather healthy condition. The political System has deteriorated disturbingly due to mediocre politicians, corruption and sectarian violence as well as the quarrels between the central government and the States. The population continues to increase dangerously in spite of progress in family planning programmes. The education system is deteriorating. On the positive side, the government's pragmatic economic policy is giving encouraging results, the economy is opening up more and more to the outside world. India's foreign debt remains at an acceptable level, progress continues in agriculture and industry. In advanced regions, poverty is receding. The tragic death of Indira Gandhi underlines the gravity of the problems. However, let us not underestimate this country's powers of recovery, its reserves of talent and competence. The new prime minister, Rajiv Gandhi, faces difficulties which are considerable but surmountable.

The focus of this paper is on target killings, particularly on state officials, aimed at neutralizing diplomats through death. Countries often cite various reasons for the killings, such as pursuing economic agenda and protecting nations against terrorism, among others. The paper delves into such justifications and the impacts of killing state officials with a focus on which such murders have on international relations. Besides, the paper focuses on historical discourses, especially those pertaining to the United States of America, which has, in the recent past, been widely cited as a gradually-shifting nation with more killings of other nations' agents. The paper builds on the various international accords that countries subscribe to, which subsequently guide international relations. Besides, the paper builds on the liberal and institutionalism theories of international relations, which are elemental components in understanding how diplomatic ties are supposed to be structured as well as the status quo. Through dissection and contextualization of the theories, this paper pinpoints the weak areas, which give nations the leeway to kill other nations' state officials and what would be different if all nations respected the international relations conventional codes. State officials' targeted killings are a thorn in the international cooperation matrix.

"The Russian State and Russia's Energy Industries analyses the development of relations between the state and five major energy companies, and how this shaped Russia's foreign policy in the post-Soviet region. The book argues that the development of Russia's political economy mattered for foreign policy over the quarter of a century from 1992 to 2018. Energy companies' roles in institutional development enabled them to influence foreign policy formation, and they became available as tools to implement foreign policy. The extent to which it happened for each company varied with their accessibility to the Russian state. Institutional development increased state capacity, in a way that strengthened Russia's political regime. The book shows how the combined power of several companies in the gas, oil, electricity, and nuclear energy industry was a key feature of Russian foreign policy, both in bilateral relationships and in support of Russia's regional position. In this way, Russia's energy resources were converted to regional influence. The book contributes to our understanding of Russia's political economy and its influence on foreign policy, and of the formation of policy towards post-Soviet states"--

Croatia's policy with regard to Kosovo is mainly influenced by three factors: the political primacy of EU integration; the wish to maintain stable Croatian-Serbian relations both within Croatia and on the interstate level; and finally, the exploitation of relations between Croats and Kosovo Albanians which, since the Yugoslav wars of succession, have traditionally been good. As this article puts forth, the first factor has remained Croatia's top priority, and its primacy has not been seriously challenged. As for the second factor, concessions to Serbia took the form of postponing decisions on agreements and the implementation of certain policies, as well as through a yet somewhat only small scale activation of Croatian-Kosovar relations. The networks of the sizeable population of Kosovo-Albanians within Croatia will be able to serve the aim of expanding the economic ties between the two countries. Adapted from the source document.

ANALYZES THE GROWING PERIPHERAL MILITARIZATION AS IT DEVELOPS THROUGH TRANSFERS OF MAJOR WEAPONS. EXAMINES TRENDS 1950-1973. SHOWS THE PATTERN OF ARMS TRADE AND HOW THE TRADE RELATIONS HAVE CHANGED OVER TIME. RELATES ARMS TRADE TO INTERNATIONAL TRADE, FOREIGN INVESTMENT AND THE EXTRACTION OF RAW MATERIALS AND ENERGY. CONCLUDES THAT ARMS TRADE IS RELATED TO ECONOMIC STRUCTURES.

Intro -- Preface -- Contents -- Notes on Contributors -- Chapter 1: Chinese Outbound Investments -- Starting Point: Prior to the Global Financial Crisis -- Going Out During and After the Financial Crisis -- Slowing Down After the OFDI Boom in 2016 -- The Numbers: Development of Chinese Overseas FDI in 2017 and 2018 -- The Chinese Perspective -- Restricting Outflows -- Strengthening BRI Investment -- Receiving Countries' Perspective -- Reforms in Germany -- Proposed European Framework -- CFIUS Reform in the US -- Outlook -- Chapter 2: Chinese Investments in the EU -- Chapter 3: CFIUS and a Role for American Leadership -- Chapter 4: Investment Relations with China: Never Easy but Always Worthwhile -- China Goes Global -- Still a Win-Win Situation? -- Chinese Investors: Different from Most Others -- Minimise Risks, Maximise Opportunities -- References -- Chapter 5: Averting Conflict by Promoting Commerce: The Case for a U.S.-China Investment Treaty -- Introduction -- An Investment Treaty? -- Simple Investment Rules for a Complex Investment Relationship -- Conclusion -- Chapter 6: The Significance of Chinese Financial Market Liberalisation -- Introduction -- Main Part -- Advantages of Open Financial Markets in the Literature -- Practical Experience of Open Financial Markets During the Asian Crisis -- Renminbi's Reserve Status a Strong Motivation for Further Financial Market Opening -- Outlook -- Story of Opening Up China's Financial Markets to Be Continued -- Chapter 7: Simple Rules for a Complex Relationship -- Why Is China Going Global? -- Why Is the EU So Interesting to Chinese Investors? -- How Does the Chinese Government Steer OFDI? -- Structural Parameters Have to Be Resolved on Both Sides -- What Do Chinese Companies in EU Encounter? -- Foreign Investment Flops Are the Result of Such Strategic Miscalculations -- Chapter 8: One Voice of Europe?.

Newly available archival sources in China illuminate how the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) used transnational initiatives to advance its aims. This article explores Chinese interaction with the Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs from 1957 to 1964 and discusses how the People's Republic of China (PRC) made deliberate use of transnational initiatives to further its own Cold War strategy and foreign policy. High-ranking CCP officials were directly involved in selecting China's scientific participants, shaping their message, and determining their objectives at the conferences, including winning over potentially sympathetic foreign scientists, demonstrating Sino-Soviet solidarity and, in 1960, potentially establishing back-channel communications with the incoming Kennedy administration in the United States. Chinese scientists' involvement in Pugwash shows that transnational relations mattered to the PRC during the Cold War and, more broadly, underscores the importance of governments in transnational relations.

Newly available archival sources in China illuminate how the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) used transnational initiatives to advance its aims. This article explores Chinese interaction with the Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs from 1957 to 1964 and discusses how the People's Republic of China (PRC) made deliberate use of transnational initiatives to further its own Cold War strategy and foreign policy. High-ranking CCP officials were directly involved in selecting China's scientific participants, shaping their message, and determining their objectives at the conferences, including winning over potentially sympathetic foreign scientists, demonstrating Sino-Soviet solidarity and, in 1960, potentially establishing back-channel communications with the incoming Kennedy administration in the United States. Chinese scientists' involvement in Pugwash shows that transnational relations mattered to the PRC during the Cold War and, more broadly, underscores the importance of governments in transnational relations.

The Russian Federation is the big biggest petrol and natural gas exporter to the European petrol market. The V4 countries are a part of this market. They have various energy potential, various foreign policy making conceptions and finally they have different opinions about UE`s role on the European petrol market. What they share is dependency on the Russian Federation in the natural gas and petroleum import, and energy security concerns. All this together overlaps with Russian "energy hegemony" strategy aimed at using the natural resources as a tool to create foreign and domestic policies and influencing ongoing events in Europe. Thus a paper entitled "Russian Federation`s energy strategy towards Visegrad Group Countries" aims to characterize relations between Russian Federation and V4 Countries within the energy policies conducted by this international relations players.

AbstractThe European Union is best understood as a liberal power – as an actor that is composed of liberal democracies whose interests, identities and institutions motivate and constrain its policy. The conceptualization of the EU as a liberal power helps to overcome three shortcomings of alternative notions such as civilian power or Normative Power Europe: First, norms are not only understood as driving forces but also as constraints on foreign policy; second, liberal power Europe emphasizes the contested nature of norms and conflicts between norms and thus draws attention to the politics of EU external relations; third, it encourages an engagement with the vast literature on the distinctive policies of liberal democracies in international relations and foreign policy analysis. The EU's crisis management serves to illustrate the value‐added of the liberal power Europe concept.

Attempts by Yugoslav leaders to redirect their country's foreign policy orientation and redefine their priorities came to the fore in 1954. Yugoslav officials explicitly affirmed a long-term foreign policy goal of strengthening and developing relations with Arab countries, India, and other Asian and African countries that had no ties to existing political blocs. The idea of creating a wide movement deprived of hierarchical relations and centers of decision-making was much more acceptable for the Third World. The movement promoted peace and stability, opposed tensions and conflicts, and sought mutual cooperation and development. All these efforts demanded putting together a much broader international coalition than in just Asia and Africa. This is how the Non-Aligned Movement arose and took a more definitive shape after the Cairo Conference in 1964 and the Lusaka Summit in 1970.

"This paper discusses the effects of the EU's external relations institutional framework on the conduct of its diplomacy. Drawing upon the academic writing in the field, we attempt to take a step further, examining how the post-Lisbon external relations architecture influences EU diplomacy in practice, combining legal analysis with policy-making. Our conclusion is that the new architecture has not yet managed to achieve its major objective to instill coherence, consistency and unity in EU foreign policy as prerequisites for a more prominent and, thereby, effective role of the EU on the international plane. Instead of streamlining cooperation and coordination of the different actors relevant to the conduct of EU foreign policy, it has given rise to turf battles among them in the effort to determine ad novo the power balances in this field." (publisher's description)

В статьe рассмотрен фактор КНР в отношениях Монголии с внешним миром. Нормализовавшись в начале 1990-х гг., отношения Монголии с Китаем стали стремительно развиваться в различных сферах политической, военной, экономической, культурной. Это делает КНР важнейшим партнером во внешней политике Монголии. В то же время существуют факторы, ограничивающие китайское влияние на Монголию и заставляющие ее искать иные векторы внешней политики. ; The paper is aimed to studies of the factor of the Peoples Republic of China in Mongolia relations with an external world. Having normalized in the early 1990s, Mongolia-Chinese relations began develop in various spheres political, military, economic, cultural. It makes the Peoples Republic of China the major partner in foreign policy of Mongolia. At the same time there are the factors limiting the Chinese infuence to Mongolia and forcing it to search for other vectors of foreign policy.

Populist parties of the Right and Left are on the rise in Western Europe, but little has been said about their foreign policy positions. This article outlines the basic elements of the positions of some important radical Right and Left populist parties on transatlantic relations, NATO, European security and EU-Russia relations. An examination of these positions reveals that European populist parties of the Right and Left are united by a common aversion to the ongoing modernisation and liberalisation of society and the economy—and that this aversion is reflected in foreign policies that conceptually and practically challenge the notion of the West. The centre-right is urged not to let populists appropriate yet another issue. Instead, it needs to challenge them (and particularly the populist Left) by consistently defending the merits of the Western community of values.