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Small, and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) are important in many developing countries, including the Philippines. However, this sector remains much less productive than their large counterparts. One factor that can help SMEs achieve higher productivity is internationalization by connecting them to global value chains (GVCs). However, participating in GVCs is not easy for SMEs as they face a host of obstacles in doing so. This paper attempts to determine the challenges and enablers of connecting small and medium businesses to global value chains. It uses data from a survey of SMEs in Metro Manila and a set of key informant interviews of SME owners and of officials of government agencies tasked to assist SMEs. Findings show that Philippine SMEs are weakly linked to GVCs. The challenges and enablers can be grouped into five themes: 1) competition in ASEAN and East Asia; 2) international standards, regulatory requirements, and local institutions; 3) role of the government; 4) international market demand and inputs supply; and 5) entrepreneurial mindset. Based on the results, some policy implications were formulated.

Ali E. Abbas (" From the Editors: Probability Scoring Rules, Ambiguity, Multiattribute Terrorist Utility, and Sensitivity Analysis ") is an associate professor in the Department of Industrial and Enterprise Systems Engineering at the University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign. He received an M.S. in electrical engineering (1998), an M.S. in engineering economic systems and operations research (2001), a Ph.D. in management science and engineering (2003), and a Ph.D. (minor) in electrical engineering, all from Stanford University. He worked as a lecturer in the Department of Management Science and Engineering at Stanford and in Schlumberger Oilfield Services, where he held several international positions in wireline logging, operations management, and international training. He has also worked on several consulting projects for mergers and acquisitions in California, and cotaught several executive seminars on decision analysis at Strategic Decisions Group in Menlo Park, California. His research interests include utility theory, decision making with incomplete information and preferences, dynamic programming, and information theory. Dr. Abbas is a senior member of the IEEE and a member of the Institute for Operations Research and the Management Sciences (INFORMS). He is also an associate editor for the Decision Analysis and Operations Research journals of INFORMS. Address: Department of Industrial and Enterprise Systems Engineering, College of Engineering, University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign, 117 Transportation Building, MC-238, 104 South Mathews Avenue, Urbana, IL 61801; e-mail: aliabbas@illinois.edu . J. Eric Bickel (" From the Editors: Probability Scoring Rules, Ambiguity, Multiattribute Terrorist Utility, and Sensitivity Analysis ") is an assistant professor in both the Graduate Program in Operations Research (Department of Mechanical Engineering) and the Department of Petroleum and Geosystems Engineering at the University of Texas at Austin. In addition, Professor Bickel is a fellow in both the Center for International Energy and Environmental Policy and the Center for Petroleum Asset Risk Management. He holds an M.S. and Ph.D. from the Department of Engineering–Economic Systems at Stanford University and a B.S. in mechanical engineering with a minor in economics from New Mexico State University. His research interests include the theory and practice of decision analysis and its application in the energy and climate-change arenas. His research has addressed the modeling of probabilistic dependence, value of information, scoring rules, calibration, risk preference, education, decision making in sports, and climate engineering as a response to climate change. Prior to returning to academia, Eric was a senior engagement manager for Strategic Decisions Group. He has consulted around the world in a range of industries, including oil and gas, electricity generation/transmission/delivery, energy trading and marketing, commodity and specialty chemicals, life sciences, financial services, and metals and mining. Address: Graduate Program in Operations Research, University of Texas at Austin, 1 University Station, C2200, Austin, TX 78712-0292; e-mail: ebickel@mail.utexas.edu . Vicki M. Bier (" From the Editors: Probability Scoring Rules, Ambiguity, Multiattribute Terrorist Utility, and Sensitivity Analysis" and "Target-Hardening Decisions Based on Uncertain Multiattribute Terrorist Utility ") is a full professor in the Department of Industrial and Systems Engineering at the University of Wisconsin–Madison, where she is currently department chair and also directs the Center for Human Performance and Risk Analysis. She is also the president of the Decision Analysis Society. Her research interests include applications of operations research, risk analysis, and decision analysis to problems of homeland security and critical infrastructure protection. Address: Department of Industrial and Systems Engineering, University of Wisconsin–Madison, Mechanical Engineering Building, Room 3270A, 1513 University Avenue, Madison, WI 53706; e-mail: bier@engr.wisc.edu . David V. Budescu (" From the Editors: Probability Scoring Rules, Ambiguity, Multiattribute Terrorist Utility, and Sensitivity Analysis ") is the Anne Anastasi Professor of Psychometrics and Quantitative Psychology at Fordham University. He held positions at the University of Illinois and the University of Haifa, and visiting positions at Carnegie Mellon University, University of Gotheborg, the Kellogg School of Management at Northwestern University, the Hebrew University, and the Israel Institute of Technology (Technion). His research is in the areas of human judgment, individual and group decision making under uncertainty and with incomplete and vague information, and statistics for the behavioral and social sciences. He is on the editorial boards of Applied Psychological Measurement; Decision Analysis; Journal of Behavioral Decision Making; Journal of Mathematical Psychology; Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory & Cognition (2000–2003); Multivariate Behavioral Research; Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes (1992–2002); and Psychological Methods (1996–2000). He is past president of the Society for Judgment and Decision Making (2000–2001), fellow of the Association for Psychological Science, and an elected member of the Society of Multivariate Experimental Psychologists. Address: Department of Psychology, Fordham University, Bronx, New York, NY 10458; e-mail: budescu@fordham.edu . John C. Butler (" From the Editors: Probability Scoring Rules, Ambiguity, Multiattribute Terrorist Utility, and Sensitivity Analysis ") is a clinical associate professor of finance and the academic director of the Energy Management and Innovation Center in the McCombs School of Business at the University of Texas at Austin, and he is the secretary/treasurer of the INFORMS Decision Analysis Society. Butler received his Ph.D. in management science and information systems from the University of Texas at Austin in 1998. His research interests involve the use of decision science models to support decision making, with a particular emphasis on decision and risk analysis models with multiple performance criteria. Butler has consulted with a number of organizations regarding the application of decision analysis tools to a variety of practical problems. Most of his consulting projects involve use of Visual Basic for Applications and Excel to implement complex decision science models in a user friendly format. Address: Energy Management and Innovation Center, McCombs School of Business, University of Texas at Austin, Austin, TX 78712-1178; e-mail: john.butler2@mccombs.utexas.edu . Stephen P. Chambal (" A Practical Procedure for Customizable One-Way Sensitivity Analysis in Additive Value Models ") earned a Ph.D. from Arizona State University in industrial engineering and is vice president for the Perduco Group responsible for strategic business development for federal services. The Perduco Group provides high-end operations research and business intelligence support to the Department of Defense. Dr. Chambal recently retired from the U.S. Air Force after more than 24 years of honorable service. Most recently, he served as the director of Operational Analysis for the Air Force Institute of Technology. Dr. Chambal enlisted in the Air Force in 1986 and obtained his commission from the Air Force Academy in 1993. He held various assignments within the scientific analysis career field, including test, space, and special programs and has authored or coauthored numerous articles, white papers, and conference presentations. Address: 256 Earlsgate Road, Dayton, OH 45440; e-mail: stephen.chambal@theperducogroup.com . Philippe Delquié (" From the Editors: Probability Scoring Rules, Ambiguity, Multiattribute Terrorist Utility, and Sensitivity Analysis ") is an associate professor of decision sciences at the George Washington University and holds a Ph.D. from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Professor Delquié's teaching and research are in decision, risk, and multicriteria analysis. His work addresses behavioral and normative issues in preference assessment, value of information, nonexpected utility models of choice under risk, and risk measures. Prior to joining the George Washington University, Delquié held academic appointments at INSEAD, École Normale Supérieure, France, and the University of Texas at Austin, and visiting appointments at Duke University's Fuqua School of Business. Address: Department of Decision Sciences, The George Washington University, Funger Hall, Suite 415, Washington, DC 20052; e-mail: delquie@gwu.edu . Alex J. Gutman (" A Practical Procedure for Customizable One-Way Sensitivity Analysis in Additive Value Models ") is a research associate for the Air Force Institute of Technology's (AFIT) Center for Operational Analysis. He holds an M.S. and B.S. in mathematics from Wright State University and is currently a Ph.D. student at AFIT. His research interests include decision analysis, algorithm design, and design of experiments. He is a member of the Institute for Operations Research and the Management Sciences (INFORMS), the Military Operations Research Society (MORS), and the International Test and Evaluation Association (ITEA). Address: Department of Operational Sciences, Air Force Institute of Technology, Dayton, OH 45433; e-mail: agutman@afit.edu . David J. Johnstone (" Tailored Scoring Rules for Probabilities ") is the National Australia Bank Professor of Finance at the University of Sydney. He holds a Ph.D. from the University of Sydney. His research is primarily in the statistical foundations of financial markets and financial decisions. His professional activities involve more conventional subjects in finance, particularly business valuation and capital budgeting. Address: Discipline of Finance H69, University of Sydney Business School, Sydney NSW 2006, Australia; e-mail: david.johnstone@sydney.edu.au . Victor Richmond R. Jose (" Tailored Scoring Rules for Probabilities ") is an assistant professor of Operations and Information Management in the McDonough School of Business at Georgetown University. His main research interests lie in decision analysis and the use of Bayesian statistical methods in management science, operations research, and risk analysis. Address: Operations and Information Management Department, McDonough School of Business, Georgetown University, Washington, DC 20057; e-mail: vrj2@georgetown.edu . Yucel R. Kahraman (" A Practical Procedure for Customizable One-Way Sensitivity Analysis in Additive Value Models ") is a recent graduate of the Air Force Institute of Technology, where he received his M.Sc. in operations research. He graduated from ISIKLAR Military High School in Bursa in 1985 and entered the Turkish Air Force Academy in Istanbul. He graduated in 1993 with a bachelor's degree in aeronautical engineering. He completed pilot training at Laughlin AFB in Del Rio, Texas, and has flown fighter aircraft for the Turkish Air Force for 10 years. Address: Department of Operational Sciences, Air Force Institute of Technology, 2950 Hobson Way, WPAFB, Ohio 45433-7765; e-mail: yucelrkahraman@gmail.com . L. Robin Keller (" From the Editors: Probability Scoring Rules, Ambiguity, Multiattribute Terrorist Utility, and Sensitivity Analysis ") is a professor of operations and decision technologies in the Merage School of Business at the University of California, Irvine. She received her Ph.D. and M.B.A. in management science and her B.A. in mathematics from the University of California, Los Angeles. She has served as a program director for the Decision, Risk, and Management Science Program of the U.S. National Science Foundation (NSF). Her research is on decision analysis and risk analysis for business and policy decisions and has been funded by NSF and the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency. Her research interests cover multiple attribute decision making, riskiness, fairness, probability judgments, ambiguity of probabilities or outcomes, risk analysis (for terrorism, environmental, health, and safety risks), time preferences, problem structuring, cross-cultural decisions, and medical decision making. She is currently Editor-in-Chief of Decision Analysis, published by the Institute for Operations Research and the Management Sciences (INFORMS). She is a Fellow of INFORMS and has held numerous roles in INFORMS, including board member and chair of the INFORMS Decision Analysis Society. She is a recipient of the George F. Kimball Medal from INFORMS. She has served as the decision analyst on three National Academy of Sciences committees. Address: Merage School of Business, University of California, Irvine, Irvine, CA 92697-3125; e-mail: lrkeller@uci.edu . Kenneth C. Lichtendahl Jr. (" From the Editors: Probability Scoring Rules, Ambiguity, Multiattribute Terrorist Utility, and Sensitivity Analysis ") is an assistant professor who teaches quantitative analysis courses in Darden's MBA program at the University of Virginia. His research focuses on eliciting, evaluating, and combining expert probability forecasts for use in dynamic decision situations. His current research projects include the performance of inference in Bayesian models of dynamic expert forecasts and the formulation optimal strategies in forecasting competitions. Lichtendahl joined the Darden faculty in 2006. Previously, he served as a visiting instructor in the economics department at Duke University. Currently, he also serves as a business consultant and director for the Tradewinds Beverage Company, which he cofounded in 1992. Address: Darden School of Business, University of Virginia, 100 Darden Boulevard, Charlottesville, VA 22903; e-mail: lichtendahlc@darden.virginia.edu . Jason R. W. Merrick (" From the Editors: Probability Scoring Rules, Ambiguity, Multiattribute Terrorist Utility, and Sensitivity Analysis ") is a professor in the Department of Statistical Sciences and Operations Research at Virginia Commonwealth University. He has a D.Sc. in operations research from George Washington University. He teaches courses in decision analysis, risk analysis, and simulation. His research is primarily in the area of decision analysis and Bayesian statistics. He has worked on projects ranging from assessing maritime oil transportation and ferry system safety, the environmental health of watersheds, and optimal replacement policies for rail tracks and machine tools. He has received grants from the National Science Foundation, the Federal Aviation Administration, the U.S. Coast Guard, the American Bureau of Shipping, British Petroleum, and Booz-Allen-Hamilton, among others. He has also performed training for Infineon Technologies, Wyeth Pharmaceuticals, and Capital One Services. He is an associate editor for Decision Analysis and Operations Research. He is the information officer for the Decision Analysis Society. Address: Department of Statistical Sciences and Operations Research, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA 23284; e-mail: jrmerric@vcu.edu . Ahti Salo (" From the Editors: Probability Scoring Rules, Ambiguity, Multiattribute Terrorist Utility, and Sensitivity Analysis ") is a professor of systems analysis in the Department of Mathematics and Systems Analysis at Aalto University. His research interests include topics in portfolio decision analysis, multicriteria decision making, risk management, efficiency analysis, and technology foresight. He is currently president of the Finnish Operations Research Society (FORS) and represents Europe and the Middle East in the INFORMS International Activities Committee. Recently, he has been appointed Editor-in-Chief of the EURO Journal on Decision Processes, launched by the Association of European Operational Research Societies (EURO). Professor Salo has been responsible for the methodological design and implementation of numerous high-impact decision and policy processes, including FinnSight 2015, the national foresight exercise of the Academy of Finland and the National Funding Agency for Technology and Innovations (Tekes). Address: Systems Analysis Laboratory, Aalto University, P.O. Box 11100, 00076 Aalto, Finland; e-mail: ahti.salo@aalto.fi . Chen Wang (" Target-Hardening Decisions Based on Uncertain Multiattribute Terrorist Utility ") is currently a Ph.D. student in the Department of Industrial and Systems Engineering at the University of Wisconsin–Madison. She holds a master's degree in industrial engineering also from the same department. Chen works as a research assistant in the Center for Human Performance and Risk Analysis, under the supervision of Professor Vicki M. Bier. Her research interests include application of operations research and decision analysis in security problems and critical infrastructure protection. Address: 3239 Mechanical Engineering, University of Wisconsin–Madison, 1513 University Avenue, Madison, WI 53706; e-mail: cwang37@wisc.edu . Jeffery D. Weir (" A Practical Procedure for Customizable One-Way Sensitivity Analysis in Additive Value Models ") is an associate professor in the Department of Operational Sciences at the Air Force Institute of Technology. He has a Ph.D. in industrial and systems engineering from Georgia Tech. He teaches courses in decision analysis, risk analysis, and multiobjective optimization. His research interests are in the areas of decision analysis and transportation modeling. A former officer in the U.S. Air Force, he has worked on a wide variety of projects ranging from scheduling and routing aircraft, determining the value of future intelligence information, assessing the impact of FAA regulation changes to passenger and aircrew safety, and mode selection for multimodal multicommodity distribution networks. He has received grants from the Defense Intelligence Agency, U.S. Transportation Command, Air Force Material Command, the Joint Improvised Explosive Device Defeat Organization, Air Force Research Laboratory, and Pacific Northwest National Laboratory, among others. Address: Department of Operational Sciences, Air Force Institute of Technology, Dayton, OH 45433; e-mail: jweir@afit.edu . Robert L. Winkler (" Tailored Scoring Rules for Probabilities ") is James B. Duke Professor in the Fuqua School of Business at Duke University and also holds an appointment in the Department of Statistical Science at Duke. His primary research areas include decision analysis, Bayesian statistics, probability forecasting, competitive decision making, and risk analysis. Address: Fuqua School of Business, Duke University, 100 Fuqua Drive, Box 90120, Durham, NC 27708-0120; e-mail: rwinkler@duke.edu . George Wu (" From the Editors: Probability Scoring Rules, Ambiguity, Multiattribute Terrorist Utility, and Sensitivity Analysis ") has been on the faculty of the University of Chicago Booth School of Business since September 1997. His degrees include A.B. (applied mathematics, 1985), S.M. (applied mathematics, 1987), and Ph.D. (decision sciences, 1991), all from Harvard University. Prior to joining the faculty at the University of Chicago, Professor Wu was on the faculty at Harvard Business School. Wu worked as a decision analyst at Procter & Gamble prior to starting graduate school. His research interests include descriptive and prescriptive aspects of decision making, in particular, decision making involving risk, cognitive biases in bargaining and negotiation, and managerial and organizational decision making. Professor Wu is a coordinating editor for Theory and Decision, an advisory editor for Journal of Risk and Uncertainty, and an associate editor of Decision Analysis. He is on the editorial board of the Journal of Behavioral Decision Making and is a former department editor of Management Science. Address: Booth School of Business, University of Chicago, 5807 South Woodlawn Avenue, Chicago, IL 60636; e-mail: wu@chicagobooth.edu . Alexander Zimper (" Do Bayesians Learn Their Way Out of Ambiguity? ") is a professor in the Department of Economics at the University of Pretoria and holds a Ph.D. in economics from the University of Mannheim. He started out as a specialist on iterative solution concepts for strategic games, but his current research interests concern topics in economic theory in the broadest sense. He does not believe that there is one big truth out there but rather that classical as well as bounded-rationality approaches provide us with structures that may improve—within their respective limits—our understanding of reality. His most recent work is on plausible refinements of Roy Radner's rational expectations equilibrium, existence and uniqueness of an equilibrium price function in a Lucas fruit-tree economy with ambiguous beliefs, overreaction and underreaction in asset markets, and optimal liquidity provision under demand deposit schemes. His work in decision theory mainly concerns dynamically inconsistent behavior arising from ambiguity attitudes and, in particular, Bayesian learning modeled within nonadditive probability spaces. Address: Department of Economics, University of Pretoria, Private Bag X20, Hatfield 0028, South Africa; e-mail: alexander.zimper@up.ac.za .

En stigende efterspørgsel efter satellitbaserede kørselsafgiftssystemer er på vej i Europa. Satellitbaserede kørselsafgifter omfatter opkrævning af trafikanterne for deres vejforbrug ved at at lade køretøjerne bestemme deres position indenfor et givent afgiftsområde ved hjælp af Global Navigation Satellit Systemer (GNSS). Den forskning, der præsenteres i denne afhandling, beskæftiger sig med performanceniveauet samt de teknologiske udfordringer ved bestemmelse af køretøjets placering inden for GNSS-baserede kørselsafgiftssystemer. GNSS-baserede kørselsafgiftssystemer kan antage en række forskellige former. Afhængigt af systemets formål kan disse kørselsafgiftssystemer være udformet på forskellig vis og varieret efter både politiske og teknologiske hensyn, men de har alle til formål at taksere trafikanterne for deres brug af vejnettet. Den første del af afhandlingen præsenterer en omfattende oversigt og klassificering af forskellige former for kørselsafgiftssystemer samt mulige teknologier, suppleret med en gennemgang af forskellige eksisterende systemer. Efterfølgende defineres det grundlæggende kørselsafgiftssystem og dette sættes ind i en begrebsramme, der danner grundlag for forskningen præsenteret i denne afhandling. For at forstå GNSS-baserede kørselsafgiftssystemers struktur og virkemåde er det vigtigt at fremhæve den overordnede systemarkitektur og definere de væsentlige funktioner samt beskrive forholdet mellem dem. Arkitekturen er brugt som et middel til at strukturere diskussionen om de teknologiske udfordringer i GNSS-baserede kørselsafgiftssystemer. Afhandlingen diskuterer de overordnede krav til afgiftsprocessens ydeevne indenfor GNSS-baserede kørselsafgiftssystemer. GNSS muliggør kilometer-baseret afgiftsopkrævning, hvor afgifterne beregnes for hvert enkelt køretøj baseret på den kørte afstand, tidspunktet for turen samt bilens geografiske position. Kilometerbaseret afgiftsopkrævning betragtes derfor som en mere retfærdig og effektiv form for afgiftsopkrævning, da disse systemer opkræver afgiften i forhold til den tilbagelagte afstand, og afspejler dermed den forbrugsbaserede tilgang mere præcist end andre afgiftsopkrævningspolitikker. Men kørselsafgifter på grundlag af den tilbagelagte afstand er teknisk udfordrende og betragtes ofte som en af de mest komplekse ordninger. Fastsættelsen af den faktisk kørte distance er den centrale del af afgiftsopkrævningen, og de vigtigste betænkeligheder omkring pålideligheden vedrører derfor denne del af afgiftsprocessen samt resultaterne af køretøjets lokaliseringsfunktion. Denne afhandling præsenterer endvidere en grundig gennemgang af de forskellige GNSS-baserede forsøg og eksperimenter, der er udført inden for de seneste år, for at vurdere resultater og muligheder ved brug af GNSS-baserede afgiftssystemer. I 2007–2009 blev et teknisk forsøg med et GNSS-baseret kørselsafgiftssystem udført i København som en del af denne forskning i samarbejde med Siemens. Forsøget blev udført for at vurdere resultater og tekniske udfordringer ved GNSS-baserede kørselsafgiftssystemer baseret på den nyeste kørselsafgiftsteknologi. Denne afhandling præsenterer det udførte eksperiment og giver en vurdering af køretøjets lokaliseringsfunktion inden for GNSS-baserede kørselsafgiftssystemer. Tidligere forsøg og vurderinger af ydeevnen af GNSS-baserede kørselsafgiftssystemer har generelt fokuseret på mulighederne i afgiftssystemerne i stedet for begrænsningerne. Ofte har det ikke været klart beskrevet, hvilke fejl og mangler der eksisterede i de indsamlede data, men i stedet er de blot blevet udelukket som ugyldige data forud for de foretagne vurderinger, som derefter konkluderede, at mere fokus bør lægges på de fundne fejl. Derfor har det været bevidst i denne ph.d.-forskning, ikke at udelukke fejlagtige og forkerte data i vurderingen af ydeevnen. Resultaterne der er præsenteret i denne afhandling er baseret på alle de indsamlede data fra forsøget, i sin oprindelige form, som det ville være input til den automatiserede afgiftsberegningsproces i et kørselsafgiftssystem. Endvidere er der udviklet nye metoder til vurdering af køretøjets lokaliseringsfunktion i form af datapålidelighed og lokaliseringsfunktionens performance. Resultaterne af vurderingerne foretaget i denne afhandlingen viser, at selvom betydelige performanceforbedringer er sket i løbet af de sidste fem år, er der væsentlige udfordringer at overvinde i forbindelse med implementering og drift af GNSS-baserede kørselsafgiftssystemer. Det tekniske forsøg i dette ph.d.-studie viste sig at lide under forskellige tekniske udfordringer, som havde forskellig indvirkning på den samlede systemp˚alidelighed. På grund af disse udfordringer, omfatter data både unøjagtige og ufuldstændige informationer, og det konkluderes derfor at med disse høje niveauer af datainvaliditet og -mangel, kan data ikke anvendes i sin nuværende form som grundlag for en afgiftsberegningsproces. Disse resultater understreger betydningen af at anvende en dataprocesseringsfunktionalitet før afgiftsberegningen og vejforbrugsbestemmelsen i afgiftsprocessen. Vurderingen af køretøjets lokaliseringsfunktion viser en signifikant forskel i den ønskede lok´aliseringsperformance. Mens nøjagtighedskravet delvist var opfyldt i København, led kontinuiteten og dermed tilgængeligheden nødvendig for bestemmelsen af køretøjets lokalitet af alvorlige udfald i positioneringsdata. Disse udfald skyldtes både satellitutilgængelighed, forårsaget af ringe signalmodtagelse i byområder og lang signalerhvervelsestid hos modtageren, og endvidere de forskellige tekniske problemer og konfigurationsfejl, der opstod under forsøget. Da både satellitsynligheden og positioneringsnøjagtigheden gennem de seneste år er forbedret markant, viser resultaterne at de største udfordringer i forbindelse med bestemmelse af køretøjets lokalitet ikke som ofte antaget, er positioneringsunøjagtigheder, men snarere et højt niveau af positioneringsafbrydelser hovedsageligt forårsaget af GPS. På baggrund af resultatvurderingen konkluderes det endvidere, at de væsentligste bekymringer vedrørende den manglende tilgængelighed til køretøjets lokaliseringsbestemmelse bør være, hvordan den lange systemnedetid og konfigurationsudfaldene kan fjernes samt hvordan forekomsten af de mange GPS-udfald kan reduceres. Da dataudfald og -svigt kan påvirke bestemmelsen af den kørte afstand i kontinuerlige afgiftssystemer, giver denne afhandling mulighed for at vurdere og forstå forskellige forekomster, bidrag og effekter af udfald i relation til GNSS-baserede kørselsafgiftssystemer. I denne afhandling præsenteres en vurdering af distancebestemmelsens tolerance overfor disse forskellige positioneringsudfald. Vurderingen er foretaget på grundlag af en simuleringsmetode der er udviklet i denne afhandling. Metoden analyserer indflydelsen af positioneringsudfald i forhold til bestemmelsen af kørte kilometer i både distancebaserede og distancerelaterede kørselsafgiftssystemer. Udfaldstolerancen i afstandsbestemmelsen i begge typer afgiftssystemer er vigtig for kørselsafgiftssystemets evne til at opfylde kravene til ydeevne samt i forhold til at taksere brugerne korrekt for deres vejforbrug. Simuleringsanalyserne af indflydelsen af udfald på bestemmelsen af den kørte afstand viser at afstandsbestemmelsesfunktionen er forholdsvis robust over for småudfald på mindre end 10 sekunder i positioneringen. Men med flere mellemstore og store udfald i turene, har begge afstandsbestemmelsesmetoder svært ved med at reproducere den kørte afstand med afstandsafvigelser på mere end 1 % fra den sande værdi. Det vigtige ved disse resultater er, at den kørte afstand kan fastlægges med mindre end 1 % afvigelse for hovedparten af turene eftersom forekomsten af småudfald er hyppigst i de kørte ture. GNSS-baserede kørselsafgiftssystemer anses for at være ansvarskritiske syste-mer, hvor nægtet service samt uopdagede fejl og mangler har betydelige retslige eller økonomiske negative konsekvenser. Fejl eller mangler, der fører til ukorrekt afgiftsopkrævning, kan forårsage økonomiske tab eller føre til forkerte juridiske afgørelser, idet det økonomiske ansvar er knyttet til de juridiske aspekter som følge af potentielle klager. Derfor introducerer denne ph.d.- afhandling anvendelsen af begrebet systempålidelighed i forbindelse med GNSS-baserede kørselsafgiftssystemer. Begrebet systempålide lighed, som er tilpasset fra informationsteknologien, er en effektiv metode til håndtering af de forskellige betænkeligheder i forbindelse med kørselsafgiftssystemer inden for en fælles begrebsramme. Pålidelighed er en vigtig forudsætning for et GNSS-baseret kørselsafgiftssystem, som skal levere en retfærdig afgiftsopkrævning og sikre brugernes tillid ved at sikre systemets p˚alidelighed og ansvar. Denne afhandling diskuterer konsekvenserne af vurderingsresultaterne i forhold til systemets driftssikkerhed og præsenterer en kvalitativ risikomatrix for driftssikkerheden af køretøjets lokaliseringsfunktion. For at sikre afgiftsprocessen en høj driftssikkerhed, skal fejltolerant design derfor overvejes i forhold til de mange forskellige komponenter og funktioner der indgår i processen. Baseret på fejltolerante metoder, giver denne afhandling retningslinjer for hvordan man kan opretholde korrekt service ved tilstedeværelsen af forskellige fejl, der skyldes tekniske problemer i forbindelse med bestemmelse af køretøjets lokalitet. Hovedformålet med fejl-tolerant design inden for afgiftsprocessen er at sikre retfærdig taksering af brugerne. Det betyder, at redundante systemer, procedurer og komponenter bør indføres for at sikre, at når fejl og svigt forekommer inden for afgiftsprocessen vil kørselsafgiftsfundamentet stadig være pålideligt og give retfærdige resultater for både brugerne og kørselsafgiftssystemet. Denne afhandling konkluderer derfor, at selv om performanceniveauet for bestemmelsen af køretøjets lokalitet er fair, bør opmærksomheden omkring systemets performance rettes imod hvordan fremtidige GNSS-baserede kørselsafgiftssystemer kan designes til at virke driftsikkert med forekomsten af både data invaliditet og datamangler. Det er derfor vigtigt at udvide fokus fra tekniske udfordringer og komponentunøjagtigheder alene til et fokus på pålideligheden af systemet som helhed. Der er dog stadig nogle teknologiske udfordringer at overvinde, som i højere grad elimineres ved bedre samarbejde på tværs af de mange forskellige involverede fagområder. Som med mange andre ITS-systemer, kan vellykket design, implementering og drift af et system kun opnås, når de mange forskellige interessenter forstår hinandens krav til systemet. Systemarkitekturen som konceptuelt design sammen med den systemteoretiske metode kan bidrage til at involvere alle de forskellige parter i systemudviklingen og dermed minimere de misforst˚aelser, der i sidste ende kan blive meget dyre for systemet. Baseret på de mange resultater af dette ph.d.-studie, er nogle generelle retningslinjer endeligt formuleret for fremtidige GNSSbaserede kørselsafgifts-systemer. De foreslåede retningslinjer, der er beskrevet i afhandlingen omfatter både GNSS-baserede kørselsafgiftsforsøg i almindelighed og et fremtidigt GNSS-baserede kørselsafgiftsssystem i Danmark. ; An increasing demand for satellite-based road charging systems is developing in Europe. Satellite-based road charging involves charging road users for their road usage by allowing the vehicles to locate themselves within a certain charge area using Global Navigation Satellite Systems (GNSS). The research presented in this thesis deals with the performance and technological challenges of vehicle location determination within GNSS-based road charging systems. GNSS-based road charging systems may take on a number of different forms. Depending on the charging objective, these road charging systems can be designed in various forms and varied by both policy and technology but they all share the overall function of charging vehicle users for their road usage. The first part of the thesis presents a comprehensive overview and classification of the various forms of road charging systems and enabling technologies; supplemented with a review of different worldwide examples. Next the system fundamentals are defined and presented in a conceptual framework which forms the basis for the research presented in this thesis. In order to understand the structure and behaviour of GNSS-based road charging systems, it is important to highlight the overall system architecture and define the essential system functions and describe the relationship among them. The framework is used as a means to structure the discussion about the technological challenges of GNSS-based road charging systems. The thesis discusses the overall performance requirements for the road charging process within GNSS-based road charging systems. GNSS allows for time-distance-place charging, where charges are calculated for each individual vehicle based on the distance driven, the time of the trip and the vehicle's geographic position. Timedistance- place charging is therefore considered a more fair and efficient way of charging as these systems levy charges proportionally to the distance travelled, and thereby reflects a usage-based approach more accurately than other charging policies. However, road charging on the basis of the distance travelled is technically challenging and is seen as one of the most complex schemes. Determining the distance driven is the key part of the charging process and the main dependability concerns therefore revolve around the road charging process and the performance of the vehicle location determination function. The thesis provides a thorough review of the different GNSS-based trials and experiments conducted within recent years to assess the performance and possibilities of GNSSbased charging systems. In 2007–2009, a GNSS-based road charging experiment was conducted in Copenhagen as part of this research in cooperation with Siemens to assess the performance and technical challenges of GNSS-based road charging systems based on state of the art road charging technology. This thesis presents the experiment conducted and provides an assessment of the vehicle location determination function within GNSS-based road charging systems. Previous trials and performance assessments of GNSS-based road charging systems have generally focused on the possibilities of the charging systems rather than on the impossibilities. Often it has not been clearly described which errors and shortages existed in the collected data, but instead they have just been excluded as invalid data prior to the assessments which then concluded that more focus should be placed on the errors occurred. Hence, it has been deliberate in this PhD research not to exclude faulty and incorrect data in the assessment. The results presented in this thesis are based on all the collected data from the experiment, in its original for, as it would be used as input for the automated charge calculation process in a road charging system. Furthermore, new methodologies are developed for assessing the performance of the vehicle location determination function in terms of data reliability and navigation function performance. The results from the assessments conducted in this thesis demonstrate that although significant performance improvements have happened during the last five years, there are significant challenges to overcome in relation to implementation and operation of GNSS-based road charging systems. The technical experiment conducted in this PhD study proved to suffer from different technical challenges which had different impacts on the overall system dependability. Due to these challenges, data includes both inaccurate and incomplete data information, and it is hence concluded that with these high levels of data invalidity and deficiency, data could not be used in its current form as basis for a road charging process. These results underline the importance of a data processing functionality prior to the road charge calculation and usage determination in the road charging process. The assessment of the vehicle location determination function show significant difference in the required navigation performance. While the accuracy requirement in Copenhagen was partly met, the continuity and hence availability required for vehicle location determination suffered from severe gaps in the positioning data. These gaps were due to both satellite unavailability, caused by poor urban signal reception and long receiver acquisition times, and furthermore due to the various technical problems and configuration faults which occurred during the experiment. As both the satellite visibility and the positioning accuracy had improved significantly, the results indicate that the main challenges related to vehicle location determination are not as often stated due to positioning inaccuracies but rather due to a high level of positioning interruptions mainly caused by GPS. From the performance assessment it is furthermore concluded that the main concerns regarding the unavailability of the vehicle location determination should be how to eliminate the large downtime and configuration gaps and reduce the occurrence of the many GPS gaps. As data outages and failures may affect the determination of the distance driven in continuous charging schemes, the thesis provides means to assess and understand the positioning gap occurrence, contribution and effects in relation to GNSS-based road charging systems. Hence, an assessment of the driven distance determination tolerance towards these different positioning related outages is provided. The assessment is conducted on the basis of a simulation methodology developed in this thesis. It analyzes the influence of positioning gaps on the determination of the driven distance in both distance-based and distance-related GNSS-based road charging schemes. The gap tolerance of the distance determination in both types of charging schemes is important for the road charging system's ability to meet the performance requirements and charge the road users correctly for their road usage. The simulation analyses of the gap influence on the driven distance determination show that the distance determination function is relatively robust against small gaps of less than 10 seconds in the positioning. However, with several medium and large gaps in the trips, both distance determination methods have trouble in reproducing the driven distances with distance deviations more than 1 % from the truth. The importance of these results is that for the majority of trips the distance driven can be determined with less than 1 % distance deviation as the occurrence of small gaps is most frequent in trips. GNSS-based road charging systems are considered liability-critical systems, where denial of service and undetected fault and failures generate significant legal or economic negative consequences. Any fault or failures that lead to incorrect charging may cause economic loss or provoke wrong legal decisions as the economic liability is associated to the legal aspects due to the repercussion of potential claims. Hence, the thesis introduces the use of system dependability of GNSS-based road charging systems. The concepts of system dependability, adapted from computer engineering, provide an effective means of managing various concerns for road charging systems within a single conceptual framework. Dependability is an important requirement for a GNSS-based road charging system as the system must provide fair charging and gain user trust by ensuring system reliability and liability. This thesis discusses the impact of the assessment results in relation to system dependability and provides a qualitative dependability risk matrix for the vehicle location determination function. To ensure high dependability of the road charging process, fault tolerant design should hence be considered in relation to many different components and functionalities within the process. Based on fault tolerant methodologies, this thesis provides guidelines of how to maintain correct service in the presence of different faults caused by technical problems related to vehicle location determination. The main objective of fault tolerant design within the road charging process is to ensure fair charging of the road users. This means that redundant systems, procedures and components should be implemented to ensure that when fault and failures occur within the road charging process, the road charge foundation will still be dependable and provide fair results towards both the road users and the road charging system. This thesis therefore concludes that though the vehicle location determination performance is fair, the focus of the system performance concerns should be placed on how future GNSS-based road charging system can be designed to work reliably with the occurrence of both data invalidity and data deficiency. It is therefore important to widen the focus from technical challenges and component inaccuracies alone to a focus on the system dependability as a whole. There is however still some technological challenges to overcome, which to a greater extent are remediated by better collaboration across the many different subject areas. As with many other ITS systems, a successful design, implementation and operation of a system is only achieved when the many different stakeholders understand each other's requirements to the system. The system architecture as a conceptual design together with the system engineering methodology can help to involve all the different parties in the system development and hence minimize the misunderstandings which at the end can become very costly for the system. Based on the several findings of this PhD research, some general guidelines are finally formulated for future GNSS-based road charging systems. The proposed guidelines described in the thesis address both GNSS-based road charging trials in general and a future GNSS-based road charging system in Denmark.

Authors' introductionWe present an overview of research about racial residential segregation. The first part of the article reviews major debates and findings drawn primarily from the sociological literature. The second part of the article identifies new areas of research that in some cases cross into other disciplines such as geography and urban studies. We show the enduring persistence of racial residential segregation as well as its causes and consequences. We also highlight the ways in which residential segregation can be better understood by including discussions about the varied social and spatial expressions of, and responses to, segregation. The social scientific examination of the patterns and everyday experiences of racial residential segregation remains prolific.Authors recommendKrysan, Maria 2002. 'Community Undesirability in Black and White: Examining Racial Residential Preferences through Community Perceptions.'Social Problems 49: 521–43.The author presents an empirical critique of research which examines the role that residential preferences play in perpetuating racially segregated residential settlement patterns. The data are drawn from the Multi‐City Study of Urban Inequality. The author analyzes black and white participants' responses to open‐ended questions about community undesirability in 23 communities spread across four US metropolitan areas. Rather than examine residential preferences in relation to hypothetical communities of varying relative racial compositions, the author uses respondents' subjective perceptions of actual communities, and the reasons they give for their perceptions, as measures of residential preference. The major finding of the article is that preferences are mediated by class‐ and race‐based considerations, such as perceived community crime rates or a community's reputation as a hotbed of racial animosity and hostility.Logan, John R., Brian J. Stults, and Reynolds Farley 2004. 'Segregation of Minorities in the Metropolis: Two Decades of Change.'Demography 41: 1–22.The authors report on national‐ and metropolitan‐level residential segregation trends for white, black, Hispanic, and Asian groups using a cross‐sectional analysis of 2000 Census data. They also present findings from a longitudinal analysis of changing residential segregation trends for the period 1980 to 2000. During this time black–white segregation levels, measured by the Index of Dissimilarity, steadily declined nationally and in most major metropolitan areas. However, Hispanic–white and Asian–white segregation levels increased slightly at both the national and metropolitan levels since 1980. The authors estimate regression models to test prevailing hypotheses that seek to account for these changes. Notably, they conclude that black–white segregation remains high especially in older manufacturing centers in the Northeast and Midwest. Levels of Hispanic–white and Asian–white segregation meanwhile are increasing in regions where these minority groups are most heavily concentrated and where they continue to grow due to high levels of foreign‐born in‐migration.Massey, Douglas S., and Nancy A. Denton 1993. American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.This book is a seminal contribution to the scholarly debate about the causes and consequences of black urban poverty in the US. The authors argue that racial residential segregation is the key social process which explains the conditions under which a black urban underclass forms and is maintained. Segregation creates a 'structural niche' of concentrated black socioeconomic deprivation wherein, for instance, conditions of welfare dependency become normative and oppositional cultures emerge in reaction to the contradictory values of dominant groups. Massey and Denton claim that segregation is perpetuated by, but also compounds, the effects of institutional racism and white prejudice. To support their claim the authors point to historical trends in levels of racial residential segregation they attribute to public policy as well as private decision‐making. The book makes a methodological statement as well in relation to the conceptualization and measurement of residential segregation.Williams, Richard, Reynold Nesiba, and Eileen Diaz McConnell 2005. 'The Changing Face of Inequality in Home Mortgage Lending.'Social Problems 52: 181–208.The authors develop a theoretical framework to account for an emerging 'new inequality' in home mortgage lending and home‐ownership that has contributed to contemporary patterns of residential segregation. The 'old inequality', which was characterized by individual‐ and neighborhood‐level race‐ and class‐based discrimination, gave way in the early 1990s to a new form of inequality based on access to high‐cost loans and exposure to predatory lending practices. The authors rely on descriptive metropolitan‐level data on home mortgage lending to document rising rates of home‐ownership and loan origination among African American and low‐income borrowers, and within minority neighborhoods, since the early 1990s. Their interpretation of these data, however, leads them to conclude that despite these gains, the residential segregation generated by the old inequality creates the conditions for the emergence of the new inequality and similar patterns of residential segregation.Wyly, Elvin K., and Daniel J. Hammel 2004. 'Gentrification, Segregation, and Discrimination in the American Urban System.'Environment and Planning A 36: 1215–41.This article is a nice companion to the article by Williams et al. (2005) (see above). The authors examine racial and economic inequalities, such as residential segregation and racial discrimination, related to mortgage reinvestment and gentrification in major US central cities since the early 1990s. Using regression models to analyze home mortgage lending data and credit market characteristics across 30 US cities, the authors find that both early‐ ('peripheral') and late‐stage ('core') gentrification reproduce familiar patterns of race‐ and class‐based segregation, and are associated with more intensified forms of racial discrimination by property developers, realtors, and lenders.Online materials

Federal Financial Institutions Examination Council (FFIEC) –Home Mortgage Disclosure Act http://www.ffiec.gov/hmda/ This website provides access to publicly reported loan data under the provisions of the federal Home Mortgage Disclosure Act. The site allows users to view descriptive information on consumer lending institutions as well as borrower and loan characteristics that can be geocoded by census tract. The site is fairly user‐friendly yet provides access to powerful aggregate loan data. Researchers have used these publicly available data to compile profiles of consumer finance and investment trends across metropolitan areas or to begin to document patterns of disinvestment, redlining, and subprime lending.
Racial Residential Segregation Measurement Project (Reynolds Farley, University of Michigan) http://enceladus.isr.umich.edu/race/racestart.aspQuoted from the website:This website provides you with indexes of racial residential segregation for all states, for all counties, for all metropolitan areas and for all cities of 100,000 or more using information from the Census of 2000. Indexes of dissimilarity, exposure indexes and interracial contact measures are available for five single races and for the three most frequently reported combinations of two races. Segregation measures are provided using three different levels of local area geography: census tracts, block groups, and blocks. The links on this page provide you with access to the calculation of measures, descriptions of their meaning, information about the census data and the measures as well as to a bibliography of major studies of the extent, causes, and consequences of racial residential segregation in the United States.
Windows on Urban Poverty (Paul Jargowsky) http://www.urbanpoverty.net/ This website provides interactive features that examine the 'spatial context' of urban poverty; that is, the ways in which poor and segregated neighborhoods shape the life chances of impoverished individuals and families. The site has links to reports and policy briefs as well as a mapping tool which allows users to view the spatial expression of concentrated poverty neighborhoods and related demographic information.
Lewis Mumford Center for Comparative Urban and Regional Research (University at Albany, State University of New York) http://www.albany.edu/mumford/ The site allows users to access a wide range of social and economic indicators that document conditions of racial residential segregation across the US. The Mumford Center is a leader in reporting on national‐ and metropolitan‐level demographic trends compiled from publicly available US Census data.
The U.S. Census Bureau http://www.census.gov/ This is the official US government website where users can access US Census data. The site includes a range of interactive mapping tools that can be used to generate profiles of key demographic, social, and economic indicators at varying geographic scales, such as the neighborhood and metropolitan levels. The site also links users to relevant census‐based government reports, news releases, and even multimedia content (e.g., video, radio, photography).

Sample syllabusCourse outline and reading assignments Section 1: Segregation Trends and Patterns Residential Segregation in Black and White 'Census 2000 Basics' (http://www.census.gov/mso/www/c2000basics/00Basics.pdf)For an updated and extended discussion of measurement issues see: http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/housing/housing_patterns/housing_patterns.htmlMassey, Douglas S., and Nancy A. Denton. 1993. American Apartheid: Chapter 1: 'The Missing Link'; Chapter 2: 'The Construction of the Ghetto'; Chapter 3: 'The Persistence of the Ghetto'Massey, Douglas S., and Nancy A. Denton. 1988. 'The Dimensions of Residential Segregation.'Social Forces 67: 281–315.Adelman, Robert M., and James Clarke Gocker. 2007. 'Racial Residential Segregation in Urban America.'Sociology Compass 1: 404–23. Moving Beyond the Black/White Dichotomy Logan, John R., Brian J. Stults, and Reynolds Farley. 2004. 'Segregation of Minorities in the Metropolis: Two Decades of Change.'Demography 41: 1–22.Fischer, Claude S., Gretchen Stockmayer, Jon Stiles, and Michael Hout. 2004. 'Distinguishing the Geographic Levels and Social Dimensions of U.S. Metropolitan Segregation, 1960–2000.'Demography 41: 37–59.White, Michael J., Eric Fong, and Qian Cai. 2003. 'The Segregation of Asian‐origin Groups in the United States and Canada.'Social Science Research 32: 148–67.Crowder, Kyle D. 1999. 'Residential Segregation of West Indians in the New York/New Jersey Metropolitan Area: The Roles of Race and Ethnicity.'International Migration Review 33: 79–113. Section 2: Causes of Residential Segregation Institutions and Actors Charles, Camille Zubrinsky. 2003. 'The Dynamics of Racial Residential Segregation.'Annual Review of Sociology 29: 167–207.Briggs, Xavier de Souza. 2005. Chapter 1 ('Introduction') and Chapter 2 ('More Pluribus, Less Unum? The Changing Geography of Race and Opportunity').Tegeler, Phillip. 2005. Chapter 9 (Briggs): 'The Persistence of Segregation in Government Housing Programs'.Jackson, Kenneth.1985. Crabgrass Frontier. Chapter 11: 'Federal Subsidy and the Suburban Dream: How Washington Changed the American Housing Market'. Group Differences in Socioeconomic Status and Neighborhood Preferences Logan, John R., Richard D. Alba, Thomas McNulty, and Brian Fischer. 1996. 'Making a Place in the Metropolis: Locational Attainment in Cities and Suburbs.'Demography 33: 443–53.Alba, Richard D., John R. Logan, Brian J. Stults, Gilbert Marzan, and Wenquan Zhang. 1999. 'Immigrant Groups in the Suburbs: A Reexamination of Suburbanization and Spatial Assimilation.'American Sociological Review 64: 446–60.Harris, David R. 2001. 'Why are Whites and Blacks Averse to Black Neighbors?'Social Science Research 30: 100–16.Krysan, Maria, and Reynolds Farley. 2002. 'The Residential Preferences of Blacks: Do they Explain Persistent Segregation?'Social Forces 80: 937–80.Emerson, Michael O., George Yancey, and Karen J. Chai. 2001. 'Does Race Matter in Residential Segregation? Exploring the Preferences of White Americans.'American Sociological Review 66: 922–35. Mortgage Lending Discrimination Yinger, John. 1995. Closed Doors, Opportunities Lost: The Continuing Costs of Housing Discrimination. Chapter 2 ('The Housing Discrimination Study'); Chapter 3 ('Discrimination in Housing'); Chapter 7 ('The Impact of Housing Discrimination on Housing Quality, Racial Segregation, and Neighborhood Change').Ross, Stephen L., and Margery Austin Turner. 2005. 'Housing Discrimination in Metropolitan America: Explaining Changes between 1989 and 2000.'Social Problems 52: 152–80.Williams, Richard, Reynold Nesiba, and Eileen Diaz McConnell. 2005. 'The Changing Face of Inequality in Home Mortgage Lending.'Social Problems 52: 181–208.Freidman, Samantha, and Gregory D. Squires. 2005. 'Does the Community Reinvestment Act Help Minorities Access Traditionally Inaccessible Neighborhoods?'Social Problems 52: 209–31. The Search for Housing Turner, Margery, and Stephen Ross. 2005. Chapter 4 (Briggs): 'How Racial Discrimination Affects the Search for Housing.'Farley, Reynolds. 1996. 'Racial Differences in the Search for Housing: Do Whites and Blacks Use the Same Techniques to Find Housing?'Housing Policy Debate 7: 367–85.Massey, Douglas S., and Garvey Lundy. 2001. 'Use of Black English and Racial Discrimination in Urban Housing Markets: New Methods and Findings.'Urban Affairs Review 36: 452–69.Feagin, Joe. 1994. Living with Racism: The Black Middle‐Class Experience. Chapter 6: 'Seeking a Good Home and Neighborhood.' Section 3: Consequences of Residential Segregation Poverty Concentration and Hypersegregation Massey, Douglas S., and Nancy A. Denton. 1993. Chapter 5: 'The Creation of Underclass Communities'; Chapter 6: 'The Perpetuation of the Underclass'.Jargowsky, Paul A. 1997. Poverty and Place: Ghettos, Barrios, and the American City. Chapter 5: 'Theory and Evidence on Inner‐City Poverty.'Wilkes, Rima, and John Iceland. 2004. 'Hypersegregation in the Twenty‐First Century: An Update and Analysis.'Demography 41: 23–36.Roy, Kevin. 2004. 'Three‐Block Fathers: Spatial Perceptions and Kin‐Work in Low‐Income African American Neighborhoods.'Social Problems 51: 528–48. Neighborhood Effects Sampson, Robert J., Jeffrey D. Morenoff, and Thomas Gannon‐Rowley. 2002. 'Assessing "Neighborhood Effects": Social Processes and New Directions in Research.'Annual Review of Sociology 28: 443–78.LaVeist, Thomas A. 1993. 'Segregation, Poverty, and Empowerment: Health Consequences for African Americans.'The Milbank Quarterly 71: 41–64.Rosenbaum, Emily, and Laura E. Harris. 2001. 'Low‐Income Families in Their New Neighborhoods: The Short‐Term Effects of Moving from Chicago's Public Housing.'Journal of Family Issues 22: 183–210.Wagmiller, Robert L. 2007. 'Race and the Spatial Segregation of Jobless Men in Urban America.'Demography 44: 539–62. Crime and Neighborhoods Anderson, Elijah. 1999. Code of the Street: Decency, Violence, and the Moral Life of the Inner City. Preface, Introduction ('Down Germantown Avenue') and Chapter 1 ('Decent and Street Families').Pattillo‐McCoy, Mary. 1999. Black Picket Fences: Privilege and Peril among the Black Middle Class. Chapter 4: 'Neighborhood Networks and Crime'.Massey, Douglas S. 2001. 'Segregation and Violent Crime in Urban America.' Pp. 317–44 in Problem of the Century: Racial Stratification in the United States edited by Elijah Anderson and Douglas S. Massey.Logan, John R., and Brian J. Stults. 1999. 'Racial Differences in Exposure to Crime: The City and Suburbs of Cleveland in 1990.'Criminology 37: 251–76. Section 4: Mobility, Class, and Public Policy Residential Mobility Lee, Barrett A., R.S. Oropesa, and James W. Kanan. 1994. 'Neighborhood Context and Residential Mobility.'Demography 31: 249–70.South, Scott J., and Kyle D. Crowder. 1998. 'Leaving the 'Hood: Residential Mobility between Black, White, and Integrated Neighborhoods.'American Sociological Review 63: 17–26.Crowder, Kyle D., Scott J. South, and Erick Chavez. 2006. 'Wealth, Race, and Inter‐Neighborhood Migration.'American Sociological Review 71: 72–94.Pattillo‐McCoy, Mary. 2000. 'The Limits of Out‐Migration for the Black Middle Class.'Journal of Urban Affairs 22: 225–41. Intersection of Race and Class: The Black Middle Class Pattillo, Mary. 2005. 'Black Middle‐Class Neighborhoods.'Annual Review of Sociology 31: 305–29.Cashin, Sheryll D. 2001. 'Middle‐Class Black Suburbs and the State of Integration: A Post‐Integrationist Vision for Metropolitan America.'Cornell Law Review 86: 729–76.Adelman, Robert M. 2004. 'Neighborhood Opportunities, Race, and Class: The Black Middle Class and Residential Segregation.'City and Community 3: 43–63.Lacy, Karyn. 2004. 'Black Spaces, Black Places: Strategic Assimilation and Identity Construction in Middle‐Class Suburbia.'Ethnic and Racial Studies 27: 908–30. Public Policy and Politics Rubinowitz, Leonard S., and James E. Rosenbaum. 2000. Crossing the Class and Color Lines: From Public Housing to White Suburbia.Briggs, Xavier de Souza. 2005. Chapter 14: 'Politics and Policy: Changing the Geography of Opportunity'.Massey, Douglas S., and Nancy A. Denton. 1993. Chapter 8: 'The Future of the Ghetto'.Project ideas US Census Data Assignment (Adapted from an assignment developed by Nancy Denton, University at Albany, State University of New York)Your task for this assignment is to compare one US metropolitan area to another one. Your focus of the comparison should be on key sociodemographic variables including, but not limited to, the overall population size of the areas, the racial and ethnic composition of the areas, the socioeconomic standing of the areas, the housing quality, what types of occupational opportunities exist, the level of immigration in the areas, the level of residential segregation between groups in the areas, among others.You can choose any two metropolitan areas but they must be defined as such by the Census Bureau (i.e., make sure you obtain information at the metropolitan level). There should be some component of change; that is, identify how these variables have changed over time (an ideal strategy would be to focus on 1980 to 2000 changes, but there could be other strategies). In the end, you want a five‐page report comparing the two places. Which one would be better to live in? Why? From whose perspective?Potential data sources include:

The US Census: go to http://www.census.gov and click on 'American Factfinder' or another census tool
The Lewis Mumford Center: go to http://www.albany.edu/mumford and click on 'Census 2000' and use one of the tools to obtain data

Urban Ethnography Assignment (Adapted from an assignment developed by Charles Gallagher, Georgia State University)Write a short ethnography about an urban, public space. Your task is to choose a public space (broadly defined) and examine who uses the space, how the space is used, and the interactions that occur between people in that space. Pay close attention to issues like (but others too) the racial and ethnic background of the people using the space, the socioeconomic reasons which explain the location of the site (e.g., exchange versus use values; urban development), and the extent to which the space is actually 'public' (i.e., are there restrictions to the space like bars separating benches in half?).You can observe any public space. For example, the extent to which a park is actually public is continually and consistently contested and negotiated. What about transportation nodes? Malls? Restaurants? Comparative Urban Assignment Your task for this assignment is to review three scholarly articles about a city outside of the US. Your focus can be on any aspect of the city but you should include some general information about the area including, but not limited to, the geographic and demographic size of the area, the socioeconomic standing of the area, the residential segregation of groups in the area, among other issues.You can choose any city or metropolitan area as long as it is outside of the US. In the end, you want a five‐page report reviewing the three articles with a brief introduction about the city (this information could be gleaned from one of the articles).The main international urban journal, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, will be very useful for this assignment, but you can obtain articles from any peer‐reviewed journal. Make sure to use only scholarly journals rather than popular magazines, newspaper articles, or the internet. Rely on the social science literature.

Issue 34.5 of the Review for Religious, 1975. ; Revtew ]or Rehgtous ts edited by faculty members of the School of DIvlmty of St Louts University, the edttorlal ol~ces bemg located at 612 Humboldt Buddmg, 539 North Grand Boulevard; St. Louis, Missouri 63103. It is owned by the Missouri Province Educational Institute; St. Louis, Missouri. Published bimonthly and copy-right (~) 1975 by Review [or Religious. Composed, printed, and manufactured in U.S.A. Second class postage paid at St. Louis, Missouri. S!ngle copies: $1.75. Subscription U.S.A. and Canada: $6.00 a year; $11.00 for two years; other countries, $7.00 a year, $13.00 for two years (for airmail delivery, add $5.00 per year). Orders should indicate whether they are for new or renewal subscriptions and should be accompanied by check or money order payable to Review ]or Religious in U.S.A. currency only. Pay no money to persons claiming .to represent Review ]or Religious. Change of address requests should include former ad~ciress. Daniel F. X. Meenan, S.J. Everett A. Diederich, S.J. Joseph F. Galicn, S.J. Editor Associate Editor Questions and Answers Editor September 1975 Volume 34 Number 5 Renewals, new subscriptions, and changes of address should be sent to Review for Religious; P.O. Box 6070; Duluth, Minnesota 55802. Correspondence with the editor and the associate editor together with manuscripts and books for review should be sent to Review for Religious; 612 Humboldt Building; 539 North Grand Boulevard; St. Louis, Missouri 63103. Questions for answering should be sent to Joseph F. Gallen, S.J.; St. Joseph's College; City Avenue at 54th Street; Philadelphia, Pennsyl-vania 19131. / ;" ~: :°~Vith these ,words Po o ~t only for Jesmts,~but-~f6r all~rehg~ous;~ )s wh6, .in ~varyingways, ~dentff, y:.o. 671 A Survey of the Thirty-second General Congregation John R. Sheets, S.J. Fr. Sheets, chairman of the theology department of Creighton University and director of its new Masters Degree in Christian Spirituality program, was an elected delegate of his province (Wisconsin) at the 32nd General Congregation. He resides at Creighton University; 2500 Califor-nia St.; Omaha, NB 68178. The Thirty-second General Congregation of the Society of Jesus began on December 2, 1974. It finished its work on March 7, 1975. The Holy See authorized the promulgation of its decrees on May 2, 1975. In this article I will attempt to set down in an intelligible way a description of what went on during those ninety-six days, especially for (hose who are not Jesuits but who are in-terested in the congregation. Having gone over once again both the official documents and the Acta of the congregation, and having tried to recapture.my own experience over those days, I feel keenly the limitations of what follows. In the first place, it is difficult to give a survey of the vast amount of material covered by the various commissions;-secondly, it is hard to detail my own ex-perience without writing an autobiography; thirdly, it would take someone with both a sense of historical detail and a journalistic flair to present the in-terplay that took place among the various identifiable groups within the con-gregation, and also what took place between the Vatican and the congregation. In spite of these reservations, I hope that the observations that follow might provide some insight into what happened, and at the same time provide a counterweight to impressions given to the public through the general press. For me personally the congregation was the peak experience of my life. I am still trying to sort out the reasons for this. There is the obvious fact of hav-ing been part of a decision-making body whose decrees could have momentous importance for the Societ), of Jesus and for the Church at a very critical mo- A Survey of the Thirty-Second General Congregation / 673 ment in history. Again there was the experience of being "companions in the Lord" with two hundred and thirty-six other Jesuits from all over the world, united in the same Ignatian vision, sharing a common purpose, praying and working together to formulate with the help of the Holy Spirit responses to what the Church and the world ask of the Society today. The "honeymoon experience" of the first days gave way, as the weeks went on, to the .experience of fatigue, the perplexities of the search for the proper wording, the experience of working on disparate problems at the same time, without any clear point of convergence. Added to these was the experience of the interaction between the Vatican and the congregation which brought with it great anguish. However, it was also perhaps the experience that changed the congregation from a group of planners relying much on our own wisdom into something approximating an instrument of the Holy Spirit. The whole experience of the congregation in many ways paralleled what a person goes through in making the Spiritual Exercises, where one is subject to the movement of different spirits. On the one hand, it was the occasion of the greatest consolation; on the other, 1 have never in my life experienced such heaviness of heart. There were moments when one could almost feel the presence of the Holy Spirit, particularly at the concelebrated liturgies where one was drawn into the mystery of the communio jesuitarum, both the living and the dead, ~hrough our sharing in the Eucharist. Certainly the con-celebrated Mass, celebrated on the opening day of the congregatiofi in the Gesu, a church hallowed by the memories of Ignatius, Xavier and the early history of the Society, with seven hundred Jesuits participating, was one such moving experience. But if there were consolations, there were also periods of desolation, the worst desolation I have ever experienced. These came from the pall of uncer-tainty cast over the congregation from the communications of the Holy Father through Cardinal Villot in reference to the way the congregation had proceeded on a particular point concerning the Fourth Vow in the Society. This was also the occasion for the Holy Father to remark with pain that he detected from the Acta of the congregation attitudes among the delegates which were at variance with the kind of disposition a Jesuit should have toward the Pope. To be frank, however, it was not so much the interventions of the Holy Father that depressed me. In fact, as events would show, he was under the im-pression that we had received a specific communication on the subject that he had given to one of the delegates to be transmitted to us. But because of a mis-understanding the delegate did not in fact communicate it, and the congrega-tion learned about it only after we had taken a step which seemed to con-travene directly the explicit instruction of the Holy Father. To me the tone of his and Cardinal Villot's letter, while severe, was comprehensible in the light of this misunderstanding on the communication of their earlier message. What was far more upsetting was the sudden change in the mental climate of the congregation. Somewhere Kierkegaard mentions that the sudden is the 1574 / Review for, Religious, Volume 34, 1975/5 category of the demonic. In the course of only minutes, the demon of rumor, suspicion and recrimination was let loose. Suddenly it all fitted into a kind of master plot to discredit Fr. Arrupe, bring about his resignation, and bring to nothing the efforts of the congregation. No one knew who the enemies were, but some gave the impression that there was one hiding behind every column in the Vatican. Among the memories which will always be with me are the occasions when I used to walk in St. Peter's Square at night, when it was deserted, except for a police car and a few pa~sers-by. The majestic beauty of the facade of St. Peter's, bathed by the light of the moon, the beauty of the fountains flashing in the lights, the Vatican apartments with a light here and there, formed a setting of peace which seemed to overflow into me, particularly when events occurred which plunged the congregation into gloom. Looking back over those difficult periods I am certain that if it were not for the example and leadership of Fr. Arrupe we would have lost courage. He transmitted to us both by word and example a sense of the working of God's providence and the life-through-death process in which we were engaged. We were faced with the humbling and humiliating fact that we experts who were supposed to discern the signs of the times could not discern a sign that was much closer to us. In many ways the misunderstandings did not "have to be," when one looks at them from a human point of view. The reports from the press about con-frontation, maneuver and counter-maneuver were the product of journalistic imagination. The sad fact is that pain was caused by people who were trying their utmost to act with responsibility to the Holy Father and to the Society. But I have probably got ahead of myself. All I wanted to do in these in-troductory remarks was to point out that for me personally the experience of those three months led by the diverse paths of joy and anguish to a deeper ex-perience of the ways of God, that "If Yahweh does not build the house, in vain the masons toil." The Procedure Followed in the Business of the Congregation In preparation for this congregation there had been four years of highly organized participation on the level of the local communities and the provinces. The extent of this participation varied. In general, however, it had a beneficial result in creating the awareness that this congregation would grow out of the discernment that took place on the local level rather than work from the top down. Perhaps some might consider that this was a waste of time and money when we measure the results of those years of preparation, and the little impact that it had directly on the congregation. However, the minimal result of this preparation was that at least we did not come into the work of the congregation cold, but had some awareness of the problems that confront us, as there were seen by a large segment of the Society. For those who are not familiar with the structure of the Society of Jesus, a few words of explanation may be helpful. In the Society of Jesus the supreme A Survey of the Thirty-Second General Congregation / 675 authority is vested in the General Congregation. It does not meet at regular in-tervals, but only on two occasions, either to elect a new superior general, or to face a particular state of affairs which can be handled only by the highest authority of the Society. Of the thirty-two congregations that have met in the four hundred and thirty-five years of the Society's history, all except seven have been called to elect a new superior general. When, therefore, in 1970 Fr. Arrupe decided to call a General Congregation to convene after appropriate preparation, he felt that the state of the Society needed to be reviewed. It was an opportune time, since ten years would have elapsed since Vatican II and our last congregation. Delegates to a General Congregation are basically of two kinds: the provincial superiors, who attend by right of office, who make up ap-proximately one-third of the membership of a congregation and the other two-thirds who are elected. The only delegates who were unable to attend the 32nd General Congregation were a few from behind the Iron Curtain. Their unoc-cupied desks remained an ever-present symbol to the assembly of the oppres-sion of the Church in various areas. In spite of these absences, there were two hundred thirty-six delegates present. In the Society of Jesus the agenda is made up after the congregation con-venes. It is based mainly on the postulates (requests) submitted either from in-dividual Jesuits or provinces. Contrary to what one might suspect, there is probably no more democratic legislative group than is to be found in the General Congregation. Any Jesuit can send in postulates either through his province or directly, as an individual to the General Congregation. All of these are considered on their merits independently of their source. Over one thousand postulates were submitted. After a preliminary analysis, it was seen that they could be organized according to ten categories. Ten commissions were set up roughly corresponding to these ten categories. Initially the commissions had a membership of about twenty-five each, com-posed of representatives from different parts of the Society. Later, for the sake of efficiency in composing the documents emerging from the commissions, the number was reduced to four or five. The amount of work that went into the final draft of the documents was enormous. The work of the commission would be submitted to the whole assembly, receive revisions (or even be re-jected), be returned to the commission; then again be submitted to the assembly, with a repetition of the same procedm:e, until the assembly was satisfied with it. The whole assembly convened in a large hall that had been especially renovated for the congregation. Electronic equipment was installed to provide simultaneous translation. Voting was done by means of a small switch at each desk. In the front of the hall in full view of all the delegates was a large elec-tronic board, with indicator lights arranged accordihg to the seating plan in the hail. This board registered the votes with a green light if affirmative or a red, if negative. At the top of the board was a place where the total affirmative and negative vote would register immediately after the vote was taken. All ~'~' ~ ~.~. 676;~ R~i~.w for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/5 voting~'~bhe exception," was public. The exception came at the request of the congregatiori ~hen it came to vote on the question of grades in the Society. Doubtless this pr0ce.dure was intended to provide the general with the oppor-tunity to vote in a way that would not compromise him in whatever future ac-tions he would have to take.as a result of the vote. The Main Themes Seventeen documents issued from the congregation, most of them originating from the ten commissions which had been established. Other documents came from special commissions appointed as the need arose. Though the documents differ in content, some common themes run throughout. Perhaps the main theme reflected in the documents is that of mission. Related to this is a reawakened awareness of the Society as a whole, of which the local communities are part. The Society, while it exists also for the sanc-tification of its members, takes its special meaning from its apostolic orienta-tion. This apostolic orientation is specified by its relationship to the Holy See, particularly through the Fourth Vow, and in its service to the Church through the promotion and defense of the faith. A characteristic of this apostolic orienta-tion is adaptability to the needs of particular times and places. In our day this involves an overriding concern to overcome the injustices which oppress so many millions of people. However, in all of its apostolic work, the goal and the means it uses are to be consistent with the tradition of the Society as set forth in its Formula of the Institute which sets forth its fundamental pontifical law. This ties in with the identity of the Society, a theme that is both the subject of one particular document and one that runs through all of the others as well. The Society is a priestly, apostolic body, bound to the Holy See in a special way for the defense and promotion of the faith. The sense of mission involves not only working with those who are op-pressed but it also involves becoming identified with them as far as this is possible. Our poverty, therefore, which has its juridical as well as evangelical aspects, takes on a particular experiential mode in so far as, by it, we can iden-tify with the poor. The decree that has to do with union of hearts and minds is also intimately related to the nature of the Society as an apostolic body. Ignatius clearly saw that the Society's apostolate depended first of all on the union of the members with God, and then derivatively on their union with one another. One theme which is conspicuous is that of repentence. The Society acknowledges that it has failed in recent years to live up to those characteristics which were suppose to distinguish it, such as obedience, loyalty to the Holy See, fidelity tO the principles of the religious life. The State of the Society One of the commissions set up early in the order of business was the one charged to examine the state of the Society. Its purpose was to form some A Survey of the Thirty-Second General Congregation / 677 kind of an evaluation of the condition of the Jesuit order at this point in its history, assessing both its weaknesses and its strengths. To provide this com-mission with input, the delegates met in small groups over a period of several days. These small groups were of two kinds: what were called "assistancy groups" (for example, all of the American Jesuits belong to one "assistancy," the French to another, etc.), and "language groups," composed of people from different countries who had some facility in their own and other languages (German-English, French-English, Spanish-French, etc.) These groups dis-cussed the state of the Society in reference to key points such as formation of Jesuits, religious observance, the apostolate. These sessions broadened the practical knowledge each of us had of the Society and helped to create among us an awareness of community. They were also informative, first of all in bringing us to realize that many of the problems were common, with varying degrees of acuteness, while others were peculiar to a particular section of the Society. A criticism which many of us in the western world resonated with came from one of the German provincials in my group when he said that the image that the Society in Germany gives is that of B~rgerlichkeit, which in English connotes a comfortable, gentlemanly, middle-class existence. On the other hand, the situation of the Jesuits from behind the Iron Cur-tain, some of whom were also in my language group, has spared them some of the enervating effects of secularization. For one reason, their apostolate, where they are able to exercise it, is mostly pastoral work; secondly, their precarious existence serves to keep their faith at a high level of vitality. The delegates from the Third World countries brought other emphases. From the Spanish speaking countries there was a strong orientation toward social change, bringing with it problems of political involvement and the degree to which such involvement could subscribe to an ideology which often had Marxist overtones. In other regions, such as Africa, Indonesia and the Far East, one of the main problems is "inculturation," embodying the faith and the spirit of the Society in forms peculiar to their own cultures. As part of this evaluation on the state of the Society, Fr. General himself gave a picture of the way he sees the Society at the present, as a body which is very much alive, but with certain illnesses. He also gave a detailed description of his own relationship with the Holy See and the other officials in the Vatican, providing afterwards an opportunity for the delegates to question or discuss any of the points he had brought up. The document on the state of the Society which came out as a result of all this exchange is not one of the papers published to the Society. It was intended only for the delegates and their work in the congregation itself. However, the document is not in fact that useful. Its main value was in providing the oppor-tunity for the delegates to familiarize,themselves with the state of the Society through their live exchanges with one another. A document of this kind by its nature remains general, and gives little sense of the extent and import of either the positive or negative points. 671~ / Review for Religious, l/olume 34, 1975/5 The Work of the Commissions As was mentioned above, ten commissions were formed, more or less along the lines of the categories of material received in the postulates. While a few others later came into being and some of the original ones were changed, these ten commissions formed pretty much the working base of the Congrega-tion. Risking over-simplification, they could be divided into those which looked mainly inward, for example, about our "grades," the Fourth Vow, for-mation, final incorporation into the Society (final vows), central government, the constitution of provincial and general congregations; those which looked outward, namely, the mission of the Society today, inculturation, the service of the Society to the Church; and finally those which look both inward and outward, for example, on union of hearts, the Jesuit today. Some comments on a few of the documents might contribute to a better understanding of them. 1. The Mission of the Society Today The decree which took up the lion's share of the time, and which provided the platform for most of the rhetoric was the one that dealt with the mission of the Society today. The very nature of the topic explains why it took so long to come up with a satisfactory formulation. It involves an articulation that had to bring together the old and the new: fidelity to the essentials of the Society's apostolic nature, and coming to grips with the needs of today. While such a formulation has its own difficulties, the problem was exacer-bated by an initially one-sided approach and by the impression that some gave of using language more appropriate to political parties than to a religious group attempting to clarify its mission. The initial approach was largely horizontal, too much concentrated on the socio-economic aspects, with too lit-tle of the priestly. In the effort to make the congregation conscious of the urgency of these problems there was a tendency to absolutize what was in fact only one aspect of the Society's apostolate. One of the observations offered by Cardinal Villot in the letter in which he com-municated the Pope's authorization to promulgate the work of the congregation pertains to this decree. He stresses an important point, which is already present in the decree, but which deserves emphasis, namely, that the total work of evangelization has a comprehen-sion that cannot be reduced to working for social justice, and secondly that there is a priestly way of working for social justice that is distinct from the proper role of the laity. No one can judge from the final document how much work went into it. If one were tothink of a carpenter shop filled with shavings, and one tiny cabinet to show for the work, the comparison would be apt. The final decree, though somewhat diffuse, manages to relate the fundamental apostolic orientation of the Jesuit life as a priestly order to the promotion of faith which in the real-life situation is inseparable from the promotion of justice. 2. Poverty The. subject of poverty has continued to bedevil our recent congregations. A Survey of the Thirty-Second General Congregation ] 679 As everyone knows, there are two main aspects to what is called religious poverty: the juridical and the evangelicalwor the personal appropriation of the values of evangelical poverty. The decree on poverty, probably the most im-portant document to come out of the congregation, has two parts, the first be-ing more inspirational and exhortatory, while the second is juridical, setting down a basic reform in the structures of our institutional practice of poverty. It is not possible to enter into the technicalities of the juridical part of the decree since it presupposes some knowledge of the structure of the Society. Suffice it to say that the decree formulates what is, to my mind, a creative way of realizing for our own times the Ignatian ideal of poverty, taking into con-sideration the different socio-economic conditions of the twentieth and six-teenth centuries. On the personal side, frugality, the sense of being part of the kenotic mystery of Christ, dependence on the community, and identification with the poor are stressed. in his letter, Cardinal Villot makes two points concerning this decree. After commenting on the fact that the Holy Father was aware of the immense amount of work that had gone into this decree, which attempts to relate the traditional practice of poverty in the Society to the needs of our times, he says that considering the newness of the approach, it would be better to promulgate the decree ad experimentum, to be reviewed in the next General Congregation. He also cautions that the decree should not jeopardize the Society's traditional approach to gratuity of ministries. 3. Grades and the Fourth Vow No other subject discussed by the congregation received as much attention from the press as that of our "grades" and the Fourth Vow. As I remarked above, the delegates had proceeded in a spirit of obedience to the Holy Father's wishes, but in the spirit of Ignatian obedience which allows represen-tation of one's case to the superior, with full openness, however, to the final decision of the superior. But, as I mentioned above, the delegates were not aware of an important communication from the Holy Father which he had given to one of the officials manifesting his mind clearly on the topic. We were made aware of this special communication only after we had proceeded in good faith to take up the question, and to give an "indicative" votewone that is not definitive, but from which it is possible to infer the mind of the delegates. The indicative vote was overwhelmingly in favor of abolishing grades. One can imagine the consternation of the Holy Father when he read of the results of this in the Acta, a copy of which he received regularly, especially when he learned that we had not been given his specific directive on this matter which had been communicated to one of the officials of the congregation. This unfortunate series of events precipitated a strong response from the Vatican. First there was a letter from Cardinal Villot in the name of the Holy Father expressing his consternation at the proceedings. Later there was a letter from the Holy Father himself, tin which he expressed his wonderment, pain, disappointment. What the delegates found particularly difficult to understand in Cardinal Viilot's letter was the strong language used about the failure of Fr. Arrupe to exercise the proper kind of leadership that could have headed off this series of unfortunate events. I~1~0 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/5 While the delegates were still reeling from this unexpected turn of events, they learned of the directive that had been given by Cardinal Villot to one of the officials to be given to the congregation. The official explained before the whole congregation that he had not understood that he was supposed to transmit this directive to the delegates in any official way. This was a costly mistake. Yet in some ways I think it was a felix culpa because of the benefits which came out of it, as I shall comment below. At this point I should say something about the meaning of the grades and the Fourth Vow for those unfamiliar with the Society's structure and legisla-tion. When the idea of the Society was evolving in the mind and experience of Ignatius, one of the features that emerged was a conception of having membership in the Society on different levels, or "grades." For those with their final vows, there were to be three levels or grades. First of all, there are the "solemnly professed," with solemn vows of poverty, chastity, obedience, and a Fourth Vow of special obedience to the Holy Father in regard to mis-sions, that is, apostolic commissions. In the past one hundred years about 40% of Jesuit priests have belonged to this grade. In the mind of Ignatius the professed were supposed to exemplify to a special degree what he looked for in every Jesuit, proficiency in learning, a high degree of virtue, mobility, a life supported only by free-will offerings, exemplifying in their lives a similar relationship to the Vicar of Christ that the disciples showed toward Christ Himself. In addition, key positions in government were reserved to the professed, such as the office of provincial. Again, only the professed could take part in a General Congregation. In the second place, there were priests whose final vows were simple, not solemn. Without going into detail on the differences between solemn and sim-ple vows, it is sufficient to remark here that for one thing they differ accord-ing to the seriousness of the reasons needed for dispensation. This grade is that of "spiritual coadjutor." Members of this grade do not take the vow of special obedience to the Holy Father. In the third place, there are "temporal coadjutors" or brothers. Their final vows are also simple vows of poverty, chast.ity, and obedience. They have the same apostolic purpose as the priests, but have a different way of contributing to the realization of it. The grades are a feature that are peculiar to the Society. As one would sur-mise, the distinction has not been an unmixed blessing in the history of the Society. Though Ignatius never conceived of a Society which would have privileged and unprivileged castes, human nature being what it is, the results were predictable. Since human nature associates power with authority, the professed came to be considered as a kind of first-class type of Jesuit, and the non-professed as second-class. In recent years there has been much historical research on the origin of the ~grades. Also there has been considerable discussion whether the distinction of ~the grades was inextricably tied up with the vision of St. Ignatius, or whether it was something that with the change of times no longer served a purpose. The A Survey of the Thirty-Second General Congregation Thirty-first General Congregation did not face the question head-on. It con-tented itself with broadening the norms by which a person could be admitted to profession. It also transmitted the final solution of the problem to the Thirty-second General Congregation. The intervention of the Holy Father did not directly concern grades. He limited himself to the question of the Fourth Vow, which he said could not be extended to non-priests. This intimates that the Holy Father was concerned not simply about a juridical division in the Society which could be changed by another law, but about a theological question concerning the relationship between the priestly identity of those who take the Fourth Vow and the mis-sions which are the direct object of the vow. Again (I am speculating) the intervention of the Holy Father might be a healthy reminder in this age of blurring all distinctions for the sake of dubious notions of equality, that differentiation in functions does not necessarily mean division. Reserving the Fourth Vow to priests helps to keep the priestly focus of the apostolic work of the Society which has characterized it from the begin-ning. This need not create first- and second-class citizens, but it could engender an awareness that there are different gifts within the same body by which the same goal is realized. 4. The Union of Hearts A commission without a name was set up as a kind of catchall to handle four topics that on the surface had little unity: the question of union and pluralism, communal discernment, religious life, and community life. Since I was a member of this commission from beginning to end, I feel more in touch with it than with the other commissions. It was a kind of a "Benjamin" com-mission compared with those set up to handle the "important" topics like mis-sion, grades, poverty, etc. Ironically, Benjamin was suddenly given an importance late in the con-gregation. The Holy Father in his intervention had commented on the fact that he had heard a lot about mission and justice, but little about renewal of the religious life, even though we had already been at it for two months. So all of a sudden the pressure was on to come up with something significant along those lines. The final document on union of hearts is a contemporary commentary, on Chapter One of Part VIII of our Constitutions, "Aids Toward the Uniori of Hearts." Under this heading the commission found a focus which could unite the various topics given to it. Much effort was spent in an attempt to formulate a clear statement on the subject of union and pluralism. Many of the postulates asked for such a state-ment, some of them stressing the harm coming from internal divisions, others emphasizing the need for a "healthy pluralism." Eventually the commission decided that a theoretical statement would not be helpful. Instead it for-mulated, along with principles on which union of hearts is based, certain prac-tical directives on prayer, community life, sacraments, and communal discern-ment. 682 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/5 The subject of communal discernment received a lot of discussion. Some wanted to turn it into a kind of Aladdin's lamp which could call forth some kind of a jinni. Others were more skeptical over the possibility of univer-salizing the practicableness of such a process. The final statement in the docu-ment attempts to locate communal discernment within the spectrum of various kinds of spiritual exchange within a community, not exaggerating its role, but on the other hand recognizing the value that it has when the right dispositions and circumstances are present. Incidentally about midway through the congregation, an ad hoc commis-sion was also established to see whether the congregation itself could not carry on its work through a method of communal discernment. After a couple of meetings, it dissolved, because it felt that proceeding according to a formal method of communal discernment was impractical for the congregation because of the large numbers involved and the wide range of subjects on the agenda. 5. The Jesuit Today In the light of the diversity that has appeared in Jesuit life over the past ten years, it was felt necessary to have a statement which would describe the meaning of being Jesuit today. The congregation was presented with five different papers, each of which approached the subject of Jesuit identity from different points of view. They opted for the one which now appears among the official decrees. The decree relates Jesuit identity today in a very simple way to our Igna-tian tradition, to our apostolic mission, and to the source, center, and goal of Jesuit life, which is the imitation of Christ. The Holy See and the General Congregation We have already commented on the intervention of the Holy See in regard to the subject of extending the Fourth Vow to non-priests. However, this is only an application of something which is much broader. The interest of the Holy See in this congregation is unparalleled in the whole history of the Society. Perhaps this comes from the fact that Pope Paul had a keen sense of its importance for the Society and for the Church itself. I have just finished once again going over the papal documents, beginning with the letter written to Fr. Arrupe on September 15, 1973, which the Holy Father wrote after Fr. General had announced the convening of the General Congregation, and concluding with the covering letter which was added to the approbation of the decrees. There is one theme running through all of these communications: the necessity of being faithful to the distinctive nature of the Society as it is expressed in the Formula of the Institute, a distinctiveness which has proved its fruitfulness over hundreds of years of experience. Specifically, the Society is described time and time again as a priestly apostolic order, with a special bond of obedience to the Holy See. There is, to be sure, a stress on the need to adapt to the needs of our times, but such adap- A Survey of the Thirty-Second General Congregation I 683 tation must always maintain the essentials as these are to be found in the For-mula. 1 Pope Paul wrote of his concern for the Society not only as the Vicar of Christ who has responsibility for the whole Church, but in terms which, unless I am mistaken, are unprecedented in the history of this relationship between the Society and the Holy See. He speaks of himself as the one who has the chief responsibility for the preservation of the Formula of the Institute, "supremus 'Formulae Instituti' fideiussor," and the chief protector and preserver of the Formula, "Formulae Instituti supremus tutor ac custos." It would not be true to say that all of the delegates responded with un-qualified enthusiasm to the interventions of the Holy Father. Though all recognized his right in abstracto to intervene, a~nd the corresponding attitude of obedience to which we were obliged and, which all gave without contesta-tion, nevertheless when the interventions came in this particular way, with these particular words and in this particular timing, there were signs of ruffled feelings. In case anyone needed reminding, we learned in the process that the delegates as a whole, while good and responsible men, are not yet ready for canonization. However, we did see in an exemplary way the incarnation of Jesuit obedience in at least one person, Fr. Arrupe. This was not something he did just "to give good example." His whole life has been so totalized by his faith that even his perceptions pick up the reality beneath the appearance. He senses the presence of the Vicar of Christ beneath the appearance of Pope Paul. The concern of the Holy Father shown in so many ways over the past few years and in a special way through his vigilance over the activities of the con-gregation are to my way of thinking a special grace for the Society. In a way that we never planned on, the interventions of the Holy Father brought us to a level of faith we would not have reached by ourselves. It also brought us to a realization that the Society is a servant of the Church. In some small way the history of this congregation parallels the description of Peter's death, about whom our Lord said, "You will stretch out your hands, and somebody else will put a belt round you and take you where you would rather not go" (Jn 21:18). Father Arrupe I have already mentioned that if it were not for Fr. Arrupe's example and leadership the congregation would have capsized under the difficulties it ran into. He constantly called us to a vision we needed in order to see what was happening from a supernatural point of view, and in order to avoid the traps of tNot many Jesuits are aware either of the content or the importance of the Formula of the Institute. Yet, even more than the Constitutions, it is the basic rule or fundamental code of legisla-tion in the Society. It contains the results of the deliberations of Ignatius and his companions in 1539 which provided the first sketch of the Institute of the Society of Jesus. It was first approved by Paul Iil in 1540, then again by Julius 111 in 1550 in a slightly revised form. 684 / Review for Religious, l/olume 34, 1975/5 self-pity or recrimination that were only too present. Like one of th~ prophets, he reminded us to see what was happening as coming from the hand of God, and to use it for our own purification and conversion. In a talk given to the delegates on the second day of the congregation, he spoke of the answer that we had to give to the needs of our times. It should be the foolishness of the cross by which Christ redeemed the world, which is the wisdom of God. "In the absolute foolishness of the Cross, the emptying of all things, we find the key to the ultimate solution to the problems of today." In a way we did not foresee, those words were prophetic. Again, he exercised his leadership by leaving the congregation free to follow the paths where its deliberations would take it. In its authority, the General Congregation is superior to the general. Fr. Arrupe always acted with full awareness of this fact. On occasion he would let the delegates know how he felt about certain things, not to pressure them, but in order to make this part of the input of their deliberations. The congregation showed its appreciation of his leadership over the past ten year,s in many ways. There are few who have had to pilot a ship through such a stormy period. The burden has not been easy. But there is always evi-dent in him the same buoyancy and infectious joy that somehow puts him in touch with the Stillpoint that is beyond, above, beneath the storm. Yet, while realizing his outstanding qualities, the delegates did not apotheosize Fr. Arrupe. They realized that with all of his gifts there were also limitations. In fact, the decree which set up a council for the general was framed mainly to supply the kind of help which might balance out the one-sidedness of some of his gifts. Differences Between This Congregation and the Previous Ones The Thirty-second (2ongregati0n had many characteristics which made it very different from any preceding General Congregation. Some of the more important ones might be the following. As was mentioned above, there was a four-year period of preparation for this congregation which was unprecedented. Similarly a few months before the actual opening day a special preparatory commission met to organize the material. This was the first General Congregation where, from the start, traditional rules of secrecy were lifted, except for the prohibition against making public either the names of delegates who spoke on the different questions, or the tally of the votes. Five Jesuit journalists were given free access to the meetings. They published a report about every week that kept the Society informed of the progress of affairs. In this Congregation for the first time the voices of the Third World were not only heard in larger numbers, but they showed a vitality that added zest to the meetings. However, even among these voices there were different accents. All of them were keenly aware of the injustices which oppress their peoples by reason of the exploitation of the capitalistic countries. However, the Spanish- A Survey of the Thirty-Second General Congregation / 685 speaking delegates tended to stress political and social involvement; the Africans continually reminded us of the need for the sense of the transcendent, the specifically God-and-Christ-centered nature of our apostolate; and those from the Far East, while keeping these same perspectives, also stressed the need for approaches that were directed both toward personal conversion and change of the structures. No other congregation has met at a period when there has been such a crisis in vocations. Over the past ten years, the Society has diminished from about 36,000 to 30,000 members. While in some places the number of novices has begun to pick up again, the overall picture remains dim. In 1965 there were 1902 novices compared to 705 in 1974. In the United States there are about 200 novices, showing a slight increase over the past few years. In some coun-tries, however, the picture is dismal. Spain, for example, had 269 novices in 1965. In 1974 it had only 30. Germany had 114 in 1965. At present it has about 30. Similar figures could be given for France, Belgium, Holland, Italy. When one compares the number of scholastics presently in their training with the number of priests engaged in apostolic work, there is only one scholastic for every five priests. This will seriously change the scope of our apostolic work over the next fifty years. Another unique factor was the everpresent concern of the Holy See in regard to the preparation for the congregation, the things taken up, and the final results, as I have mentioned above. The theme was repeated over and over again: be faithful to yourselves, especially to your identity as it is ex-pressed in your Formula of the Institute. The only specific feature which was singled out in the expressions of this concern was fidelity to the lgnatian idea of the Fourth Vow, both positively in the fact that it should be a vital factor in the life of the Society, and negatively in that it should not be extended to non-priests. Again, the fact of asking the congregation to submit its decrees to the Holy See for its approval before they were promulgated was unprecedented. The approbation was given with, in some instances, a few qualifications. Another characteristic which distinguishes this congregation from begin-ning to end and is evident in the decrees is thee theme of repentance. There is a mea culpa, mea maxima culpa evident in the Introductory Decree, the Decree on Mission, on The Jesuit Today, as well as in others. The Society is painfully conscious of its failings over the past ten years. Particularly in contrast to the Thirty-first Congregation, with its stress on freedom, subsidiarity and conscience, this one stressed the complementary features of the limits of pluralism, the need for norms that are applicable for Jesuit life as a whole, the responsibility of superiors for a greater firmness in governing, the importance of the manifestation of conscience both for the spiritual direction of the individual, and the good of the apostolate, the value of communal discernment when the proper conditions are realized. This congregation, unlike others, had a unifying theme throughout: the mission of the Society today. This did not happen because it was planned. There was a kind of unconscious dynamic at work which imperceptibly gave 686 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/5 this orientation to the various decrees. The consciousness of mission, if fully appropriated in all of its richness, could do much to revivify the Society, over-coming in the first place a great deal of individualism and self-will, and bring-ing about a greater sense of the living presence of Christ sending through His Church, and through superiors. In the actual procedure of the congregation there were unique features arising from the sharing that took place in smaller groups. One of the most im-portant parts of our daily life was the concelebrated Mass which was celebrated according to the different language groupings. Finally this congregation is probably distinctive in the fact that a little over half of the delegates were under forty-nine years old (122 out of the 236). Strengths and Weaknesses of the Congregation Like all meetings of this kind there are both strengths and weaknesses to be found. I could not resist the temptation to say that one of the strengths was un-doubtedly sheer psychological tenacity to "keep at it" for over three months when everyone was exhausted both from the work itself and the emotional strain. But the main strength of the congregation is the sense of solidarity manifest among the delegates and throughout the Society, a solidarity coming from a vision based on faith and brought into an Ignatian focus through the Spiritual Exercises and our Jesuit tradition. However, I think that there are also some deficiences evident in the work and structure of the congregation. Some way has to be found to expedite the carrying out of business. Though it was an attempt to get the input from the whole Society, on balance, the analysis of the postulates took up too much time. And questions of order consumed interminable hours. In regard to particular questions, in retrospect, it might have been a serious mistake not to have separated in some way the question of the Fourth Vow from that of grades. While they are related, they are distinct. And the interven-tion of the Holy See was concerned with the Fourth Vow, and not directly with grades. Again the expression given to the relationship of the Society to the Holy Father is "safe," but it creates the impression of one who is driving a car with one foot on the accelerator and the other on the brake. It does not seem to ex-press the 61an of Jesuit spirituality in its fullness. One reason for this inade-quacy stems from the fact that the congregation came to the topic only in the last few days before it ended, and the members did not have the mental energy or the time to do justice to it. Another difficulty is in the formulation itself. Attempts to combine both the unreserved expression of the spirit of loyalty and the juridical aspect of limits tend to cancel one another out. For example, there were numerous attempts, all sterile, to speak of "mission" in relationship to "doctrine," wherein loyalty would be unreserved in regard to mission, but conditioned in regard to doctrine. Consequently the resulting statement is bland, not nuanced. This will probably be one of the main topics that will have to be taken up at the next General Congregation. A Survey of the Thirty-Second General Congregation Another deficiency is the fact that the congregation treated those problems which are more obvious because they have a certain shrillness--the problem, for example, of global injustice. Just as important, however, but without the volume being turned up, are questions touching man and technology, par-ticularly the genetic manipulation of man. Again, these questions will probably have to be faced by the next congregation. What to Hope For If the Society as a whole could translate what is set down in the decrees from formulation into fact, it would be renewed. In turn it would become a great force in renewing the Church and the world. What hope is there for such a renewal? The parable of the sower and the seed has its application to the Society as well as to the Church. There are those whose roots are not deep enough to withstand trials. There are others whose life of faith is choked by cares and riches. But then there are the many who do yield fruit, some, a hundredfold, some sixty, some thirty. Decrees, however excellent, are no substitute for the gospel-call to totality. To the degree that individuals open themselves to the radical call of the gospel will they also open themselves to the decrees, which after all are only a faltering attempt to express this radical call in a way that is both Ignatian and contemporary. There are many factors which will contribute to energizing this renewal. Many feel a need for a deeper life of prayer. The importance of spiritual direc-tion is expressing itself strongly. A fuller appropriation of the Spiritual Exercises ¯ through the directed retreat is a great blessing. Again, an important factor is the reinforcement and leadership given to the Society by other religious con-gregations which have already led the way in the renewal of religious life by bringing their lives more in conformity with gospel simplicity and single-mindedness. We can also hope that we will not repeat the mistakes of the past ten years. Considering the turmoil and confusion coming from "future shock," these mistakes are perhaps understandable. But no organization can exist in a state of continuous convulsion. Many of the delegates, in searching for answers to the problems which faced us "discovered" our Thirty-first Congregation, which someone described as the great congregation in the history of the Society. We found that in many cases we could not do better, in fact could hardly come up to the decrees of the Thirty-first. But we also felt like a traveler who had spent hours trying to find his way only to discover after much meandering that there was a map in his glove compartment. The documents of the Thirty-first General Congreg -tion were such a map. The logical question, then, is: why were not the decrees implemented? A still more haunting question is: will the same thing happen to the decrees of this congregation? This was a problem which preoccupied the delegates throughout the whole time. Meetings were held to discuss implementation. But as the saying goes, 61~! / Review for Religious, l/olume 34, 1975/5 there is many a slip,between the cup and the lip. How much will the Society be able to drink in from the decrees? One of the main sources of hope, in addition to those mentioned above, is a renewed sense of solidarity and confidence among the provincials, and a strong sense of support in Fr. General. In the past ten years very often inaction resulted not from a failure of courage or faith, but because of a blurring of ideas concerning the fundamentals of religious life, often enough because of contradictory views bandied by theologians. The provincials obviously have not suddenly received some formula of universal application to solve all problems, but there is a greater sense of assurance and direction. The weight of implementation turns around the local superiors with the support of the provincials. There is hope here also, because the superiors themselves have a greater sense of their solidarity and of their role as spiritual leaders of the local communities. Ultimately the problem is always the same: conversion. It is something never accomplished once and for all, but continues to repeat its call. There are the perennial obstacles to conversion: inertia, self-love, self-will, the evil spirits that affect us all as individuals. However, it especially in the way that the collectivity reenforces the inertia in individuals that we find the main obstacle today. Group-think and group-feel, in large part created through the media, produce a kind of closedness that filters down from a collective level to in-dividuals, bringing about imperceptibly a closedness in the individual. Each one, young or old, is caught in some degree on this split level of collectivity and self, and suffers from the unfreedom of the collectivity. Jesuits already engaged in the apostolate have to discern how much this group-think affects their personal lives, impeding their personal conversion and the fruitfulness of their apostolate. Jesuits who are in formation have to do the same. The responsibility of those who are in charge of training the younger Jesuits is great. The importance of the congregation comes not from the written decrees but from the support that these decrees give to creating in the Society a different kind of group-think, a "group-feel" based upon the gospel. "My name is legion." Legions can be driven out only by legions. The demonic in collectivity can only be driven out by the embodiment of holiness in collec-tivity. The Society will rise or fall to the extent that the good will of the in-dividual is supported and sustained by a corporate realization of sanctity. No individual can abdicate the responsibility for his own conversion. But in a special way superiors have a responsibility for the whole group. Newman remarked somewhere that good is never done except at the expense of those who do it, and truth is never enforced except at the sacrifice of its propounders. Reformers and prophets have never been well received. Perhaps superiors are destined to enter into that role, not, however, with a martyr complex or heaviness of heart. We have a living example in Fr. Arrupe that it is a role that is compatible with a deep joy. Aiding and facilitating the work of the superiors are the communities A Survey of the Thirty-Second General Congregation / 689 themselves which are called upon, through community meetings and prayerful discernment, to face their own response to the gospel call to simplicity, and to bridge the gap between the radical response to which we have vowed our lives and the actual way in which we live them. When I asked one of the delegates who was in great part responsible for the formulation of the decree on poverty how optimistic he was about its im-plementation, he said: "When I think of human nature, I am not very op-timistic. But when I think of the power of the Spirit, 1 am hopeful. Everything depends on the Spirit. Legislation can support; it cannot convert. Of ourselves we are weak, but with the power of the Spirit we can overcome, overcome even ourselves." POSITION OPEN The Department of Theology in the School of Religious Studies of the Catholic University of America announces the opening, beginning January, 1976, for: Assistant, Associate or Full Professor in the field of Christian Spiritual Theology. Applications should be sent to:Chairperson Department of Theology Catholic University of America Washington, DC 20064 The Catholic University of America is an equal ol~portunity employer. The Recovery =of Religious Life Bro. Raymond L. Fitz, S.M. Bro. Lawrence J. Cada, S.M. Both authors belong to the Marianist Training Network. Brother Raymond Fitz is director of the Marianist Institute of Christian Renewal and associate professor of Engineering Management and Electrical Engineering at the University of Dayton. He lives at 410 Edgar Avenue; Dayton, Ohio 45410. Brother Lawrence Cada is chairman of the Department of Science and Mathematics at Borromeo College of Ohio and lives at 315 East 149 Street; Cleveland, Ohio 44110. I. Introduction~ How long will the turmoils now besetting religious life last? Are they almost over, and has the process of returning to a more normal situation begun? Or will things stay unsettled for some time to come? This article will argue for the likelihood of the latter alternative. On the basis of the models and analyses presented, the article will try to show that religious life in America is undergo-ing a profound transition, which will take another twenty to twenty-five years to run its full course. Moreover, the study will seek to demonstrate that social disintegration (loss of membership, lack of vocations, collapse of institutions, etc.) of religious communities in the Church will probably continue for at least the next ten to fifteen years. The most significant questions facing religious life in those ten to fifteen years will center on "death and dying." Many aspects of the life as it has been known will be passing away. Only after these questions are accepted and creatively answered can religious life be expected to be revitalized and renewed within the Church. This process will demand both a recovery of that deep dynamic impulse which first gave rise to religious life in the Church and a recovery from the malaise through which it is now passing: tThis is a draft of a work in progress. Feedback on the content and style of this paper would be ap-preciated. 690 The Recovery of Religious Life hence the title "The Recovery of Religious Life." Although much of this arti-cle argues for the plausibility of these assertions and their implications for the future of religious life, there will also be provided an explanation of how the data were collected and organized, and of what was called important or unim-portant. In this sense, these assertions represent a starting bias that informs the entire article. As such, this bias merits being stated at the outset. The approach taken in this article2 is to explore the questions about the future of religious life from a historical and sociological point of view. In the first two parts of the article, two models are developed: a historical model of the evolution of religious life as a movement in the Church and a sociological model dealing with the organizational life cycle of an individual religious com-munity. Then, in the final sections of the article, these two models will be used to address questions about the present condition of religious life and its future. Every model represents a simplification of reality, and the models in this arti-cle are no exception. To arrive at the questions posed in the final sections, the article will digest and condense large amounts of material drawn from a variety of sources that are partially indicated in the notes. It is hoped that this simplification is not a serious distortion of the facts and that it will arrange the historical and other data in such a way as to provide an overview from which some tentative generalizations can be made. II. The Evolution of Religious Life: A Historical Model Religious communities in the life of the church are not fixed and static en-tities. Taken together they make up a historical process unfolding over time, and religious life can be viewed as a significant social movement in the history of Western Culture. As parts of a movement, religious communities arose in response to dramatic social change in the Church and in the larger cultural and political arena of Western Civilization. They became a dynamic force in shap-ing and cha~ging the Church and secular culture. They have been both a cause and an effect of social change: the founding of religious communities has fre-quently been a response to major developments of society, and the evolution of the Church and Western Culture has been significantly influenced by the life and work of religious communities. As in all social movements, the role of myth, the emergence of belief systems, the fashioning of institutions and social structures, and the role of personal transformation and commitment are central to the evolution of religious life. The dynamic interplay of all these elements creates, sustains and limits the histo~'ical unfolding of religious communities. ~This article grew from a variety of experiences over an extended period of time with multiple presentations at workshops and reflections from many religious. Especially helpful were Fr. Norbert Brockman, S.M., Sr. Gertrude Foley, S.C., Bro. Thomas Giardino, S.M., and Sr. Carol Lichtenberg, S.N.D. The scheme of dividing the history of religious life into the five eras presented in the second part of this article was first suggested in a lecture given by Fr. David Fleming, S.M., at the University of Dayton in December, 1971. 692 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/5 A. Organizing Concepts One way to view the unfolding of religious life within the Church is to look at how the image of religious life has evolved over time and what implications this evolution has had for the functioning of individual religious communities.3 The term dominant image of religious life is used here to name a multifaceted reality that includes how religious view their life and its functions and role within the Church and the world during a given period. The term is also meant to indicate the sense of history which permeates religious life at a given time. How do people, both the religious and the members of society at large, picture the past of this way of life? What kind of future are religious supposed to be creating? The process by which the dominant image of religious life evolves in time can be characterized by a repeated sequence of identifiable phases of change: - Growth Phase. A relatively long period of elaboration and develop-ment of the dominant image of religious life and its implications. - Decline Phase. A period of crisis in which the dominant image of religious life comes under strong question. Religious communities seem no longer suited to the aspirations of the age. Religious com-munities lose their purpose, drift into laxity, and disintegrate. Transition Phase. A comparatively short period of revitalization in which variations of the dominant image of religious life emerge and one of these is gradually selected as the new dominant image. - Growth Phase under a New Image. A period of elaboration and development under the new dominant image of religious life. The supposition that religious life has passed through a succession of such phases of growth, decline, and transition is the basis of a model that can be used to organize and interpret the data of the history of religious life.4 The remainder of this section is devoted to illustrating a way this model might be constructed. 3Some sources used to clarify the notion of dominant image were Fred Polak, The hnage of the Future, translated and abridged by Elise Boulding (San Francisco: Jassey-Bass, 1973); Changing Images of Man, Policy Research Report No. 4, Center for the Study of Social Policy, Stanford Research Institute, May, 1974; and Kenneth E. Boulding, The Image: Knowledge in Life and Society (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1961). *Some sources used to clarify the notion of social evolution were Stephen Toulmin, Human Understanding-I (Princeton: P. U. P., 1972); Anthony F. C. Wallace, "'Paradigmatic Processes in Cultural Change," American Anthropologist (Vol. 74, 1972), pp. 467-478; Donald T. Campbell, "'Variation and Selective Retention in Socio-Cultural Evolution," in H. R. Barringer, G. I. Blanksten, and R. W. Mack (¢ds.), Social Change in Developing Areas (Cambridge, Mass.: Schenkman, 1965); Edgar S. Dunn, Economic and Social Development." A Process of Social Learn-ing (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins U. P., 1971); and Thomas S. Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962). The Recovery of Religious Life / 693 The following questions have been used in fashioning the model. First, there are questions about variation that deal with searching and experiment-ing. Under what conditions do variations appear in the dominant image of religious life? If these variations lead in certain directions, what factors in culture, the Church, or religious life itself influenced the choice of those direc-tions? Second, there are questions about selection. What determines which variations in the dominant image of religious life are selected out to serve as essential elements of a new image of religious life? How do members of religious communities distinguish well-founded and properly justified variations from those which are precipitous, not well thought out, and hasty? ¯ Finally, there are questions about retention that deal with incorporating and establishing the new. How are selected variations incorporated into religious communities? What processes are needed? What set of factors distinguishes in-novations which endure from those which disappear quickly? B. Major Eras in the Evolution of Religious Life Using the concepts described above, the history of religious life can be divided into five main periods: the eras of the Desert Fathers, Monasticism, the Mendicant Orders, the Apostolic Orders, and the Teaching Congregations) The description of these eras given in this section constitutes the historical model that will be used in the final portion of this article. 1. Era of the Desert Fathers The first period was the Era of the Desert Fathers. Following the earliest manifestations of religious life in the mode of consecrated virgins and widows within the Christian communities of the persecuted Church, ther~ emerged the image of the religious as the ascetic holy person. The description of the her-mit's life given by Athanasius in his Life of Anthony crystallized an ideal which inspired both solitary anchorites and many communities of cenobites. The desert was seen as the domain of the demons to which they had retreated after being driven out of the cities by the triumph of the recently established Church. It was to this "desert" that generous men and women withdrew to 5Factual and historical data on the history of religious life were gathered from such standard sources as The Catholic Encyclopedia (1907), The New Catholic Encyclopedia (1967), the An-nuario Pontificio, The Official Catholic Directory, and The Catholic Almanac. Some of the other sources on this topic were Raymond Hostie, S.J., Vie et mort des ordres religieux (Paris: Descl~e de Brouwer, 1972); David Knowles, O.S.B., Christian Monasticism (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1969); Humbert M. Vicaire, O.P., The Apostolic Life (Chicago: Priory Press, 1966); Derwas J. Chitty, The Desert a City (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1964); Owen Chadwick, John Cassian, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: C. U. P., 1968); William Hinnebusch, O.P., "'How the Dominican Order Faced Its Crises," Review for Religious (Vol. 32, No. 6, November, 1973), pp. 1307-1321; William A. Hinnebusch, O.P., The History of the Dominican Order, 2 vols. (New York: Alba House, 1966, 1973); Teresa Ledochowska, O.S.U., Angela Merici and the Company of St. Ursula, 2 vols. (Rome: Ancora, 1969); William V. Bangert, S.J., A History of the Society of Jesus (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1972); and Adrien Dansette, Religious History of Modern France, 2 vols. (New York: Herder and Herder, 1961). 69t~ / Review for Religious, lZolume 34, 1975/5 carry on the Church's important work of doing battle with the devil in the wilderness as Christ had done long ago. In this way the desert came to be seen as a place of austere beauty, where the monk was trained in the ways of perfec-tion. He returned from time to time into the midst of his fellow Christians, who saw in him the power to do good--healing the sick, casting out demons, comforting the sorrowful with gentle words, reconciling the estranged, and above all urging everyone to put nothing in the world before the love of Christ. This image captured the imagination of the Christian world as news about the Desert Fathers spread from Egypt to all points of the Roman empire. Throughout the 4th century monasteries sprang up on all the shores of the Mediterranean. By the 5th century, the golden age had begun to fade. In the East, the monks had become embroiled in doctrinal controversy. In the West, TABLE 1: ERA OF THE DESERT FATHERS (200-500) Dominant Image of Religious Life. The ideal of religious life is the holy ascetic who seeks " the perfection of Christ as a solitary or in community with a group of monks. Disciples withdraw into the "desert" and place themselves under the care of a master ascetic who teaches them the ways of perfection. They live nearby as hermits or gather in cenobia or monasteries where the master is the superior. The monk prays, mortifies himself, does battle with the devil for the sake of the Church, and spends his life seeking union with Christ. 2nd and 3rd Centuries 251 Anthony horn Consecrated virgins and widows live a form of 271 Anthony withdraws into the desert RL within Christian communities of the early 292 Pachomius born Church during the persecution. 4th Century 313 Edict of Milan 325 Pachomius founds cenobium 356 Anthony ~lies 357 Athanasius writes Life of Anthony 360 Basil founds monastery in Cappadocia 363 Martin founds monastery in Gaul 376 Melania founds monastery on Mount of Olives 393 Augustine founds monastic group in Hip-po 399 Cassian, disciple of Evagrius, migrates from Egypt to West Hermits and cenobites flourish in the Egyptian desert. Various forms of solitary and com-munity RL spread around eastern rim of the Mediterranean (Palestine, Syria, Cappadocia). First monasteries are founded in the West. 5th Century 410 Alaric sacks Rome RL continues to expand in the East. Spread of 415 Cassian founds monastery in Marseille wandering monks and various kinds of 455 Vandals sack Rome monasteries in the West while the western half 459 Simon the Stylite dies of the Roman Empire crumbles. 476 End of western Roman Empire 1st TRANSITION: SPREAD OF BENEDICT'S RULE The Recovery of Religious Life / 69t~ the foundations of Roman civilization weakened under the onslaught of the barbarian tribes, and the ties between the eastern and western halves of the Empire began to break apart. The monasteries in Gaul and other parts of the moribund West became refugee cloisters, where the monks gathered the few treasures of civilization they could lay hold of. As dusk settled on the glories of imperial Rome, the stage was set for the rise of feudal Europe and with it the next period in the evolution of religious life. 2. Era of Monasticism The next period was the Era of Monasticism. In his attempt to regularize religious life as "a life with God in separation from the world," Benedict produced a new dominant image of religious life. This image was not only a correction of the abuses which had crept in during the 5th and 6th centuries, it also, and more importantly, turned out to be a successful adaptation of religious life to the feudal society of the Dark Ages and the early medieval period. Benedict's short and practical Rule furnished workable guidelines for all monastic activity and every age and class of monks. It combined an uncom-promising spirituality with physical moderation and flexibility. It emphasized the charity and harmony of a simple life in common under the guidance of a wise and holy abbot. By the 9th century, this new image had spread to virtually all the monasteries of Europe. The ideal of the Benedictine monk became the model for Christian spirituality and played a part in the stabilization and unification of society. Various modifications, such as the Cluniac, Carthusian, and Cister-cian Reforms, maintained and adapted the dominant image to the developments in European society. Cluny and the Cistercians devised methods of uniting monasteries into networks that became harbingers of the modern order. However, by the time the 'first stirrings of urbanization began at the end of the 12th century, the dominant image began to show its inadequacies and once again laxity in religious life was not uncommon. There was also a great debate between monks and canons about which form of religious life was a more authentic embodiment of the apostolic ideal. As the civilization of the high Middle Ages began to emerge, new possibilities were felt in society and with them came the opportunity for a transition in religious life. 3. Era of the Mendicant Orders When Francis and Dominic launched their communities, they ushered in the next period, the Era of the Mendicant Orders. As mendicant friaries sprang up in towns across Europe, they met with an initial hostility which could not fathom how this new style could be an authentic form of religious life. Gradually, though, the new image of religious life became acceptable, and it proved to be a much better adaptation of ~:eligious life to the needs of urban society than was possible for the monasteries in their rural settings. During the course of the 13th century, even the monastic orders established studia close 696 / Review for Religious, l/olume 34, 1975/5 to the new universities, where the mendicants were flourishing. As Christen-dom was passing through its zenith, the image of a religious life unen-cumbered with landed wealth played a key role in the cultivation of the in-tellectual life by the Church within society and in the preaching of the Gospel for the Church. TABLE 2: ERA OF MONASTICISM (500-1200) Dominant Image of RL. Life in a monastery is the ideal of the religious. The daily round of liturgical prayer, work, and meditation provides a practical setting to pursue the lofty goals of praising God and union with Christ. Within the Church and society, the monks set an example of how deep spirituality can be combined with loving ministry to one's neighbor and dutiful fidelity to the concrete tasks of daily living. 6th Century 529 Benedict founds a monastery to live ac- Spread of monasteries throughout western cording to his Rule Europe (Gaul, Spain, Ireland, etc.). Various 540 Celtic monasticism takes root in Irela'nd formats. Excesses and laxity are common--as 590 Columbanus founds monastery in Lu~r are wandering monks. euil 7th and 8th Centuries 642 Arab conquest of Egypt Gradual spread of Benedict's Rule to.more and 700 Venerable Bede more monasteries of Europe. Missionary 746 Boniface founds monastery in Germany journeys of Celtic monks to evangelize 755 Canons of Chrodegang founded northern Europe. 9th Century 816 Regula Canonicorum of Aix-la-Chapelle Observance of Canons Regular is made uni- 817 Charlemagne's son decrees that form by the spread of the Rule of Aix. Con- Benedict's Rule is to be observed in all solidation of Benedict's Rule. Virtually all monasteries. This project coordinated by monasteries are "Benedictine." Benedict of Aniane. 910 Cluniac Reform 1084 Carthusian Reform 1098 Cistercian Reform 10th and llth Centuries Various reforms breathe new life into Benedict's ideal and introduce organizational variations. 1111 Bernard joins the Cistercians 1120 Premonstratensians founded 12th Century Canons Regular unite into orders which are a variation of the monastic networks of Cluny and Citeaux. Military orders attempt a new form of RL which is temporarily successful (Knights of Malta, Templars, Teutonic Knights, etc.). 2nd TRANSITION: RISE OF THE MENDICANTS After a rapid flowering, the mendicant orders were affected by the same changes which spread across the Church and European society in the 14th and 15th centuries. As the Renaissance presaged the new humanism, the secularization of European society, and the breakup of the unity of Christen-dom, there emerged the conditions for yet a new kind of religious life. The Recovery of Religious Life / 697 TABLE 3: ERA OF THE MENDICANT ORDERS (1200-1500) Dominant Image of RL. The simple friar who begs for his keep and follows in the footsteps of the Lord is the ideal of RL. He prays as he goes, steeping himself in the love of Christ. Unencumbered by landed wealth, the mendicants are free to travel on foot to any place they are needed by the Church. They hold themselves ready to preach, cultivate learning, serve the poor, and minister to the needs of society in the name of the Church. 1211 Franciscans founded 1216 Dominicans founded 1242 Carmelites founded 1256 Augustinians founded 13th Century Mendicant friaries spring up in medieval towns across Europe. These foundations lend themsel~,es to work in the new universities and the apostolate of preaching. Rapid expansion of the mendicant orders. Monastic orders make some attempts to take up the style of the mendicants. 1325 75,000 men in mendicant orders 1344 Brigittines founded 1349 Black Death 1400 47,000 men in mendicant orders 1415 Hus burned at the stake 1450 Gutenberg 1492 Columbus 1500 90,000 men in mendicant orders 14th Century ~tabilization and slow decline of the mendicant orders. Abuses in RL are prevalent. 15th Century Various reforms restore the mendicant ideal and produce a gradual increase in membership. First stirrings of the Renaissance introduce an uneasiness into the Church and RL. 3rd TRANSITION: THE COUNTER-REFORMATION 4. Era of the Apostolic Orders The transition to the next period in religious life, the era of the Apostolic Orders, happened with the Counter-Reformation. Not long after Luther sparked the Protestant Revolt, the new image of religious life appeared with the foundation of various orders of Clerics Regular, the chief of which were the Jesuits. The verve and style of this new foundation set the pace for religious life, The mendicant orders had taken up this ideal in part by joining in the mis-sionary conquests,of the Church in the newly discovered lands. The new image also spurred religious to come to terms with the secularizing trends of the scientific revolution, modern philosophy, and the rise of nationalism in Europe. Jesuits, for example, could be found in the royal courts of almost all of Europe's Catholic kingdoms, in the laboratories of the new scientists, and teaching the youthful Descartes at La Fl~che. As the proponents of the Enlightenment testily challenged the very ex-istence of the Church, a slow decline descended upon religious life. Large and nearly empty monasteries dotted the European countryside. Jansenist and Enlightened thought undermined the.rationale for religious life from opposite directions. The Bourbon kings succeededin persuading Rome to suppress the 69~! / Review for Religious, l/olume 34, 1975/5 Jesuits in 1773. On the eve of the French Revolution, worldwide membership in all the men's religious orders stood at about 300,000; by the time the Revolution and the secularization which followed had run their course, fewer than 70,000 remained. Many orders went out of existence. As the 19th century began, there was need of a thorough-going revival of religious life, which could realistically cope with the new consciousness of Europe. TABLE 4: ERA OF THE APOSTOLIC ORDERS (1500-1800) Dominant Image of RL. Religious are an elite of dedicated and militant servants of the Church with a high level of individual holiness, a readiness to defend the Church on any front, and the zeal to win new expansion for the Church to the very ends of the earth. 1517 Luther sparks the Reformation 1535 Ursulines founded 1540 Jesuits founded 1541 Francis Xavier sails for Far East 1545 Trent starts 1562 Discalced Carmelite Reform 16th Century RE virtually wiped out in Protestant Europe. Founding and expansion of a new kind of RL in the format of the Clerics Regular. These groups work at shoring up the Church's political power in Catholic Europe, reforming the Church, and spreading the Gospel in the foreign missions. 17th Century 1610 Visitation Nuns founded 1625 Vincentians founded 1633 Daughters of Charity founded 1650 St. Joseph Sisters founded 1662 Ranc6 launches Trappist Reform 1663 Paris Foreign Mission Society founded 1681 Christian Brothers founded 1700 213,000 men in mendicant orders Flowering of spirituality, especially in French School, leads to new foundations such as the various societies of priests and clerical con-gregations. Bulk of men religious still belong to mendicant orders. 1725 Passionists founded 1735 Redemptorists founded 1770 300,000 men in RL in world 1773 Jesuits suppressed by Rome 1789 French Revolution starts 18th Century A few clerical congregations emerge, but RL as a whole seems to be in decline due to the in-roads of Enlightenment thought, Jansenism, wealth, and laxity. Weakened RL is given the coup de gr?tce by the French Revolution, which sets off a wave of political suppression and defection in France and the rest of Catholic Europe. 4th TRANSITION: FRENCH REVOLUTION 5. Era of the Teaching Congregations The revival of religious life which occurred in the next period, the Era of the Teaching Congregations, set off in a new direction. There were about 600 foundations of new communities in the 19th century. They were, for the most part, dominated by the movement of educating the masses. For the first time The Recovery of Religious Life / 699 in European history, the idea of educating everyone had the possibility of be-ing concretely realized. The new congregations joined in this movement in hopes of planting the seeds of a hardy faith in the souls of the children they taught by the thousands. This zeal for the education of children was combined with a cleansed Jansenistic spirituality to form the new image of religious life. While the activity of religious spilled over into other apostolic works such as hospitals, teaching set the pace. Even the few pre-Revolution orders which were managing a slow recovery took on many of the trappings of the typical 19th century teaching congregation. For the first time in the history of religious life, recruitment of adult vocations was almost completely displaced by the acceptance of candidates just emerging from childhood. Through the end of the 19th century and on into the 20th the religious who gave themselves to this demanding work of teaching edified the Church and produced a brand of holiness which was most appropriate for a Catholicism which sought to strengthen a papacy denuded o.f worldly power and to care for the masses of the industrialized wor.ld in need of christianization. By the mid-1960's membership in religious communities reached the highest point in the history of the Church. In the last decade, this trend was reversed for the first time in more than a century. Crises have set in which some ascribe to a loss of identity TABLE 5: ERA OF THE TEACHING CONGREGATIONS (1800-present) Dominant Image of RL. Religious dedicate their lives to the salvation of their own souls and the salvation of others. The style of life of religious men and women blends in intense pursuit of personal holiness with a highly active apostolic service. Identity with the person of Christ unites this two-fold objective into a single purpose. 19th Century 1814 French Restoration; Jesuits restored by Rome 1825 Fewer than 70,000 men in RL in world 1831 Mercy Sisters founded 1850 83,000 men in RL in world 1859 Salesians founded 1870 Papal infallibility declared Revival of RL after widespread state sup-pressions. Numerous foundations of con-gregations dedicated to a return to authentic RL blended with service, principally in schools. Old orders, such as Jesuits and Dominicans, rejuvenated in the format of the teaching con-gregations. Church gradually centralizes around the papacy and isolates itself from secular trends of the modern world 20th Century 1950 275,000 men in RL in world 1962 Vatican II starts; 1,012,000 women in RL in world 1965 335,000 men in RL in world 1966 181,500 women in RL in U.S. 1972 879,000 women in RL in world 1973 143,000 women in RL in U.S. 1974 227,500 men in RL in world Expansion and solidification. In the sixties, crises set in from within RL due to loss of iden-tity and inroads of secularizing process. Numerous defections and decreasing numbers of new members. 5th TRANSITION: (?) 700 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/5 and the inroads of secularism. It seems that another transition in the long history of religious life has begun. Further considerations will be undertaken in the remainder of this article to better analyze the present situation. 11I. The Life Cycle of a Religious Community: A Sociological Model The previous section of this paper focused on a historical model for the evolution of religious life as such within the Church; in this section attention is turned toward the life of the individual religious community or institute. To this end, a sociological model for the life cycle of individual religious com-munities which organizes the important dimensions of each period in the life of the communities is developed.6 This model allows further probing of the questions concerning the plausibility of a revitalization of religious life, since revitalization of present religious communities is one way that religious life as a whole will be renewed. A. Organizing Concepts To date, only thirteen men's religious orders in the entire his.tory of the Church have ever surpassed a membership figure of 10,000 at some point of their existence. The membership pattern of three of these orders--the Dominicans, the Minims, and the Jesuits--is graphed in Figure 1 below. Although these three examples are taken from among the largest orders of the Church, they are representative of the membership pattern in most religious communities, large or small. Typically one finds one or more cycles of growth and decline in the number of members. These membership patterns suggest a dynamic of inner vitality that goes on in a religious community. Using such analogies as the human life cycle and other cycles of growth and decline, a sociological model has been devised which divides the life cycle of an active religious community into five periods: foundation, expansion, stabilization, breakdown and transition. The model is shown schematically in Figure 2. The shape of this curve is intended to repre-sent the over-all vitality of the community as it passes from one period to the next. In the following section salient events and characteristics which typify each of these periods are described. An attempt is also made to isolate the crises which occur during each period. ~Some sources used to clarify the notion of a life cycle were Hostie, Vie et mort; Wallace, "'Paradigmatic Processes"; Gordon L. Lippitt and Warren H. Schmidt, "Crisis in a Developing Organization," Harvard Business Review (Vol. 45, No. 6, November-December, 1967), pp. 102- 112; and Lawrence E. Greiner, "Evolution and Revolution as Organizations Grow," Harvard Business Review (Vol. 50, No. 4, July-August, 1972), pp. 37-46; Thomas F. O'Dea, The Sociology of Religion (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1966); Luther P. Gerlach and Virginia H. Hine, People. Power and Change: Movements of Social Transformation (Indianapolis: Bobbs- Merrill, 1970). The Recovery of Religious Life / 701 _z 20 LLI ~ lO 30 1200 1300 ! \/ , st 1400 1500 1600 1700 I t I t I I I II ! I ! 1800 1900 2000 Figure 1: Membership of Dominicans, Minims, and Jesuits IFOUNDATIONIEXPANSION ISTABILIZATION BREAKDOWN TRANSITION Figure 2: Life Cycle of a Religious Community B. The Periods of the Life Cycle 1. The Foundation Period The first period in the life of a religious community centers around a found-ing person and his or her vision. The founder or foundress undergoes a radically transformi,ng experience, which can usually be pinpointed to an event or series of events, and .which is perceived as an abrupt shift in the founding 702 / Review for Religious, I/olume 34, 1975/5 person's identity and a timeless moment in which a vision or dream is received. Contained in the transforming experience is a new appreciation of the message of Jesus which leads to innovative insight on how the condition of the Church or society could be dramatically improved or how a totally new kind of future could be launched. A new impetus to live the religious life in all the totality of its demands is felt, and a new theory emerges that is at once a critique of the present, an appropriation of the past, a compelling image of the future, and a basis for novel strategies. The founding person's transforming experience is followed by the initial emergence of the community. A fortuitous encounter takes place between the founder or foundress and some contemporary men or women in which the founding experience, the innovative insight, the emerging theory, and the call to holiness are shared. The group unites under the guidance of the founding person to search for and invent new arrangements for living the Gospel together and working toward the realization of the Kingdom of God. The foundation period may last ten to twenty years or longer and fre-quently coincides with the last part of the founding person's lifetime. Integra-tion and cohesion center on the founding person and still more deeply on the person of Christ. The structural identity of the community appears in seminal form, and authority in the community springs from the wisdom of the found-ing person. Founding events of religious communities have a uniqueness about them which has caused them to be especially treasured as significant moments in the Church's past. Examples of founding persons and their visions readily come to mind: Angela Merici's dream of a new kind of religious life for women that centered on an active apostolate; the hopes of Robert of Molesme to restore fervor through the primitive observance of Benedict's Rule in the wilderness of C~teaux; Don Bosco's contagious vision of loving Christ and joyfully serving the poor. The more striking cases of founding persons receiving their in-spirations have become part of the common heritage of all religious: Anthony hearing in a Sunday Gospel the words which were the key to his life's aim; Ignatius retiring to Manresa to receive his visions. For the most part the foundation period is a time of grace and charism for a new religious community. But there are also crises that must be faced. The crisis of direction forces the community to decide which undertakings are im-portant and which must be sacrificed. The crisis of leadership confronts the community with the problem of finding out how it will live beyond the time of its founding person. The crisis of legitimization engulfs the nascent community in the question of whether or not the Church will approve it as an authentic form of religious life. The Waldensians, for example, showed some signs of becoming a new religious order on the pattern of the mendicants, but they never overcame the crisis of iegitimization. Instead of becoming a religious community, they ended up as renegades who had to hide out in the woods of medieval Europe. The Recovery of Religious Life / 70a 2. The Expansion Period When the community has emerged from the foundation period, it un-dergoes a fairly long period of expansion, during which the founding charism is institutionalized in a variety of ways. A community cult and belief system solidifies, a community polity is fashioned, and community norms and customs take hold. As members of the community's second generation mature and grow older, they recount stories of the foundation, which they have heard from the pioneers or have themselves experienced in their youth. These stories enshrine decisive events which set the community's direction or establish its characteristic traits. Gradually, rituals and symbols which express and com-memorate the most treasured facets of the foundation are fused with the.iore of the older members into a sort of sacred memory and cult that begins to be passed on from generation to generation as the community's "founding myth." Attempts are made at thinking through the founding myth and expressing it in terms of contemporary thought patterns. Eventually these efforts result in theories, interpretations, and social models which coalesce into a belief system and give a rational structure to the more intuitive thrust of the founding myth. Simultaneously, procedures are devised for community decision making and communication, and bit by bit the community's polity.takes shape. Norms are set down and customs emerge which cover all aspects of the community's life, such as membership criteria, leadership standards, and apostolic priorities. The members of the young community experience an excitement about the growth and success which characterizes the expansion period. Large numbers join the community, and new works are rapidly taken on which enhance the possibility of a still broader recruitment. Major interpreters of the founding vi-sion are recognized. Patterns of spiritual practice are determined, and the community's spirituality is made concrete in manuals of direction or other written documents. With expansion come certain organizational crises. How is authority to be delegated? What means will be used to integrate and tie together the rapidly expanding network of establishments and the burgeoning membership. When Bernard joined the Cistercians thirteen years after their foundation, he led the community through this kind of organizational crisis. In the process, a new en-tity, the general chapter, was invented to cope with the situation, and this in-novation is still a standard feature.of most religious orders today. Another crisis of this period centers on maintaining the pristine vigor of the founding vision. As rival interpretations arise, which will be discarded? A classic exam-ple of this kind of crisis occurred in the great debates about poverty among the early Franciscans just after Francis died. 3. The Stabilization Period After a fairly long expansion, which may last two to three generations or "/04 / Review for Religious, l/olume 34, 1975/5 longer, there ensues a period of stabilization. Numerical increase in membership may continue, but geographical expansion usually slows down. The stabilization period may last a century or more, but it is sometimes as brief as fifty years or so. A feeling of success pervades the community during the stabilization period. Members experience a high degree of personal satisfaction from simply being in the community. The prevailing image of religious life is clear and accepted. It provides a basis for describing unambiguous social roles for religious. The community is accomplishing its purpose and this purpose is self-evident. The need to improve is not seen as a need to change things but simply to do better what is already being done. Gradually, as stabilization sets in, more and more of the community assumes that religious life has always been the way it is now and that it will always remain so in the future. There is little need to elaborate the understanding of the founding vision or penetrate into it more deeply. It is simply accepted and repeated to new members who join. No one is left in the community who knew the founding person or the first dis-ciples personally. Memory of the founding events takes on the cast of past his(ory that is separate from the present moment. Formation of new members emphasizes their conformity to standard patterns of external behavior that are seen as the best means of cultivating interior commitment. The over-all feeling of success which is so typical of the stabilization period is not illusory. There is in fact a job that is being done and done well by the many generous religious who devote themselves to its accomplishment. The kinds of crises that Crop up during the stabilization period are linked to the other characteristics of the period. The crisis of activism occurs. Members become so absorbed in work that they lose sight of its spiritual and apostolic underpinning. They allow the satisfactions of accomplishment to dis-place a centeredness in Christ. Loss of intensity is another crisis of the stabilization period. Is it possible to maintain the intensity of vision and com-mitment among members, now that the community has become so highly in-stitutionalized? They can often be simply carried along by the sheer inertia of the community's activity and held in place by the pressure of social expecta-tion placed on their role as religious from people in the Church. Another danger stems from the crisis of adaptation. In the midst of success the com-munity is seldom open to adaptation, and any changes that have to be made are fraught with difficulty. Quite often, even the most legitimate changes are rejected, and their proponents are righteously and intolerantly silenced. The failure of later Jesuit missionaries to implement the ideas of Matteo Ricci con-cerning Confucian practices among Chinese Catholics is perhaps a good ex-ample of the sort of resistance to adaptation that can be found during the stabilization period. 4. The Breakdown Period Eventually the seeming immutabilities of the stabilization period start to give, and the religious community enters the breakdown period. The The Recovery of Religious Life / 705 breakdown may be gradual and last a half a century or more, or it may be rapid and run its course in a few decades. In either case, what happens is a dis-mantling of the institutional structures and belief systems that arose in the ex-pansion period and served the community so well during the stabilization period. This collective decline gives rise, in turn, to stress and doubt in the in-dividual members. Initially .a number of persons become dissatisfied with the current state of the community. Perhaps they are simply struck by what they judge to be the silliness of some of the community's customs or procedures. Or they may come to see that the community's life and work are not equipped to handle im-portant new challenges. Unanswered questions about the function and purpose of the community begin to accumulate and start to raise doubts. Levels of in-dividual stress increase slowly at the beginning, but then rise rapidly as doubt spreads to more and more levels of the community's social structure. To handle the growing problems, standard remedies are tied. All that is needed, it seems, is to get back to doing well what has always been done and to renew commitment to the community's mission. However, the usual problem-solving techniques become increasingly ineffective. A sense of crisis grows as community authority and decision-making structures become confused. The community's belief system begins to appear archaic and bound in by the trap-pings and articulations of a bygone age. The founding experience and myth, which had been internalized by the community's early generations, is no longer felt by the members. As the community loses its sense of identity and purpose, service to the Church becomes haphazard and lacks direction. Moral norms in the com-munity are relaxed and some members perhaps distract themselves with sex and a misuse of wealth. There is a net loss of membership through increased withdrawals and decreased recruitment of new members. The crises that arise during the breakdown period center on the various phenomena of decline in the community. The crisis of polarization can become acute when those who have faith in the community as it was align themselves against those who in varying degrees reject the community as it is. The crisis of collapsing institutions sets in as the community is forced to stop doing "business as usual" and abandon long-established works. The resulting demoralization leads to the crisis of the community's impending death. What is to be done as the chilling awareness grows in the community that it is inex-orably listing into disintegration on all sides? 5. The Transition Period The breakdown is followed by a period of transition. Three outcomes are possible for religious communities during this period: extinction, minimal sur-vival, or revitalization. Extinction, the first of these outcomes, occurs when all the members of a community either withdraw or die and it simply passes out of existence. This happened, for example, to 76% of all men's religious orders founded before 706 / Review for Religious, l/olume 34, 1975/5 1500 and to 64% of those founded before 1800. From a historical perspective, then, a reasonable expectation would seem to be that most religious com-munities in the Church today will eventually become extinct. A religious community which does not die out may go into a long period of low-level or minimal survival. If the membership pattern of presently existing religious orders founded before the French Revolution is examined, one finds that most of them enter into a period lasting across several centuries in which the number of members is very low. In fact, only 5% of all men's orders founded before 1500 and only 11% of the orders founded before 1800 have a current membership which is larger than 2,000. The Minims (Figure 1) are typical of the orders which once were quite large and now have a small membership. This type of outcome should not be interpreted as a dis-appearance of vitality in every case. The Carthusians, for example, follow this membership pattern. Yet they seem to be living UP to their reputation of never having relaxed their observance--never reformed and never needing reform. To this day the order's spiritual impact appears greater than its numerical strength. There is also a small percentage of religious communities which survive the breakdown period a~d enter into a period of revitalization. At least three characteristics can be singled out in all communities which have been revitalized in this way: a transforming response to the signs of the times; a reappropriation of the founding charism; and a profound renewal of the life of prayer, faith, and centeredness in Christ. The time in history fn which revitalization occurs seems to make a difference. If the revitalization occurs during one of the shifts in the dominant image of religious life singled out in the historical model above, the com-munity takes on many of the characteristics of the emerging image, and the transforming response to the signs of the times seems central to the revitaliza-tion. If the revitalization occurs midway during one of the major eras in the history of religious life identified earlier in this article, the revitalization takes on the characteristics of a reform with the reappropriation of the founding charism playing a central role. In either case the community experiences the revitalization as a second foundation. Personal transformation or conversion is central to revitalization. With personal transformation comes innovative insight and a new centering in the person of Christ. The innovative insight allows the transformed individuals within the community to develop critical awareness of the assumptions un-derlying the traditional meaning of the community and functioning of that community within the Church and the world. This innovative insight brings with it a focusing of energies through a new positive vision of what the com-munity should be in the future. The vision allows the emergence of a new theory which gives meaning to the experiences of individuals and the shared events lived within the community and spurs the community to building and creating its future. Such a new theory guides the community in the search for The Recovery of Religious Life / 707 and the invention of new models ~of living together as a community bound by. the evangelical conditions of discipleship in the service of the Church. A more complete sketch of the human dynamics of revitalization will be given in the last section of this article. The essential components of this dynamic, namely, insight and vision, and new theory and new models, are mentioned at this point to complete the picture of the life cycle of a religious community. Some limitations of this sociological model and the historical model of the previous section are given in the next section together with some generalizations that can be drawn from the models. IV. Some Limitations and Generalizations A. Limitations of the Models Before proceeding, some concluding and cautionary remarks must be made. Evidently the rapid overview of the history of religious life given in the first portion of this article should not be taken as anything more than a demonstration of how the evolution of religious life can be interpreted so as to fit the model of the five main eras that are being postulated in the proposed historical model. The account is far too compressed and over-simplified to provide an adequate and proi~erly nuanced telling of the story of religious life. For example, little attention was given to the Canons Regular, who constituted a significant portion of men religious from the Middle Ages to the French Revolution. There was no discussion of the medieval military orders nor of Orthodox monasticism. A still more gaping lacuna is the almost complete absence of any analysis of the way women's religious life differed from or followed the same pattern as that of the men. It may be that the sources used in this study were not sensitive to the distinctive role women actually played in the evolution of religious life. On the other hand, it may be that up to the present time the trends of women's religious life have been very parallel to those in the men's orders. The models proposed for the evolution of religious life and for the life-cycle of a religious community are also both simplifications. Some might validly question, for example, whether there were just five major eras in the history of religious life and whether the transitions between the eras occurred as clearly as the historical model suggests. The description of the dominant image of religious life for each era is a simplification of what was in every case a rather complex phenomenon. Hopefully, the liberties that have been taken are justified by the intention of trying to synopsize the history of religious life in such a way as to make some tentative insights more easily accessible to someone who is not a professional historian. Similarly, the breaks between the successive periods in the life cycle of a religious community are nowhere near as clear-cut as the proposed sociological model suggests. In .history, breakdowns sometimes occur within one order in different geographical locales at different times. Revitalizations often occur in some places for an order, while it decays elsewhere. At times 708 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/5 there are orders in which the role of the founding person is rather minor and does not have the decisiveness described in the model. Some communities have been founded in rather modest historical circumstances that were not accom-panied by the profound inspiration described in the model. These and similar qualifications must be kept in mind when the sociological model is used to in-terpret the life cycle of any particular community. B. Generalizations The models presented in the previous sections suggest some generalized conclusions. These conclusions can be helpful in exploring the present crisis of religious life. The historical evidence suggests that there have been significant shifts in the dominant image of religious life across the centuries. These shifts seem to occur when there are major societal changes astir and when the Church is un-dergoing major changes. The first transition happened as the Roman Empire fell in the West and feudal Europe was beginning; at the same time the rift between western and eastern Christianity was starting. The second transition occurred as feudal Europe was giving way to medieval urbanization and as the Church was gathering all of Europe into the unity of Christendom. The third transition took place at the start of the modern period of Western Civilization as the Church underwent the shock of the Reformation. The fourth transition resulted from a direct attack of society on the Church as a whole and on religious life in particular. Admittedly each of these changes in the culture and the Church differed from one another in many respects. However, the pattern seems clear enough at least to permit one to ask whether perhaps another shift in the dominant image of religious life would happen if major changes in society and the Church should come to pass. Although religious communities have been founded in almost every cen-tury of Christian history, it seems that each major shift in the dominant image of religious life is heralded by some significantly new foundations which em-body a new image in an especially striking way. This could be said of the earliest Benedictine monasteries for the first transition, of the Franciscans and Dominicans for the second transition, of the Jesuits for the third transition, and of the plethora of 19th century foundations for the fourth transition. It also seems to be the case that many communities go out of existence at each transition. Those that survive either continue in a diminished form or somehow blend the new dominant image with the charism of their own foun-dation to get another lease on life. The mendicant orders, for example, grew numerically stronger during the Era of Apostolic Orders as they adapted their own special gifts to the new style of religious life. The culture of the high Mid-dle Ages was rapidly and irretrievably passing away, but the mendicants adapted and flourished. One might ask, then, if the Church would witness the death of many religious communities and the foundation of new and different ones if a shift in the dominant image of religious life were to occur. The remainder of this article will explore the plausibility of maintaining that The Recovery of Religious Life / 709 another major transition has in fact begun in the history of religious life. Should this hypothesis be true, it would be appropriate to pose questions about h6w religious life is dying and how a recovery and revitalization might happen. Another observation that suggests itself from this brief survey concerns the continuity that underlies the shifts of the dominant image of religious life. As the image evolves it continues to hold up the impelling ideal of a radical following of the conditions set forth by Christ for an evangelical discipleship embedded in a life of prayer and deep faith. While the contemporary religious would probably not feel called to take on the externals of the life of the Desert Fathers, he or she will surely understand and be drawn to the stark beauty of the life of radical discipleship that moved Anthony to withdraw into the desert. Similar remarks could probably be made about the ultimate aims of the first Franciscans and the first rugged band of Jesuits. Through all the twists and turns in the make up and style of religious life, there is a deep core of seeking union with Christ in a special and total way that endures century after century. A great deal of historical precedent would have to be explained away by anyone who would wish to maintain that religious life is about to disappear as a separate and distinguishable way of life in the Church. The historical pattern seems to be one of repeated recovery. The present moment is indeed a time of trouble for religious communities, but religious life as a whole will doubtlessly survive. Turning to the sociological model, some further generalizations can be made. In the evolution of a religious community the non-rational elements of transforming experience, vision, and myth play a central role. This is es-pecially true during the periods of foundation and revitalization. Although necessary for each period in the life-cycle of a community, the techniques of rationality (long-range planning, leadership training, etc.) will never be suf-ficient to found a religious community or to revitalize one. The renewed vitality that comes to some religious communities during the time of transition finds its source in plumbing the depths of.the mythic and non-rational and in-tegrating them with the more rational dimensions of human life. A central insight of the myth of original sin is that humankind is not capable of sustained development; breakdown and disintegration are ever-recurring manifestations of the human condition. Since religious men and women exist within the human condition, it should not be surprising that, from time to time, all religious communities experience an extensive period of significant breakdown and disintegration. These bleak realities should be em-braced with humble acceptance of th~ human condition and a faith-filled hope that the Lord will in time resurrect life-giving initiatives from the death-dealing processes of breakdown. V. Where Does Religious Life Stand Today? In the previous sections of this article, the history of the religious-life movement in the Church and of particular religious communities was ex-amined to determine the major factors within culture, the Church, and 710 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/5 religious communities themselves that significantly influence the evolution of this movement. Generalizations from the proposed models indicate that major. transitions are likely to occur in religious life when secular culture is in the midst of a major crisis, and when religious life has experienced a period of major breakdown. The factors can serve as a useful matrix for answering the question, "Where does religious life stand today?" As was mentioned in the in-troduction, the answer proposed in this article is that religious life is undergo-ing a pervasive transition that will last for the next twenty to twenty-five years and which will significantly change the style of life and service of religious communities. The plausibility of this assertion is developed in this section. A. Signs of Transition in Secular Culture Many writers have noted that contemporary culture is in the midst of a societal transition. Some compare the present time to the Renaissance. Others claim that the present multifaceted change is equal to if not greater in magnitude than the agricultural and industrial revolutions. Many strands of societal transition have been pointed out. Spiritual, intellectual, philosophical, psychological, political, economic, and many other crises in society have been described by writers from a wide range of disciplines. For the purposes of this article, a cluster of these difficulties, which might be broadly termed the socio-economic crisis, will be summarized below as a sample of the sort of comment on contemporary society being made today. Catastrophic events and critical trends are continually reported by the news media. These reports range from widespread famine in the Sahel and South Asia to the continued downward spiral of the national economy. Careful analysts and writers have noted that these events and trends are a manifestation of the parallel growth of a set of interrelated critical issues which they have designated as the "world problematique.''7 A list of the critical issues that make up the "world problematique" would include: Energy Problems: Runaway growth in domestic and worldwide use of energy; shortages and scarcity of energy; insufficient capital resources to develop new energy sources. Food Problems: Food supply unable to meet the demand for food; worsening of weather conditions through pollution; increasing food prices due to food scarcity and increasing cost and consumption of energy; deterioration of arable land through increased urbaniza-tion and ecological undermining; actual widespread famine; potential long term problems of hunger and famine. Pollution Problems: Rise of pollution-induced illness; exponential increhse in the pollu-tion of the air and seas; denuding of natural environment through strip mining. 7.Some sources used to examine the "world problematique" were Kenneth E. F. Watt, The Titanic Effect: Planning for the Unthinkable (Stanford, Conn.: Sinauer Associates, Inc.); Donella H. Meadows, et al., The Limits to Growth (Washington: Potomac Associates, 1972); Mihajlo Mesarovic and Eduard Pestel, Mankind at the Turning Point (New York: Reader's Digest Press, 1974); Lester R. Brown, In the Human Interest (New York: W. W. Norton, 1974); and Lester R. Brown with Eric P. Eckholm, By Bread Alone (New York: Praeger, 1974). The Recovery of Religious Life / 711 Economic Problems: Growing world inflation; market saturation (e.g. airplanes, elec-tronic equipment, automobiles); instability and manipulation of monetary system, lack of alternatives to growth economics; increasing gap between the "have's" and the "have not's." Work Problems: Increasing unemployment and underemployment; saturation of the labor market; decreased productivity; increasing alienation and dissatisfaction with work; depersonalization of work environments. Problems of Urban Areas: Deterioration of urban areas; increasing crime rates; in-creasing cost of essential urban services. Problems of International Order." Hazards of international competition and war; com-petitive economic policies. What makes the "world problematique" different from problems en-countered in previous eras is its complexity and the pervasive interrelationship of its elements. Hence, the "world problematique" is not amenable to normal methods of problem solving. Attempts to address such critical issues in a singular or joint fashion introduce fundamental dilemmas that do not appear resolvable within conventional modes of thought. Among such dilemmas which seem to be plaguing the contemporary politico-economic situation, four might be singled out: the dilemmas of growth, guidance, global justice, and social roles.8 These dilemmas are delineated more fully in Table 6. One may ask if these problems and dilemmas have not been present during most of the Industrial Era. Are not the problems of the 20's and 30's very much the same as those of the 70's and 80's? What makes the above mentioned problems and dilemmas different is that they have not been ameliorated through the use of conventional wisdom and standard problem-solving ap-proaches. In fact, one may argue that application of these approaches has led to many unanticipated and undesirable consequences. Resolution of the problems and dilemmas is dependent upon a thorough-going shift in social perceptions, involving restructuring of beliefs, images, and human aspirations at a fundamental level. B. Crisis in the Church and the Breakdown in Religious Life The Catholic Church in America has been profoundly influenced by con-temporary change. For at least fifteen years the Church has been experiencing a transition of its life. The Second Vatican Council (1962-1964) was a result of the early stages of this transition and a triggering event for its later stages. The Church began to open itself to a world which was undergoing a dramatic secularization. This opening up or aggiornamento had significant impact on all dimensions of Church life. Parish life and parochial education are no longer the only shapers of the values and beliefs of American Catholics. The once-clear norms and social roles ~vithin the Church no longer seem to serve their original purpose. For example, the Vatican's official position on birth 8The schematization presented in Table 6 is based on the work of Bill Harmon, Director of the Center for the Study of Social Policy, Stanford Research Institute. 712 / Review for Religious, I~'olume 34, 1975/5 TABLE 6: SOME DILEMMAS OF CONTEMPORARY SOCIETY Growth The fundamental "new scarcity" of fossil fuels, minerals, fresh water, arable land, habitable surface area, waste-absorbing capacity of the natural environment, fresh air, and food come from approaching the finite limits of the earth. These limits demand a radical slow down or leveling off in material.growth and energy-use curves of the past.' Yet, the present economic and political system is built around a growth hypothesis. The economic and political consequences of limiting growth appear unbearable. Guidance Dilemma Ecological considerations along with awesome power of modern technology to change any and all aspects of the human environment establish a mandate for greater guidance of technological and social innovation. Yet, the political price of such guidance is very high. Such guidance is perceived as con-trary to man's fundamental right to freedom and as an inhibition to economic growth. Global Justice Dilemma Further advances by the industrialized nations make the rich nations richer and the poor nations relatively poorer. The impressive ac-complishments of the industrial economy are largely built on a base of cleverness plus cheap energy, the latter from the world's limited stockpile of fossil fuels. Yet, the costs of not redressing these inequities may be serious political and economic world instabilities as well as widespread famine and inhuman suffering in the poorer nations. Social Roles Dilemma Present economic system is failing to provide Yet, the absence of satisfying and personally an adequate number of satisfying social roles meaningful roles for women, youth, the especially for women and minorities. The aged, and minorities along with worker employment market is saturated; there is a dissatisfaction in general results in in-need to keep youth and the aged out of the creased I~ersonal alienation and erodes labor market, the morale of the nation. control is considered unacceptableto an increasingly large number of Catholics. Difficulties are arising in the functioning of such Church structures as the priesthood and the traditional role of the laity and of such Church institutions as parishes, schoo|s, and hospitals. Their once-unquestioned role within the Church no longer seems to satisfy the needs of an increasingly large number of church members. This crisis and transition within the Church has had a dramatic effect on religious communities of women and men. Religious communities have begun to experience all of the signs of entering into the breakdown and disintegration period described earlier in this article. There has been a sharp decline in membership due to increased withdrawals and a decrease in new recruits. Re- The Recovery of Religious Life / 713 cent literature9 gives a statistical picture of this breakdown in the United States. - A recent National Opinion Research Center study indicated there is a larger relative number of resignees among those already established in church careers than in any other equivalent period of time since the French Revolution. - For the years between 1965 and 1972 66% of the yearly decrease in communities of religious women was due to dispensation or termination of vows. In communities of religious women the average annual net increase over these years was approximately 768 members, the average annual net decrease was 3841, with only one-third of that loss caused by deaths. - The total number of Sisters in 1974 had declined 17% from 1960 and 23% since their peak membership year in 1966. - The total number of religious Brothers in 1974 had decreased 12% since 1960 and 26.5% since their peak membership year in 1966. The purposes of religious communities which were once clear and widely understood have become vague and meaningless to some in the midst of the modern church crisis. The structures of authority and process of communica-tion and decision making within religious communities seem no longer to fit the needs of the individuals within the community or suit the evolving work of the communities. The processes of formation to religious community have sometimes become disorganized and seem to lack purpose. These and other signs indicate that the last fifteen to twenty years have been a time when most religious com-munities have begun to experience breakdown. This cluster of the signs of breakdown in virtually all communities seems to indicate that we are ap-proaching the end of another major era in the history of religious life. C. Restatement of the Bias This review of the transitions in secular culture as well as the current crisis of the Church allows us to use the historical and sociological models of the evolution of religious life and religious communities outlined in the previous sections to answer the question "Where does religious life stand today?" In the introduction of this article, an answer was given in what was called the fun-damental bias of the article, namely, that religious life in America is undergo-ing a profound transition, which will take another twenty or twenty-five years to run its full course. The arguments leading up to this bias can be set forth as follows: 1. The dominant image of religious life has undergone several major tran-sitions as religious life has evolved as a movement within the Church. 2. The occurrence of these major transitions is associated with a number 9Carroll W. Trageson and Pat Holden, "Existence and Analysis of the 'Vocation Crisis' in Religious Careers," (pp. 1-3) in Carroll W. Trageson, John P. Koval, and Willis E. Bartlett (eds.), Report on Study of Church Vo

THE IMPLEMENTATION OF ENGLISH LANGUAGE AS THE MEDIUM IN TEACHING SCIENCE TO THE EIGHT GRADERS OF "KELAS UNGGULAN" AT MTSN KEDIRI II Ana Khoirun Nikmah English Education Department, Language and Arts Faculty, Surabaya State University. Email: nikmeh08@gmail.com Rahayu Kuswardani, S.Pd, M.Appl English Education Department, Language and Arts Faculty, Surabaya State University. Abstrak Sesuai dengan program kelas unggulan, kelas yang semula hanya menerapkan proses kegiatan belajar mengajar dengan menggunakan Bahasa Indonesia sekarang diharapkan bisa menggunakan Bahasa Inggris dalam kegiatan belajar mereka, baik itu dalam hal mengajar maupun dalam pengajaran sesui materi pelajaran. Ini merupakan tantangan bagi seorang guru dalam menghadapi system pembelajaran seperti itu. Kompetensi dan keahlian guru yang baik sangat dibutuhkan dan juga dalam keseluruhan standar pengurangan Bahasa Inggris. Selain itu, system pembelajarn ini juga tidak semudah yang kita pikir. Mereka diharuskan belajar ilmu pengetahuan menggunakan Bahasa Inggris sebagai media proses belajar mengajar padahal mereka juga masih belajar Bahasa Inggris. Oleh karena itu, dalam penelitian ini, penelti melakukan penelitian yang bertujuan untuk memahami masalah diantara keahlian guru Bahasa Inggris dalam menguasai Bahasa Inggris ketika mengajar ilmu pengetahuan dan masalah siswa dalam memahami ilmu pengetahuan yang menggunakan Bahasa Inggris. Dari latar belakang yang sudah disebutkan tersebut, peneliti tertarik untuk melakukan penelitian berdasarkan situasi yand terjadi dengan judul "The Implementation of English Language as the Medium in Teaching Science to the Eight Graders of "Kelas Unggulan" at MTsN Kediri II". Obyek penelitian dala penelitian ini adalah kompetensi gur ilmu pengetahuan dalam mengajar ilmu pengetahuan dengan menggunakan media Bahasa Inggris dan penerapannya dalam kegiatan belajar mengajar, masalah yang dihadapi guru ilmu pengetahuan selama kegiatan belajar mengajar di kelas delapan pada kelas unggulan MTsN Kediri II. Penelitian ini menggunakan penelitian deskripif kualitatif. Sedangkan subjek penelitian ini adalah kelas delapan pada kelas unggulan MTsN Kediri II. Dalam pengumpulan data, peneliti menggunakan dua instrument, yaitu catatan observasi dan wawancara. Catatan observasi dilakukan untuk mengetahui kompetensi guru dalam mengembangkan kemampuan Bahasa Inggrisnya dalam proses belajar mengajar. Sedangkan wawancara dilakukan untuk mengetahui usaha-usaha guru yang telah dilakukan mengembangkan dan mengatasi masalah dalam penggunaan Bahasa Inggris sebagai media pembelajaran. Berdasarkan observasi yang telah dilakukan, peneliti menyimpulkan bahwa kompetensi guru dalam berbahasa inggris harus dikembangkan, terutama kosakata dan strukturnya. Sedangkan dari hasil wawancara, peneliti mengetahui bahwa guru ilmu pengetahuan kelas delapan pada kelas unggulan MTsN Kediri II selalu mengembangkan kompetensinya untuk mengatasi masalah dalam kegiatan belajar mengajar dengan cara mengikuti kursus Bahasa Inggris dan bekerjasama dengan sebuah tempat kursus Bahasa Inggris di Kampung Inggris, Pare. Karena masalah utama di dalam kelas adalah penggunaan Bahasa Inggris pada guru dan pemahaman para murid, maka materi ilmu pengetahuan diberikan dengan tetap menggunakan Bahasa Inggris sebagai medianya. Keyword: kemampuan guru ilmu pengetahuan dalam berbahasa inggris pada "kelas unggulan" Abstract The term of "kelas unggulan", which has been using teaching and learning in bahasa Indonesia is expected to perform effectively in English, to teach and acquire subject specific knowledge. It is one of challenges of teacher to face this reality. Good teacher's competency and proficiency are needed and also overall declining standard of English. In the other hand it is not as simple as everyone think. They have to learn science using English as the medium of teaching and learning process whereas they also still learning English. Therefore, to understand the problem between the English teacher's proficiency in mastery English language to teach science and the problem with the students understanding science in English. From the background above the researcher is interested in conducting research related to the situation, entitled "The Implementation of English Language as the Medium in Teaching Science to the Eight Graders of "Kelas Unggulan" at MTsN Kediri II".The objective researches of this study are the science teacher competency in explaining science using English as the medium and the implementation of it, the problem faced by science teacher during teaching and learning process at Eight Graders in "kelas unggulan" at MTsN Kediri II. This research use descriptive qualitative research while the subject is Eight Graders in "kelas unggulan" at MTsN Kediri II. In collecting data the researcher use two instruments, they are observation field note and interview. The observation field note is used to know the teacher competency in improving her English while teaching and learning process. And the interview is used to know the effort of the teacher in improving and also facing the problem in using English as the medium of instruction. Based on the observation, the researcher concludes that the teacher's competency in English needs to be improved, especially in vocabularies and structure. Then, from the interview the researcher knows that the science teacher of Eight Graders in "kelas unggulan" at MTsN Kediri II always improve her competency just to overcome the problem in teaching and learning process by taking English course and doing cooperation with one of big English course in kampong English, Pare. Because the main problems in the class are the English teacher and the students understanding the science material given using English as the medium. Keyword: Science Teacher's competency in English in "kelas unggulan" INTRODUCTION In the current era of globalization, English language plays an important role in international communication. All of the aspects on live, like technology, economic, politic, art, education etc. use English Language to communicate. For example, in technology, we all know that Yamaha product is made in Japan. But when we read the direction note of Yamaha product, we will find some technical term used is English Language. We also can find this case in economic aspect. In a free market, if there are two seller were not come from English doing transaction, they will decide to use English Language to talk each other. So that is not surprising that English Language is known as the international language. In fact some countries in this world use English language to be their national language, like Singapore. And the other countries use English language as their second language besides their own national language. But in our country, Indonesia is still included in a country that used English as the foreign language. So that way is aware of along with the globalization, the need for an English language skill is increasingly apparent. Therefore, it is not surprising that experts who are involved in education feel the need to provide intensive English lessons and continuing English education to the students in middle school even since the children were still sitting in elementary school. Secondary school level has a lot of junior and senior high school who offer to pioneer international standard school and has a lot of schools that obtain international school status. The schools, which obtain international status, prepare their students for the future so that they can compete globally. Recognizing the importance of quality in education and a desire to catch up education set back with other countries, governments are encouraged to perform a major breakthrough in the field of education by designing international school. The government wants to promote educational programs in the country by turning national schools into international standard schools. Schools must make an effort to improve the quality of teaching and teachers' so that teachers' quality will not be left behind. One of the schools that used international standard is MTsN Kediri II. MTsN Kediri II is a junior high school located in Kediri, East Java. It is included one of the favorite school in Kediri because almost of their students are smart enough and often be the winner in Olympiad. Since some years ago besides use national curriculum, this school also use international standard in their education. Because of that, they divided their class into some kinds of class. That is regular and kelas unggulan. Regular class is a class that use national curriculum in their teaching learning process. In other hand, the kelas unggulan is a class based on international standard. In kelas unggulan, some subjects such as Mathematics, Physics, Chemistry, Biology and Economics should be conducted in English or in a bilingual classroom learning environment. Bilingual education involves teaching academic content in two languages that is, in a native and secondary language with varying amounts of each language used in accordance with the program model. It is an educational approach that not only allows students to master academic content material, but also become proficient in two languages. It is an increasingly valuable skill in the early twenty-first century. It is the program which is intended to help children to keep up with their peers in subject such as math, science and social studies while they study English (Maria. 2001). The purpose of bilingual instruction is to increase academic achievement by using the student's home language as the main communication medium. Bilingual instruction involves the use of two languages for instructions for part or all of the activities within the classroom. One language is English and the other language is the student's home language that is the language spoken in the home. English is taught as a second language (James. 1988). Whether teaching a transitional class, a maintenance class, or a two ways bilingual class, the main difference from a monolingual class is the balance in using of the two languages. A second variable which affects the process of classroom organization is who teaches: a team, a teacher and an aide or one teacher alone. The third variable comes from the structure of the program model. There are the three major variations in classroom design which effect use of the two languages in a bilingual classroom. The first is The concurrent approach. In this approach A teacher using concurrent approach may use both languages interchangeable in a teaching content are or two teachers may team teach one lesson, each modeling a different language. The second is Pre-view-pre-view. It involves three steps in a team teaching situation: an introduction to the lesson is first given by one instructor in one language. The lesson is then presented in the other language by the second instructor. Review and reinforcement of the lesson takes place with the whole class using the two languages interchangeably in a concurrent approach, or the class is divided into dominant- language groups, led by each teacher separately. The last approach is Alternate language approach. Clearly structures a separation between the two languages. But for student is so limited proficiency in one of the language instruction, the language chosen for content area instruction can involve complex decision. In early stages, student should receive science lesson in their first language, but as they develop increasing proficiency in a second language, they may introduced to an increasing amount of science instruction in their second language. In the school that uses bilingual classroom system, the teacher must have two levels of language skills sufficient to be able to teach bilingual classes. But here, Sheelagh and Cristine (2007:6) divided two different types of teachers who have very different needs-the expertise of the language may not be shared by the content and vice versa. The first is Teacher of English who now has to teach another subject through English, rather than just teaching the language. And the other is subject teacher who now have to teach their subject through English. In this research, the researcher study about the second type of CLIL, that is subject teacher who now have to teach their subject through English, exactly science teacher. As Henderson and Wellington (2001:23) said that whilst research shows that one of major difficulties in learning science is learning the language of science, to experience the teaching and learning process would suggest that science teachers often consider the use of English in Biology lesson to be of marginal relevance to the learning of science (Henderson & Wellington. 2001:23) . They further add that in general, teachers who teach content do not recognize languages learning opportunities. If there is any effort at all in incorporating language development, they just concentrate on vocabulary development. John (1997:17) also said that some science teachers hope that the vocabulary of science will be recognized by the students as a key to its comprehension and appreciation. The teacher also must make avert efforts to interpret the nature of Biology lesson and the habits of learning Biology through its language or vocabulary. So we can conclude that science teacher must be competence in the both od the biology subject and English Language. The problem that we find in the reality is one cannot confirm that the subject teachers are able to become a bilingual who is ready to teach in two languages, Indonesian and English. How long does it take for a teacher to be ready to teach bilingual? In addition, the level of bilingual skills to a certain level is needed or that must be achieved by a teacher to be able to teach bilingual classes. Those subject teachers mostly of are not graduates of English Education, so maybe they will find difficulty in explaining their material in English. Therefore, the researcher wanted to conduct a research which intends to describe this phenomenon, the implementation of English language as the medium in teaching scdience at eight grade in "kelas Unggulan" at MTsN Kediri II. By conducting this study, the researcher has purpose to find out the implementation of English language in teaching science for eight graders and the teacher's problems faced during classroom teaching and learning. By knowing the fact or the result of the study, the researcher hoped it will give meaningful contribution for The teacher who uses English, especially science teacher in "kelas unggulan" at MTsN Kediri II, can improve their ability in English and the quality of teaching and learning process, and also the result is expected to contribute development of teaching science by using English in "kelas unggulan" at MTsN Kediri. It is also expected to give meaningful contribution for Indonesian government. It is hoped that the government can consider about the programs to make Indonesia to become international level in education by using English in the process of teaching and learning process. According to the government it can make the education in Indonesia becomes better than before to the international level, people argue that it does not make better education in Indonesia, but it can make the education. Worse, since the students face more problems in their study due to their English ability is still poor. This phenomenon makes the researcher puts her interest to conduct research about it. The researcher questions: (1) how is the implementation of English language in teaching science for eight grader? (2) What problems do the teachers face during classroom teaching and learning? METHOD Based on the research question and the objective of the study, the researcher used descriptive qualitative. Gay (1992) explained that Descriptive research involves collecting data in order to answer questions concerning the current statues of the subject of the study). In this study, the researcher described the implementation of English language as the medium in teaching scdience at eight grade in "kelas Unggulan" at MTsN Kediri II. She concentrated on the biology class activity and the biology teacher herself. In this research, the researcher chose descriptive qualitative as the research design based on two reasons, which are the objective of this study is to describe the implementation of English language as the medium in teaching scdience at eight grade in "kelas Unggulan" at MTsN Kediri II and there is no treatment in this study. The subject of this study was the biology teacher of "kelas unggulan" in the 8th at MTsN Kediri II. The researcher chose the biology teacher because three reason. For the first, there are many students who favor Biology lesson. They like biology subject because biology is the easiest among Physic, Chemistry and Biology. The second reason is Biology lesson has a few things to be discussed about numerical, but it has many explanations. To give explanation a material in the Biology, teachers have to explain more. It means the teacher should make long sentences and more languages especially English. And the las reason is there is another language that is in Biology discussion, that is Latin language. Every plant or animals has Latin name, so students have to understand which Latin language is and which is English. This study is taken place in the 8th "kelas unggulan" and the teacher's office. For the first day, the researcher observes the condition of the school and the Biology teacher's when she was teaching in the classroom. The researcher recorded the teaching and learning process using vidio camera and tape recorder. And on the next day, the researcher came to the teacher office, actually on the biology teacher's room to interview her. The interview was used to find the data form the Biology teacher. The purpose of this interview was also to find out the information about teacher's efforts in developing the English language competency and to find out what the problems she usually faced during teaching and learning Biology by using English language. After knowing the problem, researcher could infer reasonable solution to solve the problems that were faced by the teacher. The data of this study is the condition of the biology class on 8th "kelas unggulan" in MTsN Kediri II. It included the teacher's competence in giving oral instruction by using English language in her Biology science class, for example asking question in English, giving opinion, giving explanation in English and the students' expression and utterance during teaching leraning activity. The other data is teachers' answer in the form of utterances and expressions given by the teachers during interview sessions which are transcribed into written form. Besides the result of the researcher's observation, the source of the data is the biology teacher herself. In this research, all of the data were collected by using observation field note and interview, were analyzed inductively in order to answer research questions stated in chapter one. The first step was accumulating the data recorded from the result of class observation and the answer of biology teachers through interview given. After all of data accumulated, the researcher studied the data well, she described them by classifying into the finding based on the research question. In addition, all the data were collected thoroughly as happened in the reality. RESULT AND DISCUSSION This chapter presents the result and discussion of the study as the answers for the research questions: (1) how is the implementation of English language in teaching science for eight grades? (2) What problems do the teachers face during classroom teaching and learning? Result Here, the researcher explained about the first and second day observation done by the researcher. On the first day observation, the researcher observed the condition on 8th kelas unggulan of MTsN Kediri II. In the first observation, the researcher noticed some facts happened in their teaching learning activities. Those are: (a) when the teacher explains the material by using English, her explanation is difficult to be understood by her students. (b) The science teacher of "kelas unggulan" in MTsN Kediri II does not always use English in explaining science material. (c) When the teacher wanted to explain about the material, she was consuming too much time to find the proper words makes the students waiting for long time, and also makes them getting bored. (d) the teacher often feels nervous and automatically, she cannot control her speaking, especially in pronunciation and vocabulary. In term of pronunciations, the researcher finds some words mispronounced words form, it was pronounced this word as like forem. In the word size, it is pronounced with sez. (e) The teacher thinks that the use of translation method make the students understands the material well. So that, in the most of the time she explains the material by using mother tongue then translate in to the English. (f) Because the teacher is fully aware that she is not teaching language at all but teaching science. So, she thinks that it's not to importance to make her English perfect. It is better to teach real science rather than just focusing on the students' English skills. (g) There are three languages used in the class there are (Indonesia, Javanese and English). But the biggest portion, about eighty percent used Indonesian. On the second day of this research, the researcher done interview the biology teacher of 8th "kelas unggulan" in MTsN Kediri II. From the interview which was done on May 23th 2013, the researcher tried to analyzes the teacher efforts in improving her skills in English language. There was one teacher who was interviewed by the researcher. Mrs Zahra', she is science teacher in the eighth graders of MTsN Kediri II. Science Teacher stated that, actually, she has already tried her best effort in improving English skills. It was done by practicing the speaking skill with her daughter and son at home. Her children convinced their mother that if she always does not speak English continuously and regularly as her daily habit, it will really improve her English. Besides the effort or practice she does at home, she also joins the English course which is hosted by the school in cooperation with one of good English course in Pare. These are proves that both school wants to improve the English ability so that she teaches science by using English confidently. Besides that, the school also held TOEFL and TOEIC test to know whether the competency of the teacher has improved or not. The Teacher's Competency in using English as the Medium of Teaching Science Teacher ability plays important role in delivering new knowledge and skills to students. If the teacher wants to be regarded as excellent and competent teachers by parents based of the excellent academic achievement of the student the teacher have to works hard to get it. In the implementation of the teaching Science in English in kelas unggulan, teacher's competency in teaching the subject is really needed, it include in the way the teacher teaching, teaching strategy, etc. This is so because many of our teachers today have had very little exposure to the subjects in English. In this research, the researcher explained about science teachers' competency which contains the ability to ask question in English, the ability to use oral instruction in English and the ability to give opinion in English. The Teacher's Ability in Questioning Student In the teaching and learning process in teaching science by using English as the language medium, the science teacher of Kelas unggulan at MTsN Kediri II is expected to be able to ask question to their students about the material that she had explained by using English. If it runs well, of course, it will make the students motivated during question and answer session. However, the teacher which is expected to be a model that has perfect examples how to ask thing in English did not do so. So that way, their students also answer the question in mixed language. Based on the observation done by the researcher, the researcher conclude that the science teachers in Kelas unggulan of eight graders of MTsN Kediri II still use translation method, that she use both English and Indonesia in asking question. This condition happened because both of the teacher and student do not master English well. To her observation, both the kelas unggulan students and the teacher are have not ready to use English one hundred percent yet in the class. Even though the researcher had to agreed that the use of English one hundred percent is too difficult for students, simply because the science language is different from the English that the students are studying during English class, the teacher as the important point should push herself to use English as close as possible at least they have to reach 75% during the teaching and learning process especially in asking question. Of course, the English foreign learners or English second learners will get some difficulties to express science term in English, but they have to work hard if they really want to make the bilingual runs well. The Teacher's Ability in Giving Oral Instruction by Using English In the process of teaching and learning science using English as the language medium, the science teachers of MTsN Kediri II always tried to give oral instruction to her students beside the written instruction. These two important are things which cannot be separated one by one. It is important to oral instruction during the teaching learning process, because without oral instruction the communication in the class between teacher and students cannot runs well. In this case, as a science teacher does oral instruction to help her students to understand the task easily. However, the simple interaction only done in Indonesian language, not in English because, the teacher still has difficulty to make simple interaction by using English. Based on the result of observation, the researcher concluded that the science teacher of MTsN Kediri II tried to maximize her ability in using oral instruction in English even though it is not grammatically correct. She tried and sometimes she mixed it with Indonesian. The problem is of mixing the language because, she still uses Indonesian quite a lot when giving her oral instruction. Based on the researcher observation, the science teacher of Kelas unggulan should master the art of giving oral instruction in English to communicate with their students if she wants to make the class become the real bilingual or international standard class. The Teacher's Ability in Giving Opinion to the Students Teaching through another language for some subjects may have cause a language problem. It happens in this class also when the teacher expresses her opinion in English; she mixed it with Indonesian language. Seems that she still find difficulties. It can be frustrated for the teacher to teach subject that have different language vocabularies, especially science subject. The language for science is different from the English language which students use in English class activities. Vocabulary in Science class has special syntactic structures. Making inferences in science subject meaning give all contribute to the difficulties of many other subject subjects which use English so. The selected teacher who teaches science by using English as the language medium of interaction for Eight graders in MTsN Kediri 2 has tried to maximize her ability in using English. During classroom activities the science teacher sometimes mixed the language when she was giving her opinion to the students. The Teacher's Efforts in Improving her English Teaching Skills From the observation and the interview that has been conducted, the researcher finds some mistakes of the science teacher in expressing sentences and words in spite of her mistakes. The mistakes include the teacher still tries her best effort to use English in explaining all the science materials. In the contrary to the teacher's effort, most of the mispronouncing the words and mixing the languages between English and Indonesian, students are still difficult to handle the maximum usage of English. They have to understand the science material in English is a big challenge to them. Therefore, to maximize her students' difficulty and to overcome the challenge, teacher uses Indonesian in some of explanations. Based on the result of observation, it can be concluded that sometimes the science teacher mixed the language or does not use English at all when she was not sure with the English Especially, if the teacher who does not have a good competency with her English language. The requirements to use English can be serious problem. From the interview that has been done the researcher find some facts that: First, the science teacher doesn't have good ability in speaking English or explain the science term correctly in English. Based on that, she gets difficulties in delivering the content to the students. Second, seems that science teacher is not too familiar with the terminologies and science terms in the English language due to her minimal exposure for learning and teaching science in the English language. Since the school supports the Implementation English in science class. The teachers' competency in teaching subject needs to be improved immediately. It is so because many of science teachers in that school have had very little experience in exposure English as the language medium in the classroom especially for the class that is chosen as kelas unggulan. The Problems Faced by the Teacher During Teaching and Learning Process There were some problems faced by science teacher of Kelas unggulan in MTsN Kediri II during teaching and learning Science by using English. The main problem of successful in using English in kelas unggulan is from the students' ability to understand the material which is presented in English. This fact is also confirmed by the science teacher, Mrs. Zahra' who is the teacher of science in "kelas unggulan" of MTsN Kediri II for class said that her problem during classroom explanation when she was teaching science refer to the language competency of their students in order to understand the science language in English. She stated if the students did not understand the language, it shows that they also would not be able to do the science task correctly. The solution of this problem according to her is giving some vocabularies continuously to the students who have the difficulties in understanding the science language. One more thing that in MTsN Kediri II there are some teams which is have quite good members who has cooperation with an English course in Pare. It was had been for about 3 months. So, it means the groups still in the process of improvement. The science teacher who has a team teaching in the process of teaching science for the class of Kelas unggulan have the different problem. She said that the problem which is occurred in the process of teaching science not only the language problem but also less motivation and participation of the students to follow the class activities. The solution according to her is using different kind of teaching strategies and giving motivation to their students in every meeting. From the statement above, it can be known that every science teachers who teach using English have their own problems, and they also have their own solution to improve the skill of their students in science, besides the using various kind of learning strategies which will make the teaching learning process enjoy full. CONCLUSION AND SUGGESTION Conclusion Based on the finding of data analysis and discussion in previous chapter, the researcher drew a conclusion: First, from the result of the research analysis, it is proved that the students' understanding of science's class taught by using English as the medium of teaching and learning science process still have no improvements, and based on the result of research question by using interview, shows that using of English as medium of teaching and learning process is not quite effective for of MTsN Kediri II. It's not because of just the teacher's ability, but also the students' English especially in understanding the words or vocabulary influence the result of learning, and in this school there are still some reasons that make the school has not been ready in applying English in teaching science, seen from the teacher's English ability and also the lack of the students' vocabulary on the lesson. Second, the use of English as the medium of teaching and learning science process in the science class makes the students are unable to enjoy their learning activities as well as the technique of the teacher use is not quite attracting them, and they can not understand the English teacher's explaination well. It seems that the teacher's technique cannot help them reduce the students' anxiety of learning. In addition, it cannot make them feel comfortable in learning to lead them to be better in learning. Meanwhile the goal of applying English in teaching science is that the students have to be brave to say or to express their idea in English, and the teacher's motivation is to make them confident to share the ideas. Third, the use of English as the medium of teaching and learning science process to the eight graders of MTsN Kediri II cannot seem to change the atmosphere of the classroom and is also unable to broaden their knowledges. Actually, it offers much wider range of language opportunities but what has happened there, the students have more difficulties in expressing the ideas, the correct vocabulary and sentences. Fourth, the use of English as the medium of teaching and learning science has made the class less active. The students do not have great willingness to participate without being forced by the teacher and they are still afraid of making mistakes in expressing the ideas. Fifth, the use of English as the medium of teaching and learning science makes the students less motivated in learning and are easier to grasp the lesson. Based on the observation has been done by the researcher there are just few students who have a bravery to express their ideas. Sixth, the other problems the students face are mostly in expressing ideas in English and lack of confidence and vocabulary. Suggestions The success in teaching not only depends on the lesson program, but also what is more important is how the teacher presents the lesson and uses various techniques to manage the class more lively and enjoyable. Regarding to the teaching science by using English as the medium of teaching and learning process, the writer gives some suggestion for the teacher. The science teacher should choose the materials that are appropriate and not too difficult for the students, the teacher should make sure that the students have fully understanding and enough information they need before assigning English as the medium of teaching science to the students, the teacher should keep controlling the student activities, the teacher should present the language in an enjoyable, relaxed and understandable way in order to make the students are attracted and enjoyed the science materials in English. Besides, the researcher suggests to the students. The students are hoped not to be shy in expressing the idea in English, to be active and creative in enriching their vocabulary, to use English when they practice or express the ideas although it is hard for them, the students should take part in teaching and learning process since being active in the class is needed. REFERENCES Collier, Virginia P. A Synthesis of Studies Examining Long-Term Language Dellar, Sheelagh and Christine Pierce. 2007. Teaching Other Subject Through English. New York: Oxford University Press. Page 6-7 Estela, Brisk, Maria. 2001. Bilingual Education from Compensatory to Quality Schooling. New Jersey London : Baston University Gay, L.R. 1992. Education Research Competencies for Analysis and Application Fourth Edition. New York: Florida International Universities Honbry,A S. 1995. Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary of Current English Fifth Edition. Walton Street: Oxford University Press. Page 595 James, H. 1992. Education Research. New York : Hopper Collins Publisher Jarret, Dense. 1999. Teaching Mathematics and Science to English Language –Learners. Alaska : Nortwest Regional Education Laboratory Jinsook Choi and Joel Kuipers . Bilingual Practices in a Science Classroom Minority Student Data on Academic Achievement Washington, DC: National Clearing house for Bilingual Education. Page 87 Ovando, Carlos J.and Virginia P Collier. 1985. Bilingual and Esl Clasroom. New York : Mc Graw-Hill. Page 38 Robert C. Bogdan and friend. 1992. Qualitative Research for Education second edition. London: Ally and Bacon. Page 30

Der Eintrag von Phosphor in die Umwelt führt zur Eutrophierung von Gewässern, sodass ein Großteil dieser innerhalb der Europäischen Union (EU) in keinem guten chemischen Zustand ist. Phosphor gelangt überwiegend auf zwei Wegen in die Umwelt, diffus durch Auswaschung von auf landwirtschaftlichen Flächen ausgebrachten Düngemitteln oder punktuell über das gereinigte Abwasser. Der Eintragspfad über das Abwasser umfasst auch die zahlreichen dezentralen Kleinkläranlagen (KKA), die in letzter Zeit zunehmend in den Fokus rückten. So muss zum Beispiel durch die Verschärfung der gesetzlichen Vorgaben in sensiblen Gebieten in Bayern auch in KKA eine Phosphorentfernung realisiert werden. Ein weiterer Aspekt in diesem Zusammenhang ist, dass die EU-Staaten auf Importe von Phosphor sowie Phosphaterz angewiesen sind, sodass eine gezielte Rückgewinnung des entfernten Phosphors anzustreben ist. Ziel dieser Dissertation war die Entwicklung eines nachhaltigen Verfahrenskonzeptes zur wartungsarmen Phosphorentfernung in KKA unter Gewinnung eines marktfähigen Phosphorproduktes, wobei eine Adsorptionsstufe den Kern des Verfahrens bilden sollte. Die Phosphorentfernung aus der Wasserphase in einem Festbettadsorber ermöglicht neben dem wartungsarmen Betrieb, einen geringen Platzbedarf, eine hohe Effizienz und nach der wirtschaftlich notwendigen Adsorbensregenerierung die vergleichsweise einfache Phosphorrückgewinnung durch Fällung. Viele verschiedene Materialien, von synthetischen Mineralen und Ionenaustauschern über Hybridmaterialien bis hin zu industriellen Nebenprodukten, wurden anhand von Literaturangaben und Laborversuchen bezüglich ihrer Eignung zur Phosphatadsorption betrachtet. Für potenziell geeignete Materialien mit hoher Verfügbarkeit wurde mit Hilfe des Linear Driving Force (LDF-) Modells eine validierte Prognose für einen Festbettadsorber in einer KKA erstellt. Dabei wurde die geforderte Phosphorkonzentration von maximal 2 mg/L im Ablauf des Festbettadsorbers während des sechsmonatigen Wartungsintervalls insbesondere durch die granulierten Eisenoxidhydrate GEH® 104 und Bayoxide® E 33 HC eingehalten. Die weiteren Untersuchungen erfolgten überwiegend am Beispiel des Adsorbens GEH® 104. Die Phosphatadsorption an GEH® 104 in einem biologisch gereinigten Abwasser wird lediglich durch den pH-Wert und die Gesamthärte signifikant beeinflusst. Diese Abhängigkeit lässt sich gut mit Hilfe eines empirisch ermittelten Gleichungssystems beschreiben, welches die Berechnung der Freundlich-Parameter der Gleichgewichtsisotherme und des effektiven Stofftransportkoeffizienten der Korndiffusion aus diesen Wasserparametern ermöglicht. Die Anwendung dieses Gleichungssystems erlaubt den Verzicht auf mehrwöchige Laborversuche. Die Dimensionierung eines Festbettadsorbers in einer KKA mit dem LDF-Modell basierend auf dem pH-Wert (6.8), der Gesamthärte (0,5.4,5 M) und der Phosphatkonzentration (ca. 50 mg/L) ist so innerhalb einiger Minuten möglich. Die Wirtschaftlichkeit der adsorptiven Phosphorentfernung wird durch eine erfolgreiche Regenerierung mitbestimmt. Es konnte nachgewiesen werden, dass vor allem auf der Adsorbensoberfläche abgeschiedene Calciumphosphate zu Verlusten von bis zu 85 % der Adsorptionskapazität der eingesetzten Eisenoxidhydrate führen. Etwa 80 % des Calciums liegen auf der Adsorbensoberfläche physisorbiert vor, während die restlichen 20 % durch lokale Ausfällungen die Oberfläche blockieren. Die neu entwickelte pH-Swing-Regenerierung, die eine saure Konditionierung bei pH 2,5 vor der alkalischen Phosphatdesorption enthält, entfernt diese Ablagerungen. Dabei werden die Eisenoxidhydratadsorbentien vollständig regeneriert und währenddessen nur zu etwa 0,0001 % aufgelöst. Über 13 Regenerierungszyklen wurde keine Verringerung der Adsorptionskapazität weder in Modell- noch gereinigtem Abwasser beobachtet. Die saure Konditionierung bei pH 2,5 lässt sich mit den Mineralsäuren HCl und HNO3 realisieren, wobei sich eine Kreislaufführung als vorteilhaft hinsichtlich des Chemikalieneinsatzes erwies. Zur Desorption von 95 % des adsorbierten Phosphats waren 5 Bettvolumen (BV) der 1 M NaOH bei einer Leeraumkontaktzeit (EBCT) von mindestens 25 min ausreichend. Die abschließende Rekonditionierung im Kreislauf erfolgte mit 2 BV Wasser sowie 0,16 BV HCl (konz.) zur Einstellung von pH 6 auf der Adsorbensoberfläche. Aus der phosphatreichen Desorptionslösung wurde durch Verwendung technischer, feindisperser Kalkmilch ein amorphes Calciumphosphat (aCP) mit einem Phosphorgehalt von mindestens 10 % gefällt, während die Natronlauge zur erneuten Phosphatdesorption zur Verfügung stand. Das aCP enthielt Calciumcarbonat und -hydroxid als Nebenbestandteile, während der TOC unter 1 % lag. Im Gegensatz zu organischen Spurenstoffen adsorbierten Schwermetalle an GEH® 104 und wurden bei der sauren Konditionierung zu großen Teilen wieder entfernt. Das während eines Pilotversuchs an einer KKA gewonnene Fällungsprodukt (Pilot-aCP) hielt die gesetzlichen Anforderungen für Düngemittel in Deutschland und der EU bezüglich des Gehalts an Schwermetallen ein. Es wies zudem eine ausreichende Citrat-, Neutralammoniumcitrat und Wasserlöslichkeit auf und könnte als Düngemittel eingesetzt werden. Insgesamt ist das Verfahren der dezentralen adsorptiven Phosphorentfernung mit zentraler pH-Swing-Regenerierung deutlich wirtschaftlicher als die Einmalnutzung des Adsorbens ohne Regenerierung. Auch wenn das Pilot-aCP lediglich als Nebenprodukt der Adsorbensregenerierung anfällt, kann das Verfahren in mehreren Punkten (Phosphorrückgewinnungsgrad, Produktqualität, Markt und Kompatibilität mit der bestehenden Infrastruktur auf Kläranlagen) mit anderen Technologien zur Phosphorrückgewinnung konkurrieren. Es bietet eine zuverlässige Lösung für das Erreichen niedriger Ablaufwerte für Phosphor in (Klein-)Kläranlagen.:1. Einleitung 1.1. Bedeutung von Phosphor für den menschlichen Organismus 1.2. Phosphoreintrag in die Umwelt 1.3. Zielstellung und Struktur der Dissertation 2. Grundlagen 2.1. Ressourcenverteilung und -entwicklung 2.2. Strategien zum nachhaltigen Phosphormanagement in der Landwirtschaft 2.3. Phosphor in der zentralen Abwasserreinigung 2.3.1. Phosphorentfernung an punktuellen Emissionsquellen 2.3.2. Phosphorrückgewinnung 2.4. Kleinkläranlagen zur Abwasserbehandlung und Phosphorentfernung 2.4.1. Abwasserbehandlung in Kleinkläranlagen 2.4.2. Phosphorentfernung in Kleinkläranlagen 2.5. Technische Adsorption 2.5.1. Adsorptionsgleichgewicht 2.5.2. Adsorptionsmodellierung 3. Potenziell geeignete Materialien zur Phosphatadsorption in Kleinkläranlagen - Adsorbensauswahl 3.1. Stand der Forschung 3.1.1. Ionenaustauscher 3.1.1.1. Klassische Ionenaustauscher 3.1.1.2. Schichthydroxide 3.1.2. Hybridmaterialien 3.1.2.1. Polymere Ligandenaustauscher (PLE) 3.1.2.2. Hybride Anionenaustauscher (HAIX) 3.1.3. Adsorbentien 3.1.3.1. Verbindungen der Hauptelemente der Erdhülle 3.1.3.2. Verbindungen der Nebenelemente der Erdhülle 3.1.3.3. Kohlenstoffbasierte Materialien 3.1.3.4. Industrielle Nebenprodukte 3.1.4. Auswahl geeigneter Adsorbentien 3.1.5. Auslegung eines Festbettadsorbers in KKA 3.2. Material und Methoden 3.2.1. Chemikalien und angewandte Analysenverfahren 3.2.2. Untersuchte Adsorbentien 3.2.2.1. Klassische Adsorbentien 3.2.2.2. Hybride Anionenaustauscher (HAIX) 3.2.3. Modellabwasser 3.2.4. Methoden zur Untersuchung der Phosphatadsorption 3.2.5. Zur Modellierung eingesetzte Programme 3.3. Modellierung einer 4 EW-KKA 3.3.1. Erhobene experimentelle Daten 3.3.1.1. Wasserzusammensetzung einer KKA 3.3.1.2. Bestimmung der Freundlich-Isothermen der Adsorbentien - Adsorptionsgleichgewicht 3.3.1.3. Untersuchung der Kinetik der Korndiffusion 3.3.2. Modellierung der Durchbruchskurve 3.3.2.1. Basisdaten 3.3.2.2. Modellierung der Durchbruchskurven 3.3.3. Experimentelle Validierung der modellierten Durchbruchskurven im Labor 3.3.4. Erstellung der Prognose eines Festbettadsorbers zur Phosphatentfernung in einer 4-EW-KKA 4. Wasserchemische Einflussfaktoren auf die Phosphatadsorption an Eisenoxidhydraten 4.1. Stand der Forschung 4.1.1. Phosphatbindung an Eisenoxidhydraten 4.1.2. Phosphatadsorption in Anwesenheit anderer Anionen 4.1.3. Phosphatadsorption in Anwesenheit organischer Stoffe 4.1.4. Phosphatadsorption in Gegenwart von Kationen 4.2. Material und Methoden 4.2.1. Chemikalien und angewandte Analysenverfahren 4.2.2. Modellwässer 4.2.3. Methoden 4.3. Untersuchung der Einflussfaktoren auf die Phosphatadsorption an GEH® 104 4.3.1. Phosphatadsorption in Anwesenheit anionischer Verbindungen 4.3.2. Phosphatadsorption in Gegenwart von Kationen 4.3.2.1. Einfluss des pH-Wertes 4.3.2.2. Einfluss der Calciumkonzentration 4.3.2.3. Einfluss der Magnesiumkonzentration 4.3.2.4. Einfluss der Gesamthärte des Wassers 4.4. Matrixanpassbare Modellierung der Phosphatadsorption an GEH® 104 5. Regenerierung von Eisenoxidhydraten 5.1. Stand der Forschung 5.2. Material und Methoden 5.2.1. Chemikalien 5.2.2. Angewandte Analysenverfahren 5.2.3. Modellwässer 5.2.4. Methodik der Adsorbensregenerierung 5.2.4.1. Aufnahme von Durchbruchskurven 5.2.4.2. Beladen des Adsorbens zur Untersuchung der Regenerierung 5.2.4.3. Vergleich der Calciumdesorption mit verschiedenen Desorptionslösungen 5.2.4.4. Entfernung von Ablagerungen durch saure Konditionierung 5.2.4.5. Desorption von Phosphat 5.2.4.6. Rekonditionierung des Adsorbens 5.2.5. Zur Modellierung eingesetzte Programme 5.3. Untersuchung der Adsorbensoberfläche 5.4. Entfernung des Oberflächenbelags 5.4.1. Einführung einer sauren Konditionierungsstufe 5.4.1.1. Säurestabilität des Adsorbens und möglicher Oberflächenpräzipitate 5.4.1.2. Wechselwirkungen von Calcium mit der Adsorbensoberfläche 5.4.1.3. Auswahl des Konditionierungsmittels 5.4.1.4. Auswahl des pH-Wertes für die saure Konditionierung 5.4.1.5. Übertragbarkeit der sauren Konditionierung auf weitere eisenoxidhydrathaltige Adsorbentien 5.4.1.6. Auswirkung der sauren Konditionierung auf die Ablagerungen 5.4.1.7. Auswirkung der sauren Konditionierung auf die Adsorbensoberfläche 5.4.2. Validierung der sauren Konditionierung 5.5. Optimierung der pH-Swing-Regenerierung 5.5.1. Optimierung der Betriebsweise der sauren Konditionierung 5.5.1.1. Kreislaufführung 5.5.1.2. Wiederverwendung der Konditionierungslösung 5.5.2. Optimierung der Phosphatdesorption 5.5.2.1. Einfluss der Konzentration der Natronlauge auf die Phosphatdesorption 5.5.2.2. Einfluss der Kontaktzeit auf die Phosphatdesorption 5.5.2.3. Prozessführung zur Phosphatdesorption von GEH® 104 5.5.3. Optimierung der Rekonditionierung des Adsorbens 5.5.4. Zusammenfassung 6. Phosphorrückgewinnung 6.1. Stand der Forschung 6.1.1. Gewinnung von Phosphatrecyclaten 6.1.2. Schadstofftransfer vom Abwasser in Phosphatrecyclate 6.1.2.1. Organische Spurenstoffe 6.1.2.2. Schwermetalle 6.1.3. Pflanzenverfügbarkeit von Phosphatrecyclaten 6.2. Material und Methoden 6.2.1. Chemikalien 6.2.2. Angewandte Analysenverfahren 6.2.3. Verwendete Wässer 6.2.4. Methodik zur Untersuchung der Phosphorrückgewinnung 6.3. Phosphatfällung 6.3.1. Auswahl des Fällmittels 6.3.2. Zusammensetzung des Fällungsproduktes 6.4. Verhalten organischer Spurenstoffe bei der Phosphorrückgewinnung 6.5. Untersuchung der Düngemitteleignung anhand einer Pilotanlage zur Phosphorentfernung aus KKA 6.5.1. Adsorbensbeladung im Pilotmaßstab 6.5.2. Regenerierung von Pilotversuchsmaterial 6.5.2.1. Saure Konditionierung als Schwermetalldesorption 6.5.2.2. Verunreinigungen bei der Phosphatdesorption 6.5.2.3. Phosphorrückgewinnung aus dem Pilotversuch 6.5.3. Pflanzenverfügbarkeit 7. Diskussion 7.1. Verfahrenskonzept für die Phosphorentfernung in Kleinkläranlagen (KKA) 7.2. Verfahrensbewertung 7.2.1. Technologie 7.2.1.1. Rückgewinnungsgrad 7.2.1.2. Inputflexibilität 7.2.2. Produkt 7.2.3. Markt 7.2.4. Umwelt 7.2.4.1. Chemikalieneinsatz 7.2.4.2. Energiebedarf 7.2.4.3. Anfallende Abfälle 7.2.5. Wirtschaftlichkeit 7.2.5.1. Investitionsbedarf 7.2.5.2. Operative Kosten 7.2.5.3. Produktertrag 7.2.5.4. Zusatzerträge und -nutzen 7.2.6. Kompatibilität 7.2.6.1. Einfluss auf die heutige Entsorgungslandschaft 7.2.6.2. Kompatibilität mit dem Betrieb der Kläranlage 7.2.7. Rechtlicher Rahmen 7.2.8. Zusammenfassung der Verfahrensbewertung 7.3. Fazit 8. Publikationsliste Literaturverzeichnis Abkürzungsverzeichnis Symbolverzeichnis Abbildungsverzeichnis Tabellenverzeichnis A. Anhang A.1. Anhang Kapitel 3 A.1.1. Materialien zur Phosphatentfernung in der Literatur A.1.1.1. Ionenaustauscher A.1.1.2. Hybridmaterialien A.1.1.3. Adsorbentien A.1.2. Aufbau eines Differentialkreislaufreaktors A.1.3. Bestimmung des geschwindigkeitsbestimmenden Schrittes der Adsorption A.1.4. Validierung der Modellierung mit LDF-Modell A.2. Anhang Kapitel 4 A.2.1. Phosphatdurchbruchskurve mit variierender Sulfatkonzentration A.2.2. Phosphatisotherme bei variierendem pH-Wert A.2.3. Wasserhärte in Deutschland nach Wasserversorgern A.2.4. Phosphatadsorption in Abhängigkeit von den vorliegenden Kationen A.2.5. Zweifaktorielle Varianzanalyse A.3. Anhang Kapitel 5 A.3.1. Saure Konditionierung im Kreislauf A.3.2. Löslichkeitsmodellierung mit PHREEQC A.3.3. Desorbierbarkeit von Calcium und Magnesium mit Natriumnitratlösung A.3.4. Austrag von Calcium, Phosphat und Eisen bei der sauren Konditionierung von beladenem Bayoxide® E 33 HC A.3.5. Reproduzierbarkeit des Phosphatdurchbruchs bei pH-Swing-Regenerierung mit Salpetersäure A.3.6. Zusammensetzung verschiedener Calciumphosphate A.4. Anhang Kapitel 6 A.4.1. Grenzwerte für Schwermetalle in mineralischen und Recyclingphosphordüngemitteln in Europa A.4.2. Messbedingungen für die Analysen mittels LC-MS/MS A.4.3. Thermische Zersetzung von amorphem Calciumphosphat A.4.4. Phosphorentfernung in der Pilotanlage in Bramsche A.4.5. Regenerierung eines beladenen Adsorbens aus der Pilotanlage A.4.6. Untersuchte organische Spurenstoffe bei der Gewinnung von Pilot-aCP A.5. Anhang Kapitel 7 A.5.1. Kostenabschätzung für das Verfahrenskonzept zur Phosphorentfernung auf KKA A.5.2. Preisentwicklung für Phosphate von 1999 bis 2019 auf dem Weltmarkt A.5.3. Einordnung des entwickelten Verfahrenskonzeptes nach dem BAFU-Leitfaden Danksagung Erklärung ; Phosphorus pollution of the environment causes the eutrophication of surface water bodies, so many of them within the European Union (EU) are not in good status. Phosphorus enters the environment mainly via two pathways, diffusely by leaching of fertilizers applied to agricultural areas or as a point source via treated wastewater. The discharge via wastewater also includes the numerous decentralized small sewage treatment plants (SSTPs), that have increasingly come into focus. For example, a tightening of the legal requirements in sensitive areas in Bavaria requires the implementation of phosphorus removal also in SSTPs. Another aspect is the dependency of the EU on imports of phosphorus and phosphate ore, so the removed phosphorus should therefore be recovered. The aim of this dissertation was to develop a sustainable process concept for low-maintenance phosphorus removal in SSTPs while obtaining a marketable phosphorus product, based on an adsorption stage. Using a fixed-bed adsorber for phosphorus removal allows operation with low maintenance, low space requirements and high efficiency. Moreover, after the economically necessary adsorbent regeneration, a comparatively easy phosphorus recovery using precipitation is possible. Many different materials, beginning with synthetic minerals and ion exchange resins to hybrid materials and industrial by-products, were examined for their suitability for phosphate adsorption based on literature references and laboratory tests. For potentially suitable materials with high availability, a validated prognosis of the fixed-bed adsorber performance in a SSTP was carried out using the linear driving force (LDF) model. Only the granular ferric (hydr)oxides GEH® 104 and Bayoxide® E 33 HC met the required phosphorus concentration of a maximum of 2 mg/L in the effluent of the fixed-bed adsorber during the six-month maintenance interval. Further investigations were mainly carried out using the adsorbent GEH® 104 as an example. The phosphate adsorption onto GEH® 104 in biologically treated wastewater is significantly influenced only by pH and total hardness. This dependence can be described well by an empirical system of equations that allows the calculation of the Freundlich parameters of the equilibrium isotherm and the effective intraparticle mass transfer coefficient for the given conditions. The application of this system of equations allows the avoidance of time-consuming laboratory experiments. In contrast to the weeks of lab experiments, the scale-up of a fixed-bed adsorber in a SSTP with the LDF model based on pH value (6.8), total hardness (0.5.4.5 M) and phosphate concentration (approx. 50 mg/L) takes only a few minutes. The economic efficiency of adsorptive phosphorus removal depends on a successful regeneration. It was demonstrated that the calcium phosphates precipitated on the adsorbent surface caused losses of up to 85 % of the adsorption capacity of the ferric (hydr)oxide used. About 80 % of the calcium is bound via physisorption on the adsorbent surface, while the remaining 20 % blocks the surface by local precipitation. A newly developed pH-swing-regeneration, which includes an acidic conditioning at pH 2.5 prior to alkaline phosphate desorption, was found to remove these deposits. During this process the ferric (hydr)oxides are completely regenerated and the mass loss by dissolution is only about 0.0001 %. For 13 regeneration cycles no reduction in adsorption capacity was observed, neither for model nor for biologically treated wastewater. Acidic conditioning at pH 2.5 can be carried out using the mineral acids HCl and HNO3. A recirculation of these acids proved to be advantageous regarding the consumption of chemicals. For the desorption of 95 % of the adsorbed phosphate, 5 bed volumes (BV) of 1 M NaOH with an empty bed contact time (EBCT) of at least 25 min were sufficient. The final reconditioning requires 2 BV of water and 0.16 BV of HCl (conc.) to adjust the pH on the adsorbent surface to 6. The phosphate-rich desorption solution was used for the precipitation of an amorphous calcium phosphate (aCP) using technical grade, fine dispersed milk of lime. The phosphorus content of aCP was at least 10 % and the sodium hydroxide solution can be used for renewed phosphate desorption. The aCP contained calcium carbonate and hydroxide as minor constituents, while organic carbon content was below 1 %. In contrast to organic micropollutants, heavy metals adsorbed onto GEH® 104 and were largely removed during acidic conditioning. However, the precipitation product obtained during a pilot test at a SSTP (pilot-aCP) meets the legal requirements for fertilizers in Germany and the EU regarding heavy metal content. In addition, it was sufficiently soluble in citrate, neutral ammonium citrate and water and could therefore be used as a fertilizer. In summary the process of decentralized adsorptive phosphorus removal with centralized pH-swing-regeneration is more economical than the one-time use of the adsorbent without regeneration. Even though the pilot-aCP is only a by-product of adsorbent regeneration, the process can compete with other phosphorus recovery technologies in several aspects (phosphorus recovery efficiency, product quality, market and compatibility with existing infrastructure at sewage treatment plants). It offers a reliable solution for achieving low effluent values for phosphorus in (small) sewage treatment plants.:1. Einleitung 1.1. Bedeutung von Phosphor für den menschlichen Organismus 1.2. Phosphoreintrag in die Umwelt 1.3. Zielstellung und Struktur der Dissertation 2. Grundlagen 2.1. Ressourcenverteilung und -entwicklung 2.2. Strategien zum nachhaltigen Phosphormanagement in der Landwirtschaft 2.3. Phosphor in der zentralen Abwasserreinigung 2.3.1. Phosphorentfernung an punktuellen Emissionsquellen 2.3.2. Phosphorrückgewinnung 2.4. Kleinkläranlagen zur Abwasserbehandlung und Phosphorentfernung 2.4.1. Abwasserbehandlung in Kleinkläranlagen 2.4.2. Phosphorentfernung in Kleinkläranlagen 2.5. Technische Adsorption 2.5.1. Adsorptionsgleichgewicht 2.5.2. Adsorptionsmodellierung 3. Potenziell geeignete Materialien zur Phosphatadsorption in Kleinkläranlagen - Adsorbensauswahl 3.1. Stand der Forschung 3.1.1. Ionenaustauscher 3.1.1.1. Klassische Ionenaustauscher 3.1.1.2. Schichthydroxide 3.1.2. Hybridmaterialien 3.1.2.1. Polymere Ligandenaustauscher (PLE) 3.1.2.2. Hybride Anionenaustauscher (HAIX) 3.1.3. Adsorbentien 3.1.3.1. Verbindungen der Hauptelemente der Erdhülle 3.1.3.2. Verbindungen der Nebenelemente der Erdhülle 3.1.3.3. Kohlenstoffbasierte Materialien 3.1.3.4. Industrielle Nebenprodukte 3.1.4. Auswahl geeigneter Adsorbentien 3.1.5. Auslegung eines Festbettadsorbers in KKA 3.2. Material und Methoden 3.2.1. Chemikalien und angewandte Analysenverfahren 3.2.2. Untersuchte Adsorbentien 3.2.2.1. Klassische Adsorbentien 3.2.2.2. Hybride Anionenaustauscher (HAIX) 3.2.3. Modellabwasser 3.2.4. Methoden zur Untersuchung der Phosphatadsorption 3.2.5. Zur Modellierung eingesetzte Programme 3.3. Modellierung einer 4 EW-KKA 3.3.1. Erhobene experimentelle Daten 3.3.1.1. Wasserzusammensetzung einer KKA 3.3.1.2. Bestimmung der Freundlich-Isothermen der Adsorbentien - Adsorptionsgleichgewicht 3.3.1.3. Untersuchung der Kinetik der Korndiffusion 3.3.2. Modellierung der Durchbruchskurve 3.3.2.1. Basisdaten 3.3.2.2. Modellierung der Durchbruchskurven 3.3.3. Experimentelle Validierung der modellierten Durchbruchskurven im Labor 3.3.4. Erstellung der Prognose eines Festbettadsorbers zur Phosphatentfernung in einer 4-EW-KKA 4. Wasserchemische Einflussfaktoren auf die Phosphatadsorption an Eisenoxidhydraten 4.1. Stand der Forschung 4.1.1. Phosphatbindung an Eisenoxidhydraten 4.1.2. Phosphatadsorption in Anwesenheit anderer Anionen 4.1.3. Phosphatadsorption in Anwesenheit organischer Stoffe 4.1.4. Phosphatadsorption in Gegenwart von Kationen 4.2. Material und Methoden 4.2.1. Chemikalien und angewandte Analysenverfahren 4.2.2. Modellwässer 4.2.3. Methoden 4.3. Untersuchung der Einflussfaktoren auf die Phosphatadsorption an GEH® 104 4.3.1. Phosphatadsorption in Anwesenheit anionischer Verbindungen 4.3.2. Phosphatadsorption in Gegenwart von Kationen 4.3.2.1. Einfluss des pH-Wertes 4.3.2.2. Einfluss der Calciumkonzentration 4.3.2.3. Einfluss der Magnesiumkonzentration 4.3.2.4. Einfluss der Gesamthärte des Wassers 4.4. Matrixanpassbare Modellierung der Phosphatadsorption an GEH® 104 5. Regenerierung von Eisenoxidhydraten 5.1. Stand der Forschung 5.2. Material und Methoden 5.2.1. Chemikalien 5.2.2. Angewandte Analysenverfahren 5.2.3. Modellwässer 5.2.4. Methodik der Adsorbensregenerierung 5.2.4.1. Aufnahme von Durchbruchskurven 5.2.4.2. Beladen des Adsorbens zur Untersuchung der Regenerierung 5.2.4.3. Vergleich der Calciumdesorption mit verschiedenen Desorptionslösungen 5.2.4.4. Entfernung von Ablagerungen durch saure Konditionierung 5.2.4.5. Desorption von Phosphat 5.2.4.6. Rekonditionierung des Adsorbens 5.2.5. Zur Modellierung eingesetzte Programme 5.3. Untersuchung der Adsorbensoberfläche 5.4. Entfernung des Oberflächenbelags 5.4.1. Einführung einer sauren Konditionierungsstufe 5.4.1.1. Säurestabilität des Adsorbens und möglicher Oberflächenpräzipitate 5.4.1.2. Wechselwirkungen von Calcium mit der Adsorbensoberfläche 5.4.1.3. Auswahl des Konditionierungsmittels 5.4.1.4. Auswahl des pH-Wertes für die saure Konditionierung 5.4.1.5. Übertragbarkeit der sauren Konditionierung auf weitere eisenoxidhydrathaltige Adsorbentien 5.4.1.6. Auswirkung der sauren Konditionierung auf die Ablagerungen 5.4.1.7. Auswirkung der sauren Konditionierung auf die Adsorbensoberfläche 5.4.2. Validierung der sauren Konditionierung 5.5. Optimierung der pH-Swing-Regenerierung 5.5.1. Optimierung der Betriebsweise der sauren Konditionierung 5.5.1.1. Kreislaufführung 5.5.1.2. Wiederverwendung der Konditionierungslösung 5.5.2. Optimierung der Phosphatdesorption 5.5.2.1. Einfluss der Konzentration der Natronlauge auf die Phosphatdesorption 5.5.2.2. Einfluss der Kontaktzeit auf die Phosphatdesorption 5.5.2.3. Prozessführung zur Phosphatdesorption von GEH® 104 5.5.3. Optimierung der Rekonditionierung des Adsorbens 5.5.4. Zusammenfassung 6. Phosphorrückgewinnung 6.1. Stand der Forschung 6.1.1. Gewinnung von Phosphatrecyclaten 6.1.2. Schadstofftransfer vom Abwasser in Phosphatrecyclate 6.1.2.1. Organische Spurenstoffe 6.1.2.2. Schwermetalle 6.1.3. Pflanzenverfügbarkeit von Phosphatrecyclaten 6.2. Material und Methoden 6.2.1. Chemikalien 6.2.2. Angewandte Analysenverfahren 6.2.3. Verwendete Wässer 6.2.4. Methodik zur Untersuchung der Phosphorrückgewinnung 6.3. Phosphatfällung 6.3.1. Auswahl des Fällmittels 6.3.2. Zusammensetzung des Fällungsproduktes 6.4. Verhalten organischer Spurenstoffe bei der Phosphorrückgewinnung 6.5. Untersuchung der Düngemitteleignung anhand einer Pilotanlage zur Phosphorentfernung aus KKA 6.5.1. Adsorbensbeladung im Pilotmaßstab 6.5.2. Regenerierung von Pilotversuchsmaterial 6.5.2.1. Saure Konditionierung als Schwermetalldesorption 6.5.2.2. Verunreinigungen bei der Phosphatdesorption 6.5.2.3. Phosphorrückgewinnung aus dem Pilotversuch 6.5.3. Pflanzenverfügbarkeit 7. Diskussion 7.1. Verfahrenskonzept für die Phosphorentfernung in Kleinkläranlagen (KKA) 7.2. Verfahrensbewertung 7.2.1. Technologie 7.2.1.1. Rückgewinnungsgrad 7.2.1.2. Inputflexibilität 7.2.2. Produkt 7.2.3. Markt 7.2.4. Umwelt 7.2.4.1. Chemikalieneinsatz 7.2.4.2. Energiebedarf 7.2.4.3. Anfallende Abfälle 7.2.5. Wirtschaftlichkeit 7.2.5.1. Investitionsbedarf 7.2.5.2. Operative Kosten 7.2.5.3. Produktertrag 7.2.5.4. Zusatzerträge und -nutzen 7.2.6. Kompatibilität 7.2.6.1. Einfluss auf die heutige Entsorgungslandschaft 7.2.6.2. Kompatibilität mit dem Betrieb der Kläranlage 7.2.7. Rechtlicher Rahmen 7.2.8. Zusammenfassung der Verfahrensbewertung 7.3. Fazit 8. Publikationsliste Literaturverzeichnis Abkürzungsverzeichnis Symbolverzeichnis Abbildungsverzeichnis Tabellenverzeichnis A. Anhang A.1. Anhang Kapitel 3 A.1.1. Materialien zur Phosphatentfernung in der Literatur A.1.1.1. Ionenaustauscher A.1.1.2. Hybridmaterialien A.1.1.3. Adsorbentien A.1.2. Aufbau eines Differentialkreislaufreaktors A.1.3. Bestimmung des geschwindigkeitsbestimmenden Schrittes der Adsorption A.1.4. Validierung der Modellierung mit LDF-Modell A.2. Anhang Kapitel 4 A.2.1. Phosphatdurchbruchskurve mit variierender Sulfatkonzentration A.2.2. Phosphatisotherme bei variierendem pH-Wert A.2.3. Wasserhärte in Deutschland nach Wasserversorgern A.2.4. Phosphatadsorption in Abhängigkeit von den vorliegenden Kationen A.2.5. Zweifaktorielle Varianzanalyse A.3. Anhang Kapitel 5 A.3.1. Saure Konditionierung im Kreislauf A.3.2. Löslichkeitsmodellierung mit PHREEQC A.3.3. Desorbierbarkeit von Calcium und Magnesium mit Natriumnitratlösung A.3.4. Austrag von Calcium, Phosphat und Eisen bei der sauren Konditionierung von beladenem Bayoxide® E 33 HC A.3.5. Reproduzierbarkeit des Phosphatdurchbruchs bei pH-Swing-Regenerierung mit Salpetersäure A.3.6. Zusammensetzung verschiedener Calciumphosphate A.4. Anhang Kapitel 6 A.4.1. Grenzwerte für Schwermetalle in mineralischen und Recyclingphosphordüngemitteln in Europa A.4.2. Messbedingungen für die Analysen mittels LC-MS/MS A.4.3. Thermische Zersetzung von amorphem Calciumphosphat A.4.4. Phosphorentfernung in der Pilotanlage in Bramsche A.4.5. Regenerierung eines beladenen Adsorbens aus der Pilotanlage A.4.6. Untersuchte organische Spurenstoffe bei der Gewinnung von Pilot-aCP A.5. Anhang Kapitel 7 A.5.1. Kostenabschätzung für das Verfahrenskonzept zur Phosphorentfernung auf KKA A.5.2. Preisentwicklung für Phosphate von 1999 bis 2019 auf dem Weltmarkt A.5.3. Einordnung des entwickelten Verfahrenskonzeptes nach dem BAFU-Leitfaden Danksagung Erklärung

The attachment that we feel to Madagascar compels us to talk about it – its richness, its values, its people and about life lessons learned and taught. As these experiences may differ in many aspects, a journal is the ideal place for sharing our common ideas, as well as expressing our divergent thoughts and theories. It is also a conduit for the exchange and transmission of our ideas and perspectives to the world. Thus, it is the ambition of this journal to talk about Madagascar – it's natural richness and its conservation, about development and challenges in the country, and more generally about components and facets of conservation and development. In this volume, the Journal launches two new rubrics, which emerged from the energetic enthusiasm of the authors, editors and our friends. Words are not the only way to formulate and share stories, pictures can carry messages as well; and they can speak without using words while still diligently evoking emotions and reactions in all of us. Now, we want to hear what your reactions are; we need to hear and to read how images from Madagascar capture and affect you. The Journal is doing this for the very first time and no matter who, whether men, women, or children, all of them have voiced their feelings about the photo of the little girl on the front cover of this volume. We want you to participate in Voicing Over Pictures, to share your ideas, for those of you not having a scientific based project ready yet, or simply to tell your experience in a different way. For example, those who have the courage to circulate photos and stories about the dead stranded dolphins of the port of Antsohihy. They suspected a link between the sonar systems of Exxon Mobil and the dolphins' navigation off the coasts of Analalava and Antsohihy (and they may be right, as such correlations are scientifically proven in peer - reviewed publications) even though they did not want to believe that such a tragedy could happen in their Madagascar. These people felt motivated to reach out into the world and show us what is happening. Madagascar can sometimes seem too far away from the rest of the world but this story brings us back to our sense of place in the country. Some pictures have been circulated but lately there has been only a dull silence, as scientists take time to research the issue and publish the evidence that they find. We have received a broad variety of contributions to this volume such as "Bats as bushmeat in Madagascar". This is not only the first MCD review focussing on Madagascar's bats, but it also shows some impressive pictures including a rather unusual and unfortunate shot of bats in a context that is more common than you think: the bat on the dinner plate. Another contribution addresses one of the top 25 most endangered primates in the world. Instead of resigning and continuing what others of their ilk have done for generations (and seriously risking a listing in the history books under the chapter 'Extinct') the White - collared brown lemur has adapted to new and changing situations and has even been flexible enough to tackle the aftermath of cyclones and start feeding on mushrooms and spicy invasive plants. Is this a recipe for survival? We shall see. In another story, the authors of the Manambolomaty Lake Project draw on local taboos and beliefs to establish a conservation framework for the protection of natural resources – a success story showing how important the traditional knowledge and culture of the local people is to achieving conservation that really matters. Sharing information is important, that is nothing new. Before you can share, however, you need the ability to access it. In a piece about the power of radio, the authors show that radio broadcasting can be utilized beyond the daily spread of news and entertainment: it can also be an effective tool for community outreach. This has so far been 'off the radar' for most international aid agencies. Broadcasting information and knowledge over the radio can be an effective tool in the fight to alleviate poverty; which is so far still the biggest challenge in Madagascar. As our words mark the passage of time into history, then you will be part of Madagascar's history of tomorrow. MCD is presenting another new rubric; Travelling Through Time will be talking about people who have written Madagascar's history in the past century, about people who were building on Madagascar's milestones for present and future conservation and development endeavours. There are people who have been participating in Madagascar's history. Some of them are almost living legends; they have made their imprints on this island; and whether they are appreciated or not, people talk about these personalities. At the beginning of the 19 th century oil mining industries (often with governments in the background) were endorsing renowned geologists for their endeavours such as Raymond Decary (1891 - 1973) who over the years became an accomplished humanist and naturalist. There is also the story of Charles A. Domergue, a hydro - geologist who also ended up dedicating his life to development in southern Madagascar where he pursued scientific studies and the conservation of the biological riches of Madagascar that mesmerized him. We invite you to talk in Travelling Through Time about your own heroes, men and women who have been the pioneers and advocates for Madagascar's Conservation and Development. Returning to the picture as a medium of information, some of these are also meant to satisfy the classic clichés, the ones that reinforce stereotypes that the rest of the world has about Madagascar. Madagascar is a country of the South, and the world expects to see pictures mirroring these characteristics. In the South, mining is often married with the traditional picture of gold miners: deep pits bored by using the angady (the Malagasy spade), causing sweaty and muddy foreheads on the miners' emotionless faces while the mining dumps grow bigger and taller. One might think of a new Germinal or Assommoir - like novel of Emily RaZola's, with the toka Gasy replacing the absinthe, with the North pointing fingers and watching the South. However, the question remains, what is the real picture? Modern mines are equipped with sophisticated exploitation tools, and the companies have the backing of conduits of social and environmental impact studies, employing an international guild of workers, efficient and trained in using the latest technology, rearing to go. The Journal would like to call upon people who know about these mining activities and who are studying specific social, economic and environmental impacts; people who also are aware that these activities are unavoidable, and people who know that tropical forests are disappearing quickly from the maps of Madagascar, and with them the Indris that sing no longer, crying if they only could. We need these people to tell their stories and share their expertise and experience, since we all want to know and would like to understand what the benefits and negative impacts of large - scale mining or farming are for Madagascar. The Journal would like to emphasize one more time that sharing information between agencies (governmental and non), universities and private persons is crucial. Whether you are in the field, in a forest, a community or a laboratory; sharing and informing is the most important step to moving Madagascar further ahead! You can simply share your impressions of the breath - taking photo on this volume's cover (which has been kindly contributed by Peter Oxford and Reneé Bish); as college students, children and older people have done, or you can go further and contribute more to the information sharing in the pages of this Journal. Submit us your stories and impressions as photo essays, or bring your experiences and findings to paper and send us articles, reviews or essays. We are sure you will enjoy the articles in this issue and we hope to see more in the near future.Image en Action Comme tous ceux qui sont affectivement attachés à Madagascar, nous aimons parler de cette grande île, de ses richesses, de ses valeurs profondes, de ses gens, des leçons de vie qu'ils nous ont inculquées, mais si nos expériences aux uns et aux autres ont Madagascar en commun, elles diffèrent certainement en tous points et un journal est ainsi le lieu idéal pour échanger nos points de vue. Ici nous voulons parler des richesses naturelles de Madagascar et de leur protection, de développement et des défis à relever, ou un seul aspect lié à la protection de la nature ou au développement mais surtout et avant tout, nous invitons des hommes et des femmes à prendre la parole. Le journal lance ainsi deux nouvelles rubriques qui sont nées de l'enthousiasme des auteurs, des éditeurs et de nos amis qui partagent tous cette même volonté de communiquer ; les mots sont loin d'être les seuls outils de communication et si nous ne pouvons employer tous les moyens ici, nous savons cependant que les images véhiculent bien des messages, ont cet incroyable pouvoir de nous émouvoir et nous parlent. Et nous avons besoin de vous, de vous entendre, de vous lire, comme nous l'avons fait ici lorsque nous avons donné la parole à des femmes, des hommes et des enfants pour qu'ils nous disent avec leurs mots, leur sensibilité, ce qu'ils ont entendu dans les yeux de cette enfant. Et nous vous attendons pour participer à cette rubrique 'Voicing Over Pictures' ou 'Paroles d'Images' pour partager vos idées, pour communiquer en attendant d'avoir matière à produire un article scientifique, ou pour le dire autrement. Nous pensons par exemple à ceux d'entre vous qui ont eu le courage de faire circuler ces photos de dauphins échoués dans le port d'Antsohihy. Certains ont soupçonné un rapport entre les sonars à balayage latéral d'Exxon Mobil et l'échouage des dauphins sur les côtes proches d'Analalava et d'Antsohihy, ils ne peuvent pas avoir tort car tout cela est connu depuis bien longtemps ; de tels faits sont scientifiquement prouvés et publiés dans des revues à comité de lecture, mais ceux qui constataient les faits sur les côtes malgaches ne voulaient tout simplement pas croire que cela se passait aussi chez eux, en étaient émus, voulaient le hurler, et très fort car Madagascar est parfois tellement loin du reste du monde ! Quelques photographies circulèrent mais furent rapidement remplacées par un silence pesant car la science a besoin de bien plus d'éléments et qu'il lui faut du temps pour procéder aux recherches et mettre ses résultats sous presse. Nous avons reçu des contributions variées pour ce volume et pour n'en citer que quelques unes, l'article « Bats as bushmeat in Madagascar » est une première sur les chauves-souris pour le journal mais qui nous montre des images impressionnantes de ces animaux dans un contexte qui n'est pourtant pas inhabituel, celui où ils se retrouvent accommodés dans une assiette. Un autre article concerne l'un des 25 primates les plus menacés du Monde. Et plutôt que de démissionner et de poursuivre comme d'autres de la lignée l'avaient fait pendant des générations (pour prendre inéluctablement le risque d'aller rejoindre les livres d'Histoire sous la rubrique 'Éteints'), le Lémurien à collier blanc montre qu'il s'adapte à une situation changeante en étant capable de composer dans une forêt ravagée par un cyclone et de s'alimenter de champignons et de fruits épicés d'espèces allogènes ; recette pour survivre ou non, il s'agit pour le moment d'une affaire à suivre. Les auteurs de l'article sur le projet du lac Manambolomaty s'inspirent des croyances et des tabous locaux pour mettre en place un réseau destiné à la protection des ressources naturelles – l'histoire d'une réussite qui relate une fois de plus à quel point les gens sont importants pour protéger une nature qui compte. Partager l'information est primordial et ceci n'est pas un scoop ! Mais avant de pouvoir partager il vous faut les moyens de le faire comme il est montré ici dans l'article sur la radiodiffusion qui peut aller au - delà de la transmission de nouvelles et de divertissement en constituant un outil capable de s'adresser aux communautés les plus isolées et qui étaient loin de toutes les priorités des agences d'aide internationales. La radio peut constituer un outil de choix pour lutter contre la pauvreté qui reste encore et par - dessus tout le plus grand défi à relever à Madagascar. Ainsi, les mots marqueraient - ils le passage du temps dans l'Histoire, de sorte que vous êtes alors tous la future Histoire de Madagascar. Dans ce contexte, le journal présente donc une autre rubrique pour parler des gens qui ont écrit l'histoire du siècle dernier de Madagascar, de ceux qui ont posé des jalons sur la route de la conservation et du développement présents et futurs de l'île. Car il y a des gens qui ont participé à cette Histoire, parfois des légendes vivantes qui ont marqué l'île de leur empreinte, on les aime ou non mais on parle d'eux. Au début du XIXe siècle, les explorations pétrolières firent appel à d'éminents géologues et nous nous rappelons de Raymond Decary (1891 - 1973) qui est, par la suite, devenu un humaniste et un naturaliste chevronné. Plus jeune, un autre géologue a partagé un destin semblable en consacrant sa vie au développement du Sud de Madagascar ainsi qu'à la science et la protection de ses richesses naturelles, ce naturaliste est Charles A. Domergue. Dans Travelling Through Time ou Voyage dans le Temps, nous donnons la parole à ceux qui veulent nous parler de leurs héros, de ces hommes et ces femmes qui ont marqué l'histoire de la protection de la nature et du développement de Madagascar. Pour revenir aux paroles émanant des images, il nous faut admettre que certaines d'entres elles sont aussi destinées à contenter les clichés, ces caricatures qui rassurent et qui doivent traduire la bonne marche du monde. Madagascar est un pays du Sud et le monde veut y voir des images du Sud. Dans le Sud, l'exploitation minière se marie avec l'orpaillage traditionnel, des puits profonds creusés à la sueur du front, des terrils érigés à la force des angady (les pelles locales) dans une ambiance où on frôle un nouveau 'Germinal' ou 'Assommoir' d'un Émile RaZola où le toka gasy (rhum local) remplacerait l'absinthe dans le Sud qui sera pointé du doigt par le Nord. Mais savons - nous seulement à quoi ressemble la réalité ? L'exploitation minière moderne met en place des chantiers élaborés, des moyens d'extraction sophistiqués, se contraint à réaliser les études sociales et d'impact environnemental conformément à des normes internationales, fait appel à des travailleurs et experts de toutes nationalités, efficaces et rompus à utiliser les dernières technologies en la matière. Le Journal voudrait donc inviter ceux qui connaissent ces activités minières, qui étudient spécifiquement les impacts sociaux, économiques et environnementaux mais aussi tous ceux qui admettent qu'il n'y a généralement pas le choix, qui savent que des forêts tropicales disparaissent rapidement de la carte de Madagascar, et avec elles des Indris qui ne chantent plus mais pleureraient s'ils le pouvaient ou si nous pouvions les entendre. Nous avons besoin de vous entendre avec des mots, des paroles d'images et vous invitons à partager vos expertises et expériences car nous voulons tous savoir et nous voudrions comprendre ce que sont les avantages et les inconvénients des exploitations minières ou agricoles à grande échelle à Madagascar. Madagascar Conservation & Development voudrait insister une fois de plus sur le besoin de partager les informations, aussi bien celles des agences gouvernementales que non gouvernementales, des universités ou des particuliers, que des gens de terrain, qu'ils soient en forêt, dans un village ou dans un laboratoire ; le partage et l'information sont des éléments déterminants pour faire avancer Madagascar ! Vous pouvez simplement partager votre sensibilité en nous disant ce que vous voyez dans des images comme l'ont fait des collégiens, des enfants et des moins jeunes pour la superbe photo de couverture aimablement mise à disposition par Peter Oxford et Reneé Bish. Mais avant tout, le journal voudrait inviter des gens qui travaillent dans la Conservation et le Développement à participer à l'échange de l'information ! Soumettez nous vos histoires et vos impressions, sous la forme d'images accompagnées d'une courte légende, ou partagez vos expériences et vos découvertes dans des articles, des revues ou des essais. Nous sommes certains que vous apprécierez la lecture de ce numéro et espérons vous y voir davantage dans un proche avenir.

Issue 28.5 of the Review for Religious, 1969. ; ASSOCIATE EDITORS Everett A. Diederich, S.J. Augustine G. Ellard. S.J. ASSISTANT EDITOR John L. Treloar, S.J. QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS EDITOR Joseph F. Gallen, S.J. Correspondence with the editor, the associate editors, and the assistant editor, as well as books for review, should be sent to REVIEW VOR R~Joxous; 612 Humboldt Building; 539 North Grand Boulevard; Saint Louis, Missouri 63to3. Questions for answering should be sent to Joseph F. Gallen, S.J.; St. Joseph's Church; 321 Willings Alley; Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19106. + + + REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS Edited with eccleslastmal appro~ d by faculty members of the School of Divinity of Saint Louts Umverslty, the editorial olhces being located at 612 Humboldt Building, 539 North Grand Boulevard, Same Louts, ~dlssouri 63103. Owned by the Missouri Province Edu-cational Institute. Published bimonthly and copyright t~) 1969by REVIEW roa REt.lmo~s at 428 East Preston Street; Baltimore, Mars-land 21202. Printed in U.S.A. Second class postage paid at Baltimore, Maryland and at additional mailing offices. Single copies $1.00. Subscription U.S.A. and Canada $5.00 a year, $9.00 for two years; other countries: $5.50 a year, $10.00 for two years Orders should indicate whether they are for new or renewal subscriptions and should be accompanied by check or money orderpaya-hie to REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS in LI.S.A currency only. Pay no money to persons claiming to represent REview vor~ RELIGIOL$ Change of address requests should include former address. Renewals and new subscriptions, where accom-panied by a remittance, should be sent to REvlF.w vo~ RELInIot~s; P. O. Box 671; Baltimore, Maryland 21203. Changes of address, business correspondence, and orders not accompanied by a remittance should be sent to REvIEw FOR RELIGIOUS; 428 East Preston Street; Baltimore, Maryland 21202. Manuscripts, editorial cor-respondence, and books for review should be sent to R~vmw FOrt RE~.IoIot:s; 612 Humboldt Building; 539 North Grand Boulevard, Saint Louis, Missouri 63103. Questions for answering should be sent to the address of the Questions and Answers editor. SEPTEMBER 1969 VOLUME 28 NUMBER 5 JOHN CARROLL FUTRELL, S.J. Some Reflections on the Religious Life It is no secret that today many religious are under-going a painful identity crisis. Participating in the con-fusion that always accompanies dramatic change in cul-tural patterns (complicated by the extreme rapidity of this change in our modern world), religious are further troubled by the problems posed very existentially to them in their effort to obey the call of Vatican II to renew their authentic living of the gospel pattern ac-cording to the original inspiration of their founder and to adapt their way of living to the signs of the times. The breakdown of external structures which in the past had supported their interior commitment, the loss of comforting customs which had provided a kind of.touch-stone of authenticity (however formalized one felt them to be), the disconcerting shift of attitudes toward the place of the religious life within the Church, the value placed upon active insertion into a secularized world, the challenges to faith itself posed by new theological and liturgical languages and symbols--all of these fac-tors together have brought up in' the minds of many religious agonizing questions concerning the value and even the validity of their lives. A basic question that is often repeated is whether it is possible to specifically distinguish religious life from lay life as a Christian. Having grown up in a culture that took it for granted that the religious life was the "way of perfection" and a "higher" or "better" form of Christian living and, perhaps, having included this idea within the complex of personal motives for following the vocation to the religious life, some re-ligious feel lost and without identity in a world where such abstract and tendentious comparisons are no longer significant. Members of various religious congregations wonder whether there is anything really meaningful in their specific vocation. A divisive and potentially death- 'dealing polarization develops in some communities be- John Carroll Futrell, S.J., is a faculty member of St. Louis University Divinity School; 220 North Spring Ave-nue; St. Louis, Mis-souri 63108. VOL~UME 28, 1969 705 + ÷ ÷ ~lohn Carroll Futrell, $.J. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS tween those who cling for personal survival to old structures of living, praying, and working, and those who are impatient to reject all that has gone before and to embrace all that is new simply because it is new. The following reflections are addressed to only some aspects of these difficult problems. Much time and prayer Will be needed before effective solutions are found to .them. Nevertheless, it is important that religious do reflect upon them and that they share their reflections with one another in an effort to discern what God is asking of us as religious in our own times. What is offered in the following pages, then, are some reflections, firstly, on the meaning of Christian spirituality in it-self-- whether lived by laymen or by religious; then, on the accurate location of the difference between lay life and religious life; and, finally, on the religious life as institutionalized in the Church and on the function of community structures within religious congregations. A Christian is a person whose life in the world derives its meaning from his faith in Jesus Christ encountered in His Church--who discovers in Jesus Christ God re-vealing Himself to man, judging and freeing us by the cross and resurrection of Christ, and sending His Spirit to enable us to share now and forever in the divine life of the Trinitarian community of love. Ad-herence to a creed of truths, following a moral code, commitment to living out certain religious values: all these are consequences of the basic faith experience of the person of Jesus Christ. A person who merely in-tellectually assents to propositions or who merely decides to espouse certain humanitarian values derived from the gospel is not truly a Christian unless these positions are expressions of his commitment in faith to Jesus Christ and of his belief in the good news which Christ proclaimed. When this faith in Jesus Christ is freely and de-cisively assumed as personal commitment by a person (and not merely as a sociological fact of "religion" in his life), this is the result of a personal experience of the person of Jesus Christ. That is to say, the individual recognizes in the divine revelation in Christ, witnessed to by the Apostles and handed down by the Church, the identification of the universal experience of the trans-cendent- the unknown God obscurely encountered in the openness of the human spirit to the mysterious Absolute. In spite of all the various scientific, philo-sophical, psychological, and magical efforts to explain away this experience, it remains real and undeniable in the self-awareness of human beings who have achieved a certain level of consciousness. Indeed, most children seem to have a real experience of God when they are very young. Wordsworth wrote reams of poetry testifying to this. Teilhard de Chardin has written eloquently of the growth of his experience in The Divine Milieu and has pointed out the errors into which men have fallen "in their attempts to place or even to name the uni-versal Smile" (Torch Books, p. 129). Contact with the Other who makes us feel his presence-in-absence in this experience has been the underlying goal of all the great world religions--and of the psychedelic games of today. The Christian is the person who recognizes in Jesus Christ the face of God: "I am in the Father and the Father is in me." Christian faith experience, then, is the consciousness ¯ of recognition: a recognition of the one true God ex-perienced in one's own interior experience of fulfill-ment, of completion, of "coming home" in faith in Jesus Christ; a recognition experienced also in seeing the lives of Christians who embody the word proclaimed by the Church, in the word of Scripture, in the break-ing of the Eucharistic bread, and progressively in one's own experience of new manhood through lived faith. Faith is certitude derived from the authenticity of witness---of signs--and experienced through living it. It is vital to recognize the particular form of certitude had in faith. It is the certitude of experiential experi-ence, the certitude that comes from fully experienced living. This is the highest form of practical certitude enjoyed by human beings, the form of certitude upon which we base our actual living. It has been well said that "theory is good, but it does not excuse you from living." Men do not guide their lives by the coherent symmetry of logical theories but by the practical under-standing that comes from the certitude of lived ex-perience. For example, the only way that I know that another person really loves me is by faith certitude. I cannot "get into the skin of another," cannot share the unique and incommunicable act of self-awareness within which the other freely determines his relation-ships to all that is exterior to himself---including me. My assurance that he does indeed love me can be based only on signs--words, gestures, all the human modes of non-verbal communication, actions of self-giving, and so forth. Yet, I can come to the greatest certitude of his love because of my lived experience of it. The certitude of faith in Jesus Christ, then, is the certitude of lived experience. It is faith--not the knowl-edge derived from empirical experience of the senses or of microscopes or test tubes, not the knowledge result-ing from the logical necessity of a syllogism, but faith + + 4. VOLUME 28, '1969 707 John Futrell, $.]. REV]EW FOR RELIGIOUS in witness and signs authenticated in the living per-sonal experience of God in the person of Jesus Christ risen and living in His Church. The experience of God is always the experience of presence-in-absence, just as is the experience of personal relationship with any person. Because another person is constituted in his selfhood by his unique self-aware-ness, there always remains a new depth of his person to be penetrated, a further horizon of mutual knowledge and love to beckon us onward. The greatest degree of union and love we reach in our mutual presence always opens outwards to a new profundity yet to be sought --the fascinating and wonderful absence discovered in mutual presence which makes personal relationship a dynamic always growing life and not a gtatic, finished work. Our personal relationship with God in prayer is characterized by this same presence-in-absence, this same experienced love and union, this same certitude of something being lived. Indeed, even our self-awareness is marked by presence-in-absence. The only "I" that I am is the self of the present moment summing up all my past history and straining towards my future self-actualization. But I never grasp this present of myself: it slips into my past even as I try to focus upon it. I know the present, my present, only in the lived experieuce of a unique kind of actuality, of plenitude, of density and richness. I know myself with certitude as presence-in-absence. In the lived experience of God as presence-in-absence in prayer, there is a similar plenitude, richness, density, actuality; and in opening ourselves to welcome God in this experience, we are conscious of a profound tran-quillity, peace, calm--a recognition of "rightness," of our authentic, fulfilled selves. It is this primordial ex-perience of peace in absolute openness to God, in total responsiveness to His word, which, is the touchstone of all future discernment of specific response to a specific divine call in a here and now situation. This experi-enced certitude of lived faith is discovered through the authentic testimony of witnesses who embody the word for us, and it is grasped in our own act of faith because of the signs manifested by these witnesses. This certitude grows progressively stronger as we have the living experience of our own faith, until our faith in God in Jesus Christ becomes the greatest certitude of our lives, a certitude daily renewed and accomplished anew everyday, just as is our love of another. On the other hand, it is important to notice the es-sential difference between the experience of personal relations with other human persons and with God in Christ. Another human is bodily present to me and his body mediates his interiority to me. God is not bodily present to me nor is the risen Christ in His human body. I cannot affirm the existence of God as the basis of the experience of his presence-in-absence as I can affirm the existence of another man. Even philosophical demonstrations of the existence of God, while they may be perfectly valid, do not give me God as the object of interior experience. For this reason, even the greatest mystics have always testified that they never felt that their interior experi-ence placed them outside the domain of faith. It is al-ways by faith, which is essentially a divine gift originat-ing from a gracious divine initiative, that we come to realize our experience of God in Christ. The Christian life, then, is a faith--a life of faith. No matter how we analyze the spiritual life according to human scien-tific categories, the object of our experience never leaves the realm of faith. That is why divine revelation in the Bible in no way claims to be a theory of our relations with God. On the contrary, it is the history of this relation which is there taught. And it is fundamental that the origin of our existence and of our reIationship with God is His divine initiative, that the beginning of this history is divine. This fact exactly situates the continuing relationship between God and us: every-thing depends upon His divine initiative. Faith is al-ways a gift. To be a Christian, then, means to live a life grounded in the personal faith experience of God in Jesus Christ. Now, human beings first experience--first live, and only thereafter do they seek to express their experiences and to reflect upon them. It is vital, therefore, to dis-tinguish the lived experience from its expression and from theoretical reflection upon this expression. In the life of the Church, lived Christian experience, the living tradition of the Christ-event as experienced by the community of believers, is primordial. The expressions of this experience at various historical and cultural epochs during the last two thousand years are only temporally conditioned, relative expressions of this ex-perience. The role of theology within the Church is always the re-expression and the re-interpretation of this primordial Christian experience in contemporary language, contemporary conceptual structures, contem-porary cultural contexts. What is essential is always authentically to preserve spiritual continuity across rad-ical cultural discontinuity. Similarly, the faith experience of an individual Chris-tian, beginning with his earliest experiences of God as a child, are necessarily conditioned in their relative expression by the language, the. symbols, the images ÷ ÷ ÷ Religious Li]e VOLUME 28, 1969 709 John Carroll REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS ~10 available to him at a given age and stage of maturity. As he grows humanly and intellectually and rejects the anthropomorphic images of early childhood, such as God the kind grandaddy with a long beard, or the romantic idealizations of adolescence (which were the only modes of expression then available to him), he must not at the same time reject his certitude of the lived experience of God. All the great masters of prayer testify that prayer becomes progressively simpler, more and more leaning upon bare faith, less and less at-tached to a series of concepts or emotions. This is because one is entering more profoundly into the density and richness of God's presence-in-absence, into the lived experience of personal union with God in Christ which is beyond expression and theorizing. There is no greater certitude in life than this lived experience of God. The individual Christian, too, must preserve au-thentic spiritual continuity across the radical discon-tinuity of his language and images and symbols as he grOWS. Now, the Christian, having found the meaning of his life in the world in his faith in Jesus Christ, must live this faith in all the situations of his daily life. He must witness to his faith by a Christian style of life, a Christian spirituality. This is always true of all Chris-tians, even though the concrete expressions of this life style are relative to the historical and cultural context and the concrete situations within which Christianity is being lived. The essential elements of Christian spirituality are always the same: living out Christ's great command-ment of love according ~o the general norms He enunci-ated in the Beatitudes and exemplified in His life. How-ever, these essential elements will be expressed in different ways discerned by prophetically interpreting ex-istential situations, that is to say, by prayerfully reflect-ing upon the challenges posed by the signs of the times in the light of the gospel, in order to recognize and respond to God's word here and now. It is through listening to the world--the existential word of God--- and at the same time listening to the Spirit--the pro-phetic word of God in Christ in the Church and in the individual Christian--that through a continuing dia-lectic the Christian discerns how to live his Christian faith here and now. He confirms the validity of the decision arrived at through this discernment by com-paring his inner experience of peace and tranquillity in this specific choice with the peace and tranquillity enjoyed in his primordial experience of openness and surrender to God in Christ. All Christians are called to this essential Christian spirituality. In living their discerned life style, all Chris-tians must witness to both the incarnational and the eschatological aspects of the Christ life which animates the Church: the presence of the Spirit of the risen Christ in His Church renewing tile earth by unifying mankind and transforming the universe--building the earth to its fulfillment in Christ-Pleroma; and also the Christian hope in Christ who is to come in the final accomplish-ment of the kingdom of God in the Parousia. All Chris-tians must express the "cosmological" love of God im-manent in the ongoing new creation accomplished by the Spirit of Christ through the efforts of men in the history of the world; and all must express the "trans-cendent" love of God the absolute future of man--the Father who is known only in Christ, the Trinitarian community of love which will be shared perfectly by men in their union with one another and with the Father in Christ through the Spirit when Christ comes again. The manner in which individual Christians are to express ,this twofold Christian love is discerned in the here and now situation of their own historical and cultural context. This individual expression takes place within the community of Christians and is grounded in the initiative that comes from God: different gifts, dif-ferent charisms, different divine initiatives, different calls--all for the service of the entire People of God, all ordered to the community expression of the Christ life in the world and to the embodiment of the two aspects of Christian love. II Essentially, then, there is only one Christian spirit-ualitv, always aimed at the full possession of all men b~ tl~e Father through Christ in the Spirit. This is true because there is only one essential Christian vision of the meaning of life in the world, a vision based upon the faith experience of God revealing Himself to men in Christ through the Spirit living in the Church. The differences in the manner of living out this one spirituality originate in the various expressions of this spirituality determined by historical and cultural con-texts and, also, in the different charisms given by the Holy Spirit to individual Christians to enable them to serve the Church in specific ways. The distinctive func-tions within the Church of bishops, priests, religious, and laymen are grounded in these different charisms. The distinctive styles of life or spiritualities observable in the lives of married persons and religious are simply distinctive ways of living the one Christian spirituality ÷ VOLUME 28, 1969 ~ohn Carroll ~ Futrell, S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS which must he fully expressed by the whole Church as a community. For instance, an essential element in the one spirit-uality of all Christians is evangelical poverty in its root meaning of an attitude (a beatitudel) of anawim: aware-ness of man's dependence upon God in Christ resulting in single-hearted seeking of God and issuing in acts of peacemaking and of mercy towards others. This attitude must be embodied by all Christians in lives showing forth the two-fold incarnational and eschato-logical Christian love. Living as anawim according to the Beatitudes, all Christians often will discern the call to acts of renunciation of real human values in order to be true to their faith in Christ; and these actions will witness not only to their faith in the risen Christ present in the Church and renewing creation here and now, but also to their eternal hope in Him who is to come in the final fulfillment of the kingdom--their existen-tial acknowledgment of God as the absolute future of man in Christ. The vowed evangelical poverty and chastity and obedience of Christians who are called to the religious life, then, is not the only way to practice or to express the eschatological aspect of Christian love. Neverthe-less, the life of the vows is the only way to manifest this aspect through the signification of an entire life to bear permanent, visible witness to it in the world. Any Christian living out his Christianity authentically .is called upon in many ways to renounce various goods and values in order to take up his cross and follow Jesus. Think of men and women who in order to fulfill their vocation in the sacrament of marriage or as parents or as truly just and loving neighbors to other men are challenged to sacrifice desirable goods and values for the sake of fidelity to Christ in their daily lives. Never-theless, the overall, visible style of li[e of the l~y Christian in its permanent life pattern manifests above all the aspect of Christian love in the Church which is to work in the world in order to transform it in Christ, continuing the incarnation of Christ by building the earth. Although this Christian lay life includes and, when necessary, expresses the eschatological aspect of the Church, it shows forth in its basic dynamism the in-carnational aspect. On the .other hand, a religious in his actual work of serving the Church normally is equally engaged in the ,work of building up Christ in mankind and in the world. He too lives and expresses the incarnational as-pect to the Church. But by the public foregoing of the 'high, positive, human values renounced through his vows, the total meaning of the being-in-the-world of the religious becomes the tangible insertion into this incarnational dynamism of the eschatological aspect which is visibly manifested through the overall, perma-nent pattern of life according to the evangelical coun-sels. To make permanently visible to men this eschato-logical dimension of the Church is the specific meaning of the religious life as a distinctive way of living Christianity. As Karl Rahner has pointed out, that which con-stitutes the unique signification of the vowed evangelical counsels in the religious life is that this is the perma-nent foregoing of high, positive, human values for the sake of a value which cannot be the object of a direct experience, a value which necessarily must be believed in and hoped [or. By their vows religious abandon a possible experience in favor of a value that is now possessed only in faith and hope. That is to say, it is possible for me to have the experience of possessing the results of my work, of having a wife and children, of exercising my own autonomy of choice; but I possess the value of the fulfillment of the kingdom now only in my faith and hope in Christ who is to come. The re-nunciation of the vows is a visible manifestation of permanent and absolute openness to God's future for man in Christ. This renunciation, therefore, is the visible expression and the continual realization of love for God much more in the eschatological dimension of this love than in its terrestrial or incarnational dimen-sion. Even the unbeliever must recognize the meaning of a gesture of faith and hope and love which is the perma-nent renunciation of these positive human, values through the vows. For example, a man in vowing chas-tity "puts his body on the line" until death because of his faith and hope and love of Christ who is to come, and thereby he visibly witnesses in a most striking way to this faith and hope and love. One can believe that this faith and hope and love is absurd, but one cannot deny its depth in the People of God among whom it can call forth such a visible testimony. All Christians, then,--religious and lay--must live both incarnational and eschatological love. But the over-all pattern and significance of the Christian lay vocation is visible witness to the incarnational aspect of the Church, while the overall pattern and significance of the religious life of the vowed evangelical counsels is visible witness to the eschatological aspect. The distinction between lay life and religious life in the Church, therefore, is not to be sought in a difference of the basic Christian vision o~ of the essential Christian spirituality. The distinction is. to be sought, 4. VOLUME 28a 1969 ÷ John Carroll Futrell, SJ. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS rather, in the variety of charisms and the different modes of response to the divine initiative. The difference arises from distinctive ways of living the one Christian life, that is, particular ways of responding to and of ex-pressing the love of God through following Christ within a permanent life pattern having a specifically different, total, overall signification than do other particular ways of living Christianity. Whatever might be concluded through theoretical discussions based upon various hier-archical models, there can be no question in the real order of one Christian way of life being "higher" or "better" than another. It is a question rather of a charism, of the divine initiative and authentic response to it which can only be the "best" for the individual person responding to God's call to him. III A community of persons has a history, just as does an individual person. In the history of the community of Christian believers, the Church, there has been from the beginning an evolution of "structured" charisms, dis-cerned by the community as authentic responses to the divine initiative for service of the People of God. These structured charisms have been lived by groups of in-dividuals who have been given these charisms, organiz-ing themselves into institutionalized communities for service of the Church through lives devoted primarily either to prayer, to spiritual or corporal works of mercy, or to apostolic mission. In this way, the religious life developed as a distinctive, institutionalized way of liv-ing Christianity, eventually having its own juridical description in canon law. From the groups congregat-ing around St. Antony in the desert to the official recognition of secular institutes in 1948, this evolution has continued (as it still does) in the response of Chris-tians to divine initiatives within diverse historical and cultural contexts. A Christian who discerns that he has been given the charism of service of the Church in the religious life enters into the institutional structure of this charism by public, vowed commitment to the three evangelical counsels, declared to the whole People of God repre-sented by the one who in the name of the Church re-ceives the vows. By so doing, this Christian establishes himself in a permanent, distinctive life style which has a special and unique force as a sign of one aspect of the one spirituality of the entire Christian commu-nity. His response to the divine initiative is, therefore, his acceptance of the charism of his vocation. The personal experience of Jesus Christ is the basis of all Christian faith. When this experience is char- acterized by certain qualities, the result is that one is simply impelled to give his whole life and all his love to Jesus Christ through living the vowed evangelical counsels. Depending upon certain other characteristics of this personal experience of Jesus Ctirist, one feels simply impelled to consecrate all his life and energy to prayer for the People of God in the contemplative life or to their active service and to helping other persons to share this faith experience of Jesus Christ through apostolic mission. This Christian's whole life as a re-ligious is grounded in this faith experience; and it depends for its growth and depth and permanence upon the growth and depth and permanence of his personal relationship to Jesus Christ in love. The original charism must come to its complete fulfillment. The individual choice to live the religious life in one specific religious community rather than another is the result of the judgment that one's own response to the divine initiative discerned in the charism of his vocation can be best embodied in this specific community voca-tion. He discovers his personal identity as a Christian person precisely in the community identity of this re-ligious order or congregation. The community identity of a given religious congre-gation is rooted in the original inspiration of the founder(s), the basic vision of a particular way of follow-ing Christ, which underlies all the different techniques devised to try to live out this vision within different historical and cultural contexts. Where, as in many apostolic congregations, the basic vision of various com-mumtles as similar or even identical, the specific differ-ence of these congregations arises from their particular approach to service or mission and from the history of each congregation in living out the basic vision. The history of an institution progressively charac-terizes this institution in its identity, just as the personal history of a man characterizes his identity. A man of forty carries with him the accumulated characteristics oflhis own personal evolution. His face and body and psychology are marked by specific traits by which he identifies himself to himself and by which other people identify him. This is equally true of different religious congregations. That which is essential today, then, in order to ac-complish authentic renewal of religious congregations is to truly discover the original inspiration of the founder, the basic vision, the radical intention neces-sarily expressed by the founder in the language (images, symbols, gestures, practices, ways of action) of his own historical and cultural context. 0nly when this basic vision is clear is it possible to discern how to express it ÷ ÷ ÷ Religious Li~e VOLUME 28~ 1969 ÷ ÷ ÷ John Carroll Futrell, S.~. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS authentically in the new language imposed upon us by the signs of our times: to preserve spiritual con-tinuity across cultural discontinuity. Furthermore, since there is no infallible guarantee of the permanent worth of this basic vision, and since charisms can be given for time-conditioned service of the People of God, it must be discerned whether or not the basic vision and, so, the existence of a given religious congregation is still valid and valuable in the ongoing life of the Church. When it is discerned that a religious congregation can still make a real contribution to the life and mission of the Church, then courageous and loyal adaptation of life style must be undertaken in order to renew the true embodiment of the basic vision of this community here and now. Whatever means are discerned to be authentic and effective for this end, these will have to be structured into the life of the community. The com-munity is made up of individual body-persons who find their own personal identity in the community identity. Their mutual union in this community of persons is grounded in this profound identification of life meaning which they share with one another. Unless this profound union is embodied in some really ex-perienced way in common worship, common ways of living, common service of the Church, it is inevitable that it will float off into the realm of pure abstract theory, an ideal existing only as a dream. During a time of dramatic cultural change such as we are now experiencing, it is clear that there must be much experimentation with community structures, al-ways discerned according to the criterion of the re-newed basic vision of the community. Indeed, at present the indications are that much pluralism must be al-lowed. But especially during a time of pluralistic ex-periments, ways must be found to embody the total unity of the entire community sufficiently and frequently enough to keep it real. This is absolutely imposed upon us because we are body-persons, a fact too often forgotten with disastrous results. The fundamental problem posed by the necessity of embodying community unity through some form of structures is the continual need to carry on the dialectic of the individual good and the common good, personal initiative and aspirations and community ideals and commitments. The aim should be to effect a synthesis of these personal and community elements as often as possible through true mutual discernment. But when such a synthesis proves impossible, after this discern-ment, it is the universal good of the community which must be given priority in making decisions, precisely because the personal identity of each individual member is found in the community identity. In any community, even that of two persons in marriage, there is a new reality larger than each individual 'T': it is the reality of "we." The final word must always be given to this Because of the depth of their union grounded in common personal identity, the persons belonging to a religious community have a unique foundation for true, warm, human mutual love. This love must be experi-enced and embodied in aII the ways that go to establish and develop human interpersonal relationships and to confronting difficulties of temperament, disagreement, misunderstanding, and so forth. Since this union is the result of divinely given charisms, every effort must be made to share the basic faith experience of Jesus Christ which is the source of the communion of persons in this religious community. Because the individual experience itself is not verbal but lived, this sharing must be chiefly on the level of non-verbal communication. Here communitarian prayer can be very effective. Listening to another praying to God, even in language that I myself couhl not use, is a most effective way to come to the recognition that he shares the same faith experience of Jesus Christ, the same charism, the same response of life commitment, as do I. If the members of a religious community do share the basic faith experience of Jesus Christ which grounds their unity and their life together, then they will be enabled to grow in true human love for one another. Where there is profound union and an atmosphere of mutual love, it is possible to disagree (even violently) about means to ends without becoming polarized and, finally, disunited and destroyed as a community. Dif-ferences will be seen for what they are: differences of language and symbols which are conditioned by cultural contexts and, so, are completely relative, deriving their value only from their effectiveness in embodying the basic vision which remains the ground of union. Where deep union and mutual love are present, it will be recognized that persons in the community in responding to community-discerned adaptations are not to be condemned if they find it difficult to adjust to what for them is a new and foreign language to express their personal identity issuing from their personal faith experience of Jesus Christ. This is a matter of the dif-ficulty of changing ways of structuring and of expressing experience which have been built up over a lifetime, rather than a matter of a negative attitude to renewal and adaptation. The only attitude that one must change (whether he be "traditionally" or "progressively" oriented) is that 4. Religious Li~e VOLUME 28~ 1969 4" 4" ÷ John Carroll Futrell, $.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS o[ fixation: confusing language with experience and means with ends and insisting that unless things are done my way, they cannot be authentically Christian. This is equivalent to saying: "If you speak French in-stead of American English, you cannot be expressing truly human thoughts and feelings." Redemption from fixation--and from polarization--will be achieved through sharing the faith experience of Jesus Christ and only thereafter attempting to find a language to express this experience. These reflections have led to the conclusion that the religious has his personal identity through his response to a particular divine initiative, his acceptance of a special charism discerned in the characteristics of his personal faith experience of Jesus Christ. The religious embodies his response to this charism by vowing himself to the life of the evangelical counsels in a specific re-ligious community. This means that he commits him-self to witness visibly by the total signification of his overall pattern of life to the eschatological aspect of Christian love lived in the Church. Within the community of Christians, all of whom ~hare one Christian spirituality, the distinctive role of the religious is permanently to manifest the faith and hope of the entire People of God in Christ who is to COmae. The religious' life of union with his companions in his own religious community is a life of mutual love grounded in the community identity of shared faith experience of Christ, which is expressed in the basic vision of this community's service of Christ in His Church, and which is embodied in community struc-tures adapted to the signs of the times through authentic discernment. The way towards a solution of the difficult problems being experienced by religious today, therefore, would seem above all to be the way of a universal renewal in all religious of their profound, personal faith experi-ence of Jesus Christ and a renewal of their mutual union and mutual love through mutually sharing this experience. It is through union with Jesus Christ that we shall achieve communion with one another. EDWARD G. BOZZO, C.F.X. Being-toward- Community:. Essence oJ Religious Life As the over-delayed Instruction (dated Jan. 6, 1969) from the Congregation of Religious concedes, the forma-tion of young religious is a topic of deep concern today. Leaving to others the full assessment of that ,uneven document which, in my view, hovers indecisively between old and new theologies, between an essentially juridical conception of religious life and some attempt to touch its theological pith, what I would urge is that religious life is dominantly about community and that this must be sustained as the master idea in considering every phase of its renewal. Though this is a simplification un-less qualified as I hope to do further on in this article, it is at present the hermeneutical wedge needed to cut through the complexities renewal involves. If, I submit, in the light of the recent Instruction, religious congrega-tions attempt to grapple with formation as a problem apart from the religious life as centrally concerned with creating and maintaining community, their adaptations of formation programs will be misfocused or foundering. As is evident from my intentional use of first person references, I present a personal (though I hope not un-substantiated) point of view as forcefully as I can. In doing so I make no claim to infallibility but hope that in presenting a position as vigorously as possible that I might at the very least provide the reader with a means of clarifying his own notions of the religious life, even if it be by disagreeing with those presented here. Though my topic is the general import of the idea that religious life is essentially the sustained effort toward community, let me begin by briefly stating the connection between this thesis and the specific question of the forma-tion of young religious. And let me begin this brief Edward Bozzo, C.F.X., is a mem-ber of Xaverian College; I0000 New Hampshire Avenue; Silver Springs, Md. 2090~1. VOLUME 28, 1969 + 4. Edward G. Bozzo, C.F.X. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS treatment from the juridical aspect of the religious life --a perhaps more familiar starting point to middle-aged religious--that irrelevant species of which I am a member. Two other prenotes: I write as a member of what is usually called an active religious congregation and I beg pardon of any sister who might read this for main-taining masculine references throughout. Men become religious, in the technical sense, by pro-nouncing vows to God through His visible Church. These vows are called public in a technical sense, namely, that the Church so designates and recognizes them as con-stituting a person in the religious state. To describe how these spare juridical facts occur in actual life, how-ever, it would have to be added that a person becomes a religious by joining a specific religious institute approved by the Church. This datum is [taught with significance. Among other things, it means that one's chief source of awareness of what being a religious means comes ~rom the particular religious with whom he lives. One's idea of what the practice of the vows means, of the style of life to which they give rise, one's idea of life in common and dedicated service to others--all of these one learns from the religious with whom one lives. (;anon law and the institute's constitutions, no matter how well expressed, capture these realities only partially and in bare out-line. I Both are theoretical instruments which subserve the experience of religious life which latter holds the primacy, not vice versa.2 Since one's self-definition as a religious, for one's whole life as a religious, has its source in the lives of the reli-gious with whom one lives, it follows that our life in 1 See Friedrich Wulf, "Decree on the Appropriate Renewal of the Religious Life," in Commentary on the Documents o[ Vatican II, v. 2, ed. Herbert Vorgrimler (New York: Herder and Herder, 1968), p. 303, where Wulf notes that it will take religious congrega-tions a long time to overcome the narrowness which has plagued the official ecclesiastical concept of the religious life, especially since the 19th century. See also pp. 338, 340, and 362. ~ In philosophical terms, though we always need theory, it is ex-perience, the practical, which holds the primacy. Theory derives from practice and serves practice. To reverse this order is to create a host of difficulties in daily life. See John Macmurray, The Sel[ as .4gent (London: Faber and Faber, 1957), pp. 17ft. As regards religious life, it is necessary to recall not only that theory derives from experience and helps to interpret experience, but also that the theoretical apparatus has been overjuridical in its emphasis. Hence, even though theory is subservient to experience, now as never before, religious life requires work on its theoretical base. As Wulf remarks in commenting on chapters five and six of the Dogmatic Constitution on the Church: "The theology of the reli-gious state is only in the making," Commentary on the Documents o] Vatican //, v. 1, ed. Herbert Vorgrimler (New York: Herder and Herder, 1967), p. 278. See Wulf in Vorgrimler, v. 2, p. $43: "Religious life today, that of active orders in particular, is becoming less and less amenable to detailed regulation." common is and ever remains the formative influence in our lives. Religious life does not escape the law of our lives as persons: we need one another to be ourselves,s Indeed, religious life aims to express this with a force un-paralleled by other styles of life.4 Whether or not they really believe it, at least many religious are now saying that religious formation never ends. The principal reason why it does not is that we ever depend on our fellow religious for discovering the implications of our lives as persons dedicated to God.5 The practical consequence of these facts for our con-gregations is that each one of us, whether he acknowl-edges the fact or prefers to dwell in illusion, plays a form-ative role. He cannot shirk this fact, nor the obligation arising from it by pretending that it is the novice master's job or the task of a group or team more particularly associated with young religious. For all of us formation is continual so long as we lead lives of mutual interde-pendence-- a phrase which describes our very condition as persons, and therefore our lives as religious as well. Under either head, life in common is essential. From the point of view of formation, personal and religious, our lives of mutual interdependence constitute our chief source of strength and progress, as well as the source of our obligation to live for our fellows. It scarcely needs mentioning that this mode of dis-course is currently employed to talk of Christian life in general and that there is nothing particularly distinctive about it so as to mark off religious as a spedal class,o That 8 See John Macmurray, Persons in Relation (London: Faber and Faber, 1961), p. 211. ' "The theological and spiritual new mentality which the council introduced into the religious orders has forced us to pose anew the question about the structures of religious life. To begin with we must mention the fundamental law which was present at the founding of every religious order, and which has moved into the forefront of Christian thought today in a specially urgent manner: the law of brotherliness" (Wulf in Vorgrimler, v. 2, p. 330). ~ Obviously this does not preclude a religious learning from those not members of the religious fraternity. See Wulf in Vorgrimler, v. 2, p. 339: "Common prayer, spiritual conversation among brethren and sisters--things which in fact make them brethren and sisters-- alone cause all of their efforts to bear fruit. The place where spiritual renewal happens is in the small group. The more a com-munity fosters these small groups, the greater the hope that the work of the general chapter will go beyond mere words and regula-tions, and reach out into real life." e Commenting on Chapter 5 of the Dogmatic Constitution on the Church, Wulf, in Vorgrimler, v. 1, pp, 267-8, writes: "We are all set a single goal, one and the same Christian holiness (the degree of which., can and does vary according, to the vocation and the measure of grace allotted to each man). Ultimately, there-fore, there is only one kind of Christian life, and its nature is briefly sketched for us here: (1) The inward road that leads a Christian to his salvation (and often the outward road as well) + + .I-Being- toward. Community VOLUME 28, 1969 + ÷ ÷ Edward G. Bozzo, C.F.X. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS should not be surprising, since the religious life is not .a. privileged class existence, but the Christian life lived with utter seriousness. It has been the custom to define religious life in terms of Christian life. Hence, when individualistic notions of Christian life prevailed, reli-gious life--Christian calling lived intensely--was defined in individualistic patterns. When the dominant con-ception of Christian life was saving one's soul, the concomitant conception of religious life was a perfec-tion that made little of the social dimension of personal and Christian progress.7 Thanks to a host of long germinating movements in the field of theology itself (Biblical studies, for example) and in the world of thought more generally (most signifi-cantly in philosophy), individualism is seen now as an unrealistic way of conceptualizing personal existence,s As persons we do not possess any fullness of ourselves alone. We do not store up richness of interiority on our own and then issue forth to bestow our largesse upon others if and when we feel magnanimous enough to do depends at the deepest level on the guidance of the Holy Ghost and the promptings of his grace. (2) At every turn, therefore, in every situation he encounters, the Christiau must listen for the voice of the Spirit making known God's will for him., and obey it. This obedience is what the gospel calls adoring the Father in spirit and in truth (cf. Jn 4:23), and it means utter openness to God and utter docility to him. (3) Within the framework of the Christian dis-pensation taking this road means following the poor and humble Christ as he carries the Cross. (4) On this road the main business of the Christian is a living faith that stirs up hope and acts through love. At a time when every state of life and every community in the Church is trying to expound its own particular spirituality (and often ineptly), it is well for this Constitution to remind us of the one fundamental Christian spirituality of Scripture and tradition." Further: "What they all have in common is this: that Christian sanctification is not a road running parallel to the road of one's ordiuary life and work, but is a thing achieved in and through one's state of life with its daily tasks, in and through the concrete circumstances and events of one's existence." ~See Wulf in Vorgrimler, v. 2, p. 347, n. 11 especially. As Rahner writes: "This sense of being responsible for my brother, not only for his earthly needs but precisely for his eternal salvation, may be nothing short of decisive for my own eternal salvation. This is not sublime egoism. The realization that unless one loves selflessly one is risking one's own salvatiou does not imply some higher form of egoism. It is the scale by which I can measure how absolutely necessary is concern for my brother's salvation. The possibility that he has of working out his salvation without me means that he owes me nothing. But I can find myself only if I find my brother. The whole of life has got to be a forward movement towards loving my brother. I must love my brother, and in that love forget myself. If I do that, I am an apostle. If I do not do it, I am ultimately lost" (Karl Rahner, Christian in the Market Place [New York: Sheed and Ward, 1966], pp. 13-4). ~ See William F. Lynch, Images o] Hope (New York: New Ameri-can Library, 1966), p. 185. so.0 Hard as it may be for men, especially Americans, to swallow it, no one in his existence as a person exists in-dependently of other persons.10 The terminus a quo of personal life is a complete dependence on a personal other and the terminus acl quem is not rugged individ-ualism but interdependence with others.11 Personal exis-tence is and ever remains conditional upon mutuality with other persons. Failure to live according to this basic norm of our being is, in William F. Lynch's view, one of the root causes of mental illness. In religious terms it is Pelagianism. As Biblical studies have made apparent with ever increasing emphasis and as the recent conciliar documents attest, God calls us as He did Israel, as a people; He saves us as a people; .we worship Him as a people. In short, Christianity is fraternal faith, demon-strated in fraternal concern for others, Christians or not, for Christian faith is a progressive assimilation to the Father's only Son who is universal in His concern--in His life, His death and His eternal priestly intercession in behalf of all men.12 In yielding to the Spirit, in allowing Him to consume our selfishness, we are made Jesus all over againJ~ In him all walls of separation from our fel-lows crumble (see Gal 2:llff). With the growing appreciation that Christian life is a OAs Kwant writes: "We are intentional beings and not centered on ourselves. We achieve a meaningful existence through the reali-zation of values. The situation is not such that we find first in ourselves, in our so-called interiority, the fullness of meaning and value and that, next, our giving of meaning in the world and in encounters with other human beings are an effusion of our interior fullness. Divorced from the world and from the others, there is only emptiness in ourselves" (Remy Kwant, Phenomenology o] Social Existence [Pittsburgh: Duquesne University, 1965], p. 239). ~°See Lynch, lmages, pp. 19-20 and 31. n See John Macmurray, Persons in Relation, p. 66. = "The first characteristic of faith today I should like to stress can be summed up in one word: brotherly . Faith both presup-poses the community and creates it; the courage to believe is always born of a pentecostal event, where many are gathered together in unity of purpose. Faith is our confidence in the personal experience of others, a conviction gained through the power of the Spirit which is at work in others, our personal experience of the Spirit given to us for the sake of others, This permanent characteristic of faith., should be one of the most notable characteristics of the form of faith today. It cannot be sufficiently stressed, however, that this brotherly love is not directed towards an abstract but toward our actual brother here and now, our 'neighbor' " (Karl Rahner, Belie] Today [New York: Sheed and Ward, 1967], pp. 54-5). as See Barnabas Ahern, New Horizons (Notre Dame: Fides Dome Book, 1965), p. 94 and passim; Piet Fransen, "Towards a Psychology of Divine Grace," Cross Currents, v. 8 (1958), p. 219; Franqois ¯ Roustang, Growth in the Spirit (New York: Sheed ~ Ward, 1966), p. 21; and Amed~e Hallier, "God is Friendship: the Key to Aelred of Rievaulx's Christian Humanism," American Benedictine Reoiew, v. 18 (1967), p. 403. 4- 4. 4- Being-toward- Community VOLUME 28, 1969 723 ÷ + Edward G. Bozzo, C.F~X. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS call to brotherly faith, brotherly existence and care, there is a concommitant realization that religious life as the radical living of Christian life is predominantly brotherly existence. Insofar as religious life manifests this, its fundamental nature, it renders its primary serv-ice to both Church and world. This conception of the nature and function of religious life holds implications of highly practical import. The following paragraphs aim to explore some of them by attending primarily to the intramural living of religious life. As stated previously in touching on "formation," all religious must appreciate that each of them is involved in striving toward community. Recognizing this, one practical suggestion that has been proffered with increas-ing insistence is that religious cannot attain this by living in large groups in Mussolini-modern buildings.14 With-out disputing this recommendation, I submit that the import of religious life as fraternal existence in Christ lies deeper than the intimacy to be attained by living in smaller groups in cosier houses. Keeping the communal nature of reigious life to the fore means realizing that no religious can achieve "his perfection," his union with Christ, by an idealistic leap up to God which would ignore his concrete relations to his fellow religious. Each of us approaches God only by living for his particular brethren at hand, centering his interest in them and not in himself. To live this is to live in Christ; more specifi-cally, it is to live Christ's kenosis. Capsulizing St. Paul's view of Christian life again, one may see it as a progres-sive yielding to the Holy Spirit who transforms us into the image of the Father's only Son. And this Son is one who lives His whole existence towards the Father through a self-forgetful concern for all men. In sum, the Christ in whom we live, move, and are, the Christ into whom we are transformed through the Holy Spirit's action in us, is a self-emptying Christ, not a self-regarding Person.1'~ Selfishness in this perspective is not just per-sonal immaturity, it is--far more significantly--a resis-tance to grace, a refusal to let the Spirit take over in us so that the Christs we are meant to be cannot take form in our lives. The poverty, chastity, and obedience of the religious find their deepest meaning in this kenotic yielding to the 1~ In commenting on Vatican II's decree on religious, for example, Wulf (in Vorgrimler, v. 2, p. 330) writes: 'The responsible and effec-tive participation in the common good and in the common task in the spirit of brotherhood can no longer be realized in large communities, for by his psychical constitution, modern man feels lost and threatened in the mass, so that the ideals just mentioned can only be realized in communities of manageable size." 1~ See Piet Schoonenberg, "He Emptied Himself, Philippians 2, 7," in Who Is Jesus oI Nazareth? (New York: Paulist, 1965), pp. 47-66. Spirit, manifested inour heterocentricity toward others. These two cannot be separated, for a relationship to Christ, or to God in Christ, which is not a relationship to one's brothers, is no Christianity at all. The more earnestly a religious strives to live the Christian life, that is, to live as man sanctified by God, the more he becomes aware of his own poverty his impotence, weakness, and guilt and the more he realizes the totality of the de-pendence in which he lives from God and unto God-- the essence of what he professes in the vow of poverty. The more a religious strives to live as the force of God's agape in him would have him live, that is, the more uni-versal his love toward others becomes both in its scope and quality the more his chastity comes to expression. For then he loves as God loves, caring for others hon-estly, 16 with no eye to using them for his advantage but with a creative love that aims to set others free of the myriad forms of slavery which keep them from the liberty to which they are called. This honesty in love-- loving others as the Father loves, with no eye to private gain is the essence of religious chastity. The more the religious yields to God's beckonings to him, the more he follows the particularities of God's petitioning of him through others---even to the point of yielding his life for them, the more the relig!ous lives obedience to the Father. The depth of asceticism that is required to live this style of Christian existence, the depth of personal prayer required to maintain and nourish this kenotic orienta-tion needs no commentary. It involves many dyings be-fore death, surrendering the comfortable illusion that each of us is a special case, that life and other people should make exceptions in our regard. It means living Christ's life of service and in so doing becoming a vehicle through which the glory of the risen Christ is manifested. As Ratzinger writes: "A true parousia of Christ takes place wherever a man recognizes and affirms the claim on his love that goes out from a fellow man in need." lz Much more could and should be ex- 1BChastity is emotional sincerity. See John Macmurray, "The Virtue of Chastity," in Reason and Emotion (London: Faber and Faber, 1962), pp. l17ff. x7 Joseph Ratzinger, The Open Circle: The Meaning o] Christian Brotherhood (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1966), p. 119. The glory of the Father is the brotherhood of all men in his Son Jesus Christ. Our life as a community and as individuals, serving one another and others, must make the name of the Father known, manifest His glory by seeking the brotherhood of all men in Christ Jesus. But the source of this, it cannot be sufficiently emphasized, is God's love for us---this is what makes us persons fundamentally. What we have to give is God's love (see the Epistle to the Philippians). At this profound level the operative law is: All receptivity is produc-tivity, as SOren Kierkegaard notes in SOren Kierkegaard's Journals + + + Being.toward- Commu~nity VOLUME 28, 1969 ÷ 4. ÷ Edward G. Bo~o, C.F~X. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS plored regarding the linkage between religious life and kenotic Christology as this constitutes a promising vein for elaborating a theology of the religious life. However, the few hints offered will have to suffice for the moment, so as to attend to other implications of conceiving reli-gious life as a process of being toward community. One of these is that religious life as brotherly existence does not mean that the uniqueness of each religious is abolished. Quite the contrary. As Teilhard de Chardin was fond of phrasing it, true union differentiates,is That is, when we put into act by living communion with others the mutuality which makes us persons, each of us comes to himself. Each attains, at least in some measure, his freedom. The fundamental reason for this is that in friendship, fellowship, fear is eliminated or overcome by love. None of the parties in the fellowship has to pretend, act a part, be on his guard. For this to become a fact in a religious community all must share the intention to live as brothers. All must overcome fear of each other with trust. For fear paralyzes and separates us. Since fear is always fear for oneself in the face of others, it closes us in on ourselves, drives us away from exercising our constitutively mutual relationship to them. Fearful of others, I might seek for God, for free-dom, or more simply, for some sense of contentment not in my relations to others but solely in the life of the mind and imagination--solely in a private spirituality. Others might deal with their fear of their fellow by dominating them, using them as means to their purpose-- even if that purpose be "spiritual" it demeans the persons so manipulated. For fellowship, community, to become an actuality each must be positively motivated toward all his brothers. Consequently it cannot happen if a religious seeks friend-ship with only one or two other members alone, and when each of the parties in this relationship or clique is negatively motived toward all the other members. The trust of each member of the community, his faith in them, must extend toward all of them. Only so can true brotherhood become fact. To the extent that it does, each member can, for example, express his ideas without fear that what he says will be used against him. By the very nature of brotherhood, variety issues naturally-- from the assurance of feeling at home in one's reli-gious family. One does not have to strive after artifical techniques to assert his individuality. He is accepted and and Papers, v. 1, ed. Howard V. Hong and Edna H. Hong (Indiana University, 1967), p. 395. ~See Robert L. Faricy, Teilhard de Chardin's Theology o[ the Christian in the World (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1967), pp. does not need to contrive test cases to discover if he is or not. More significantly, in the context of realized brother-hood ideas do not divide us. I know that even if you do not agree with my position on this or that issue that you will not cut me off--excommunicate me from your con-cern. And you have the same assurance from me. When each member of the community feels secure in this confidence our differences, whether in the realm of ideas or otherwise, are a potential source of enrichment for all of us. We are free to work out fruitful constructive forms of compromise to further corporate action. Every dif-ference between us does not become a wall of separation dividing brother from brother, camp from camp. Such division is our damnation. The future is in our hands only so long as we live as brothers. We cannot achieve any good as a congregation, or as a small community within it, if we do not share the same intention in our apostolic action. Just as we are mutually interdependent as persons, we are inter-dependent as agents. If as agents our intentions do not harmonize, the action of each of .us is frustrated. The future then becomes something that happens to us, some-thing which we await, rather than a reality which we as agents are empowered to determine and can determine when our intentions harmonize and agree with God's intention--that we as religious be one and through our work (directly or indirectly) work for the realization of brotherhood among all men. In this light religious life can be appreciated as the concrete expression of what the Church is. It is the fra-ternity of God's people, His family which lives a broth-erly existence under Him and by so living is the instru-ment for expressing and extending brotherhood among all mankind. The creative energy for realizing this broth-erhood is the agape of the Father Himself operating through the common humanity which each of us shares with every other person.10 The task of the Church today is what it always has been--to cooperate with God under the guidance of the Spirit of Christ in establishing the kingdom of God. The means for establishing this king-dom, for accomplishing this task is the means that Jesus taught His first Disdples. The Church must be a real community on earth which exhibits to the world, in its life and in the relations of its members, the image of the kingdom of heaven, and which acts, in relation to the world outside, in the brotherly spirit of that king-dom. Never has the Church needed religious life to mani-fest this, its nature at its truest, as now. And never have 4. 4. Being-toward- Community 1, See Yves Congar, .4 Gospel Priesthood (New York: Herder aVnOdLUME 28, 1969 Herder, 1967), p. 5, on the Father's love as the source of all mission. 727 men so expressly proclaimed in myriad ways, their thirst for brotherhood. If religious life would only come to itself it could spearhead the realization of brotherhood--- the consummation of personal existence now so devoutly wished. It depends on so little and so big a condition as this: that each of us in his religious family treat each of the others as a friend. 4. 4- 4- Edward G. Bo~,o, REVIEW FOR RELIGIous 728 HRBAN NAAL, S.M. The Community of Today Walls are built either to keep people in or to keep people out. Whether these walls are built of stone, brick, or concrete or whether they are built of weaker material, the object is to keep someone or something in or to keep someone or something out, physically. There are also pyschological walls built for the same purpose, though not always built intentionally. In the Middle Ages cities had walls. Most of these walls are in ruins today or have disappeared as the cities expanded beyond them. In fact, expansion could take place only when the people went beyond the walls. It seemed that as man neared modern times the walls crumbled, "freeing" the community to expand in all directions. It would seem that one could almost say that the walls had to come down if expansion were to take place, for the walls that kept out also kept in. Any com-munity that held rigidly to its walls would of necessity suffocate. Growth took place as the walls came down aIIowing for greater activity, travel, business, communica-tion, work, education. Modern communities no longer have walls. They are neither needed nor desired. Yet, there seems to exist today in the modem world communities whose walls have remained intact since the Middle Ages and who seem rigidly to resist any attempt to break down those walls, whether physical or psycho-logical. The citizens seem determined to hold onto those walls, nor can they visualize that real progress can take place only if they break down these separating walls, walls that are keeping them in and keeping others out. The communities referred to are religious communities and the walls that they will not demolish are not those made of stone, brick, concrete, or even weaker materials but those psychological walls existing in their interpre-tation of what a community is and must remain. Com-munity for these religious is a "living" together and by 4- 4- 4- Brother Urban Naal, S.M., teaches at Vianney High School; 1311 South Kirkwood Road; St. Louis, Mo. 63122, VOLUME 28, 1969 ~9 Urban Naal, S.M. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS this they mean a living together in one place at one time by all the members assigned to a particular community or house. What is actually stressed is the physical sharing of one house though they do not seem to realize this. As the modern community cannot be limited by walls that suffocate, so the modern religious community must be ~eed from the walls that bind it. This can only be done through a reinterpretation of what a religious commu-nity is and a realization that a modern community must be a psychological sharing and not a physical sharing alone. To constantly insist upon a physical sharing, a doing everything together, to keep repairing walls that need to crumble, succeeds eventually in suffocating the very members who have retained the walls. Growth can-not take place until the walls are removed. The modern religious community must be bound to-gether by a spirit and not by the physical presence of the walls of a house. The witness o[ such a community must consist in a harmonious interest in the diverse works of each of the members and not in the force shown by a group of people living together under one roof. The community witness must be a living together of diverse ideas and cultures and values. The individual religious, bound by public vows of religion, must be free to leave the walls of the commu-nity for greater activity, travel, business, communica-tion, work, education, and the needs of society at large. He is living in the modern world, not the Middle Ages. He must be trained to think as an individual and not as a group. This is not to say that there are no dangers in taking protective walls down, especially for those who first cautiously venture forth. (Nor is it to try to claim that walls of themselves preclude all danger.) There is danger for the young who need walls to inclose them until they are old enough to venture forth on their own. There is danger for the member of the community who has never been given the chance to go it alone and Who psycho-logically needs walls to shield him. There is danger for the immature in the community who do not have the strength nor security to leave the womb. There. is danger, too, once the walls are down that undersirable persons or ideas might creep in. Yet, to grow in the modern world the member of the community must learn to live with these dangers, to grow because of them. No one can avoid all danger. In fact, it is through these dangers that growth takes place. In learning to deal with danger man matures. It is a fallacy to feel that walls make it possible to create an artificial situation in which all members by a certain age or a certain stage of life become model religious, fitting perfectly into some kind of foreseen mold. Nor can this denial of the individuality of man be called Christian, no matter how much it appears to be the basis of the religious community. The members of a religious community must be trained to use the God-given talents they possess and to grow as individuals according as God made them. Guidelines are not outlawed, but charity must consist in accepting each member for .what he is and for how God made him rather than to how closeIy he matches someone's personal rule of perfection. If the religious community prepared thinking individ-uals using the brains God gave them to use, there would be no need of wails for physically mature persons, no reason to fear the wails coming down. The community of living together under one roof tends to stifle initia-tive and creativity. It forces the members to aim at a common--and often lowest--denominator, regulating the lives of the members according to some precon-ceived general norm resulting in the members actually dedicating themselves to mediocrity rather than to the highest potential of which they are capable. It does not permit each person to grow at his own rate nor to be-lieve according to what he is able to "see" at present. The religious community in the twentieth century must be an outgrowth of the Middle Ages. It must progress with the times and be as efficient as the dines permit. The religious, to be true religious and apostles, must go out beyond the wails to where they are needed, to where the action is. Artificial action and needs cannot be set up within the walls or close-by. The modern religious must carry his community in spirit wherever he goes, wherever he is needed. He must be trained and trusted to carry this community with him, rather than be crippled by forever being tied to a particular house often far from the needs of the world. He must often go alone into the field (be it education, communication, business) to bear witness and to work, even though it be far from an established community of his order. He might even become the center of a new-type of "community" of those working around him. This does not mean that there is no need for the com-munity in the traditional sense of the word. It definitely has a place. It is the walled city or quiet womb in which the religious needs to reside while being formed. It is the "dock" to which the weary working religious needs to return periodically for nourishment and light and the moral support of his fellow religious which is so important to one working alone in the field of battle. The individual religious could not continue to work + + ommunity VOLUME 28, 1969 without these periodic retreats to that haven from whence he came. There is need, too, of the traditional community for those who do not feel that they can or want to leave it. Yet, the modern religious, a religious in the true sense, must be free to go beyond the walls that presently hem him in and thwart his apostolate. To force community members to live closely together under the same roof under the guise that the four walls constitute a commu-nity is to miss the point completely and to miss the modern apostolate completely. The real community is a spiritual thing, a love of and an acceptance of one's fellow religious wherever they are. It is not confined to those living within the four walls of a particular com-munity. Nor is it created by the mere presence of four walls. The normal family with grown members no longer reside within the same four walls; and yet no matter how far they are scattered they exhibit an in-tense loyalty to the members of the family from which they came because of their love and acceptance of one another, not because they happened to at one time reside within the same four walls (which have now crumbled). The modern religious community if it is to succeed must go beyond the walls that they have erected less they awake one day to find that life has pass them by. Let not today's religious communities be the ghost towns of tomorrow. ÷ ÷ ÷ Urban Nail, $.~. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS GEORGE C. McCAULEY, S.J. The Toll and Why We Pay h: A Theological Image of Religious Life Religious are always surprised and annoyed by the basic ignorance, even in the Catholic community, of the distinction between priesthood and the religious life, between orders and vows. In the new Church people ask brothers, nuns, and religious priests: "Are they going to allow you to marry?" It becomes easier to live with such ignorance when finally we discover that it is based on a lack of any real interest. But today the question: "What is a religious?" is being posed earnestly and painfully not by others but by many religious themselves. Prophets of doom count the days for religious orders and congregations, and they offer statistics in support of their baleful prognoses. With many religious leaving and fewer entering the re-ligious life, religious are anxious for a self-understanding that will help them navigate through some of the con-temporary uncertainty. A perfectly satisfying self-under-standing is rarely forthcoming in life. We are more in need of a creative and humanly intelligible hypothesis against which we can test our Christian and religious experience. It is the task of theology to set forth such an hypothesis. To that end we will attempt first to describe more thoroughly the religious' contemporary plight, and then to isolate the human (therefore intelligible) form of the religious' commitment, its various motivations, and the content of that commitment or the directions in which the religious life has always and will always take those who embrace that life. The Toll The religious gradually becomes an out~ider to the cultural milieu in which he lives. True, it is hard to iso-÷ ÷ i÷ George C. Mc- Cauley, S.J., is a member of the the-ology faculty of St. Peter's College in Jersey City, New Jersey 07306. VOEUME 28, 1969 4- 4- 4- George C. McCauley, $.~. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 734 late a cultural milieu which affects all people in exactly the same way. It is also possible that many religious are more in touch than many non-religious with what-ever cultural milieu is available. We will develop the thesis, however, that the more in touch the religious is, the greater the toll will be that he will pay. If we ac-cept as a working definition of cultural milieu as the main network of achievements, activities, and values that emerge from the physical and spiritual resources of men, then it is clear that the religious gradually becomes unstuck from this network. The reason for this is that most men are usually attached to this network at various points, while the religious fits the cultural pattern only sketchily. The cultural pattern involves at least the triad of job, marriage, and family. The economic, political, and recreational systems of men are geared to and de-pendent .upon man's wishes in those three areas. The communications media feed, and feed upon, the needs that are contained in those three aspects of life. Assiduous-ness, success, planning, ingenuity, failure, social useful-ness, ambition, acceptability, and normality are in a thousand subtle ways measured against the standard inherent in the triad of job, marriage, and family. The religious recedes from this standard, and this gradual recession takes its toll on his'cultural sensibilities. His routine activities have little to do with the cultural standard: his clothing is both singular and culturally meaningless. His language is dissonant: fun, life, enter-tainment, pleasure, anxiety, responsibility, relaxation-- these words have a different ring for him than for other men. His normal working hours are accompanied by different expectations, and hence he misses the rhythms which usually mark the beginning and end of a man's work. He is disassociated from the immense cultural ritual of finding and keeping a mate. His energies are not spent on the intricate process of nesting, of providing and securing goods for a family. He does not shop, keep financial records, save, angle, sweat, or celebrate with the same sentiments or relish that other men have. The point of all this is not simply that the religious does not do what most men do. It is rather to suggest that he gradually foregoes sensibility in these areas. Sen-sibility is itself a difficult term to define. The religious need not become insensitive to the cultural life around him. He knows that men around him are engaged might-ily in their own routines, and he senses these routines in others. But he notes their absence in himself. He can-not perceive them within his whole emotional, self-aware-ness apparatus. The toll that he pays is this sense of void in himself in comparison with the cultural mass which surrounds him and which, by its sheer weight, seems to pressure him to be like it. This realization should not lead the religious to exag-gerate his predicament. Every vocation has its toll and everyone could recount the frustrations and limitations implied in his life choices. What is important is that the religious understand the scope and dimensions of the toll that he will in all likelihood pay. He must situate himself as honestly as possible in terms of his actual cultural coordinates which in his case are not normal ones. Then he must ask himself if he understands why he takes, in faith, such a peculiar stance vis-a-vis his culture. Not that he should so call his faith into question that it ceases to exist. This unimaginative and simplistic solution removes the problem by denying its existence and we can only get so far in life with this gambit. On the other hand religious communities must have a con-sensus of self-understanding against which they can judge themselves and the times. The stresses and strains of living as marginal men in a vast cultural network tend to prove too much for everyone's individual nerves. Only a community's conviction, its faith elaborated in intelli-gible and affirmative terms, can sustain the religious life today. The religious is not helped by being told his life is more than human. He suspects mightily that what people mean by this comes down in the long run to being less than human. Hence he asks for an understanding of his vows in terms of their true humanity. Reasons and an Image The religious is pressed to say why he does what he does. Up to a point he can answer that Christ's example is what motivates him. But the limitations of this ex-planation of the religious life are apparent. For one thing, we are not Christ. For another, the Scriptural references to "imitating Christ" (1 Th 1:6; 1 Cot 4:16) apply to all Christians, not to one class or group of Christians. The same is true of the Scriptural ref-erences to "following Christ" (Mt 8:22; 19:21; 12:26; 19:28; Mk 9:38; Jn 8:12). Again, the picture of the way Christ actually lived is difficult to disengage from the sev-eral layers of testimony about Him which we have in the Gospels. In other words, we do not have any ready-made picture of what His poverty, chastity, and obedience looked like, and this makes our claim as religious to be imitating Him more difficult. The Son of Man did not have a place to lay His head, but He had a devoted fol-lowing of women and it is hard to see how anyone in those circumstances would have to do without material necessities. He was obedient to the Father, but was such .I-÷ 4- TI~ Toll VOLUME 28, 1969 ÷ ÷ ÷ George C. McCauley, REV]EW FOR REL[GIOUS obedience more difficult than obedience shown to men and women who do not have all the Father's advantages? He was celibate in a culture that did not set as much store as we do today on mutual love between man and woman, on personal sexual attraction and its flowering in family life. We will return to the question of the reli-gious' relationship with Christ in a moment. The point here is that expressions like "imitating" Christ which recur in our traditional formulations of the religious life are not by that simple fact illuminating when we come to examine what the religious life is. We are there-fore forced to take a closer look at the religious life as a form of human activity. One advantage to this ap-proach is that the religious might get a clearer, more identifiable picture of what he is doing, even apart from the question of why he is doing it. What image, then, will help us understand what the religious is doing? We will suggest as a basic charac-terization of that life its daring nature. By this is meant more than that the religious is exposed to the toll men-tioned earlier and hence that he risks not surviving his being distanced from the cultural milieu. Not surviving is a risk, to be sure, but a risk is not a dare. The latter has a more positive connotation and requires a more ex-tended analysis. When we speak of a daring feat or of a daring way of life, the emphasis is less on the possibility of failure as it is on the uniqueness of accomplishment involved. The accomplishment takes place in the face of obstacles and danger, but these aspects are subordinate to the inner content of the accomplishment itself. Examples of daring are varied. There are daring feats of exploration, .of physical prowess or menta! endurance, of both of these latter in varying combinations. We even speak of daring crimes. Daring stems from a certain persistent determina-tion to do something which (though not necessarily be-cause) other people do not do. This determination settles on what is uncustomary.The darer fixes on strange goals and pursues them with a single-minded intensity. He is oblivious to commentary, favorable or not, on his ac-tions. It is not a question of toughness nor of unconven-tionality. The darer may be outwardly the mildest and most unprepossessing person in the world. But he is capable of totally concentrating on the steps which sepa-rately and together form his achievement. We cannot deny that his dare resembles an obsession. He is also sub-ject to the usual urge to limit and falsify the demands of his dare, to exaggerate his readiness, qualifications, and technique for daring properly. But these he corrects in order to be true to the dare. The point here is not to ask why he dares, but to ob- serve the act of daring in itself, its rigid demands, its engrossing personal fascination for the darer, and its indifference to other ways of acting. This indifference is important. The mountain climber, for example, can be questioned endlessly as to why he does what he does. He is in effect being asked to justify his daring which often seems to be either sheer folly or disdain for life in the valley. Mallory's well-known explanation of why he assaulted Everest ("Because it is there") is, however, less a comment on Everest, which is there for everyone, than a revelation about Mallory who was different precisely in his d~ring. In his case, as with all daring, we are forced to admit that, to some extent, daring is its own justifica-tion. No amount of scepticism, no amount of bewilder-ment on the part of those who do not dare, can detract from the darer's achievement. The test of the human validity of a dare is the admiration that it inspires in the observer. And in terms of a traditional humanism, the burden of the proof is on the non-darer to show that daring is unjustified. In all this, we cannot facilely iden-tify daring with "doing your own thing," since there is an aspect of human achievement and of human approval to the dare that is often lacking where some attempt to glorify "their own thing." If we apply the image of an act of daring to the con-duct of religious, we get some idea of what the religious life as a form of observable human conduct is. It is a form of daring whose justification, in part at least, is to be sought no further than in its own intrinsic impera-tive as daring. We must practice the same discipline in examining the religious life as we did with the act of daring itself, by postponing questions of motive and of content in order to see the human form of the religious life as such. Hence we may not assume as a general prin-ciple that Christ "calls" to the religious life individuals who are neutrally qualified, that is, ready to lead that life or some other life, with the only difference in the subsequent choice beifig a difference in the degree of love that they can summon up for Christ. Such a view makes the choice of the religious life almost com-pletely a matter of an adult decision to move from a neutral plane to one of greater (more altruistic) love. But is it not more likely that Christ calls individ-uals to this life because they are daring types, that is, because they have, before any adult decision related to Christ, something in themselves which is capable of and which demands living a dare? The rich young man in the Gospels was sad that Christ invited him to a life of poverty and of dedication. This narrative has sometimes led to the impression that a call from Christ brings a person who supposedly stands in neutral balance before various ~÷ ÷ ÷ Tlw Toll VOLUME 28, 1969 George C. McCauley, S.J. REVIEW FOR REL~6~OUS possible life options to choose a "lfigher" state into which he then fits his talents. But such a view of Christ's calling may not credit Christ with sufficient politeness. The call of Christ is perhaps better adapted to our in-dividual capacities than we expect. The rich young man's sadness is not only to be attributed to the fact that, in following Christ, he will have to do without his riches, but also to the fact that he is the kind of person who should dare to do without riches if he is to respond to the imperatives of his own deepest person which Christ sees more clearly than he does. How then do such terms as "greater love," "closer following of Christ," or "higher state" apply to the re-ligious life? If, as we will suggest later on, the religious' dare also turns out to be of immense service to the Church and to the world, how is the religious to relate his own imperative as a darer, this personal and quite human as-pect of his calling, to the service of others? What we are really asking is how Christ looks upon the individual religious: as someone who should consciously concentrate on the service and love of Christ and of others beyond the measure of what is normally asked? or as someone who should be candidly aware of his own personal imperative to dare, to enjoy the situation of being a darer regardless of how much service or love is connected with it? Is Christ the kind of person who would "use" the darer for the service of the Church? Or is Christ calling the darer to a conscious love and service of Himself and of the Church only in order to reveal to the darer his own true self? If Christ's concern in calling the individual religious is primarily to a!low that religious a large meas-ure of fidelity to what is most personal and quite human in himself--to his capacity to dare--what sense is there in describing the religious life as a call to greater or higher love? The religious life is indeed centered on Christ; and, through this centering, it has a more uni-versal scope and influence. And all this, too, is thoroughly human, even if our cultural norms do not recognize this humanity. But we should not call such a commitment "greater" or "higher" if what we really mean by those words is a commitment that is more universal in scope. Perhaps the better way to describe the religious' relation-ship to Christ is to speak of Christ initially as someone who calls us to love Him and others, then as someone who shows us the way in which we love ourselves, and finally as someone with whom we are ourselves in the daring service of others. There are several corollary observations to be made on our use of the image of daring to help us understand the religious' commitment. First of all, it seems that this image is less suited to women religious then to men, simply because men more than women have been asso-ciated with those activities from which we sought an un-derstanding of the structure of daring. It is risky to sug-gest what daring consists of for the gentler sex; yet, if a parallel image is to be sought, it is to be sought in a con-text of exceptional actions which of themselves call forth human esteem and which also call for unusual deter-mination, singleness of purpose, no apologies, and a deep sense of a specific pull in one direction. Childbearing and putting up with male pretensions are daring enough, but are they not also too universal to illustrate a womanly dare? The will to make sense out of life, and to live its rhythms in one's actual circumstances, char-acterizes every basic vocational choice. It is only where the choice seems to depart from the usual without be-coming bizarre that we are dealing with a dare. Hence women religious must seek the image of their daring in some other more appropriate phenomenon. The only one that suggests itself at the moment is the image of the woman of abandon who sets no store on propriety, scorns convention, and foregoes a good name in the pur-suit of love. Despite its obvious limitations this image conveys many of the qualities that we associate with dar-ing. The second observation concerns "leaving" the life of vows. There are overanxious minds who rule out a priori the continued desirability of a permanent style of religi-ous life. Yet, it is somewhat tyrannical to say that no one should live his religious dare to the end of his days. It overlooks the fact that some people do live it, and live it well for a lifetime, shifting emphases and priorities as the circumstances of the Church require, deepening the main lines of their dare, personally enriched and a source of joy for all around them. But in assessing the permanency of the religious life we have to keep in mind that, where we are dealing with something resembling a dare, we are going to have to keep a respectful distance from another person's commitment. The reason is that we simply do not know who is called to dare and for how long. The Church has always recognized this and has granted dispensations from "permanent," "final" vows, however "solemn" they might have been. We have pre-served, if grudgingly at times, the insight that Christ is not as fanatical as we sometimes wish to be in insuring lifetime commitments. No less a master of spiritual in-sight than Ignatius of Loyola indicated in his spiritual Exercises that there is always room for the subsequent discovery that one's life choices have not added up to a "divine vocation." His sixteenth century advice to a per-son making such a discovery was that they make the best of the situation. In parochial Europe at that time making ÷ 4- ÷ Th~ Toll VOLUME 28, 1969 ~9 ÷ ÷ ÷ George C. McCauley, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS the best of the situation often excluded, [or purely social reasons, departing from one's chosen state. There is less pressure on the religious today to continue in a vocation that no longer appears to be divine, that is, that no longer amounts to a growth in charity (beginning at home) for the individual or for those he encounters. We all must wait on the individual to tell us as the fruit of his most interior discovery whether or not in fact he wishes to continue his dare. If he does not, that is, by the unique nature of his daring situation, his business and not ours. It might even not be a bad idea for the Con-gregation of Religious, when issuing papers that release from the vows, to add a word of thanks for the service, short or long, that an individual has given to the Church in the course of daring commitment to Christ. A third observation brings us back to the question of the religious' motivation in choosing to make the dare that his life is. We suggested that his motivation is pri-marily a response to Christ in which the religious may not be aware that Christ's invitation suits his own make-up as a darer. This prior suitability in no way offends against the gratuity of Christ's invitation. It simply gives Christ more credit for exercising his gratuity politely, according to the actual condition of the person whom he is inviting. Yet, the choice of the religious life is open to other motivations precisely because of its dare struc-tare. These motivations are not properly religious and can therefore cause great harm to the individual who acts on them. For example, there is the motivation pres-ent, ironically, in those whose faith is most precarious. Doubt sits in the center of most authentic faith; but where this doubt is severe, and where the person in ques-tion is highly sincere or scrupulous, it sometimes hap-pens that the person wishes to put his doubt "to the su-preme test." That is, he wishes to test it out in the most difficult circumstances in order to be able to say that he gave faith a chance to prove itself to him. A parallel may be drawn here between the case of some religious and that of doctors and psychiatrists among whom a high incidence of depression is found. This depression is con-sidered to be as much a cause of their professional interest and vocation as it is a result of exposure to the hard realities of their profession. Similarly the religious may gravitate to his particular way of life in order to test faith at the extreme. Unfortunately, he may then push himself (or others) beyond the measure of daring to an unbounded or fanatical kind of performance testing, without much joy or real personal exchange, and without the care that distinguishes the darer from the presumptu-ous or dangerous achiever. What the Religious Dares to Do If in its human form the religious life is an act of daring, what is the content of that dare? What does the religious dare to do? As a general statement we might say that the religious dares the normal structures of Christian living. The Vatican Council (II) pointed out that the religious' special act of consecration "is deeply rooted in [their] baptismal consecration and provides an ampler manifestation of it" (Decree on the Appropriate Renewal of Religious Life, n. 5). This baptismal con-secration takes in the whole Christian commitment to form community with God and with one's fellow men by engaging in a life of authentic cult and. sacramental humanism. It is obviously a very broad kind of commit-ment. How then is it possible to dare it? What the Church has done is to divide up the baptismal commitment somewhat artificially into the less broad categories of poverty, chastity, and obedience; religious center their dare in these areas. What is important to realize is that the normal Christian has a commitment in these areas by reason of his baptismal vows. He is directed to take a stand, in the name of Christ, on material goods and pos-sessions, on sexual and married love, on his relationship of dependence on God and on others. What the religious does is to take these preexisting structures of the Christian commitment and to treat them in a daring fashion. We will analyze this effort in a moment. Part of the contem-porary crisis in the religious life, however, is precisely the fact that the normal structures of the baptismal com-mitment are in flux. Hence the religious is uncertain in his dare. This is an extremely painful state, and all the more dangerous because the religious is, as a darer, a most earnest person, all appearances to the contrary. It is not surprising that many religious are leaving to under-take specific (if temporary) tasks of more than ordinary dedication. To attribute this phenomenon solely to a lack of generosity or to a general softness is perhaps one of the most simple-minded analyses ever made in the Church. On the other hand, the uncertainty attendant upon the religious life today is largely inevitable. The review to which the Church itself and the baptismal commitment are being subjected today creates a state of imbalance for the general believer and for the religious. We can illustrate this in the three areas of the religious' dare. In one sense, little has changed in the baptized per-son's commitment to poverty. There is still the need to resist our tendency to clutter, to surround, to weigh our-selves down with all sorts of paraphernalia which pains-÷ ÷ ÷ The Toll VOLUME 28, 1969 74! ÷ ÷ ÷ George C. McCauley, S.J. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS takingly insure or trumpet our personal importance. There is, too, the command and invitation of Christ to share with the needy. In daring these Christian forms of poverty, the religious can hardly pretend that it makes no difference what he owns or what he shares with others. He will therefore continue to aim at divesting himself of those layers of material possession which enable nor-mal people to define themselves in terms of what they have instead of who they are. The religious will bare his person to the world in testimony to the fact that it is at the level of personhood that we most truly exist and Christ most truly works. He will continue to share his talents and his energies with his fellow man. He will also give witness to the fact that sharing at the level of personhood is a far more demanding and far richer kind of sharing than all others, and that this kind of sharing is most illustrative of the kind of redeemer Christ was. But there is a special stamp to the poverty of the baptised Christian today, a stamp which in turn calls for revisions in the way the religious dares that poverty. The Church's present attitude (officially communicated in various encyclicals) toward material goods and toward money is characterized by an insistence on a responsi-ble, intelligent, and imaginative use of these things in society at large. The religious' dare at this level need not imply that he personally receive and keep a salary which he then uses wisely and imaginatively. The prob-lem with money today is not in the individual use of money but in the social uses of money, in the con-structive political uses of money at the institutional, local, national, and international levels. Religious have in fact felt the need to be daring in these areas. They have had to question their investment of money and manpower in traditional institutions and aposto-lates, to consolidate their houses of formation, to avoid reduplication that has no other justification than a de-sire to be true to the Good Old Founder, to fund mis-sionary work conjointly with other groups and even other faiths, to work through civil institutions where these have the moneys and structures to do a job better. But there is always room to improve the quality of our dare. The fortunes of Christian authority are also fluctuating today. Everyone is trying to make sense out of the apparent "disobedience" shown papal and episcopal authority. Opinions range from the simplistic view that we are dealing with a wave of sinful disloyalty to the view that we are developing a Christian anarchy which reduces the relation of the faithful to the hierarchy to a matter of contending power groups. The more solidi analyses of theologians of authority have taken two di- rections: first, to attack facile identifications of Christian authority with those profane forms of authority that we meet in our normal experience (parental, civil, educa-tional, personal magnetism, power, and so forth). What changes, this attack has brought about in our usual attitudes toward jurisdiction, law, rules, derision mak-ing, official teaching, penalties, and so forth, is not yet clear. Secondly, theologians have put Christian authority in the context of dialogue, not as though dialogue were simply the modern style of Christian authority and its pragmatic concomitant, but because of the God-given and inalienable dignity of the individual Christian be-fore all men which demands that he direct his life in responsible freedom, that he assess events with an open-ness to people who think differently from himself. There are innumerable problems in the theology of authority which remain unsolved. Our point here is again to point out that the religious dares what the normal Christian is exposed to in the matter of authority. The hero in the religious community today is not the one who can keep the rules best. Many of those trained to wait for superiors to decide for them what they will do by way of work, apostolate, or formation suffer most. And it is not clear that their suffering offers us the opti-mum example of the folly of the cross. Ironically, the greatest suffering (and possibly the more authentic em-bodiment of Christian folly) comes in the religious' ex-perience of dialogue. Today's religious communities probably have more experience in dialogue than any other large groups of people in the world. In the hours and hours spent on examining apostolate, structures, attitudes, renovation, and local problems, religious have discovered the real dimensions of their divi-sions. This discovery has often been accompanied with confusion and even with bitterness. Some communities have, to all appearances, been destroyed by this dialogue. Others are finding their life less romantic, more stark and seemingly loveless. Still others are discovering that it is precisely in a keen sense of intramural differences that the true nature of Christian faith is emerging. The religious is discovering that he must and can break bread --at least the bread of Christ--with those with whom he differs. He must and can work together despite serious ideological rifts. He must and can love what is really not himself. The image of his religious community as a homo-geneous unit has shattered irreparably. If he does not find a new and absolute source of unity in the principle of dialogue itself, he is doomed. The astounding aspect of this whole development is that the secular world needs precisely this kind of unity-in- diversity at the present time. Nothing could be more ÷ ÷ ÷ The Toll VOLUME 28, 1969 4. 4. George . McCauley, S.J. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS pragmatic and more relevant than for the Roman Catholic Church, through its experience of dialogue, to become the spokesman for dialogue in the modern world, to share with the world its hitter experience and yet the constructive healing that it has found in dialogue. We are learning as a community and not simply as in-dividuals to face the different levels of meaning that lie behind human language, to concentrate on that which unites us rather than on that which tears us apart, to rid ourselves of the mentality that says it is easy to dis-agree in lucid and unambiguous terms. Perhaps if we learn this lesson well the world will profit from our presence. The religious communities are now £eeling the pain of dialogue in the most intense fashion. Dialogue has hardly even begun on the parish level and, given our cultural and religious background, it will be only through an "authoritative" command of bishops over a long period that parish-level dialogue will be triggered and sustained. In the meantime religious communities will be asked to dare this dialogue structure of authority. If they are hard pressed in doing so, it is no great surprise. The question is: Is it not worthwhile? The third and most obvious area of the religious' dare is the matter of chastity. Chastity is required of all Christians by reason of their baptismal vows. Unfortu-nately, it is often understood in purely negative terms without much realization that a purely negative view is uhimately insulting to Christ. Yet, the purpose of Christian chastity is that every Christian learn from Christ what it is to be an authentic human lover. Such is the logic of the sacrament of matrimony, in which a couple accepts Christ into the heart of their human love, making His attitudes the standard for their own relationship. What this implies, too, is that, when Christ is introduced into the heart of human love, that love is forced to become open to other people beyond the lovers themselves. For the commitment to Christ as the standard and support of human love opens the couple out to Christ's community who help to interpret the standard and to support the couple in their pursuit of human love. Hence Christ makes even the private love between man and woman more open to others and more enriching for all. The religious extend this principle of openness in human love through Christ. By introducing Christ even more into the heart of his love, he opens himself out to more human contacts, to relationships of support and understanding with more people. Whatever the ac-tual scope of the religious' concern for and contact with people, his intention, and the content of his dare, is to give himself to as many as possible through Christ. Or, to put it more in the actual terms of his awareness, his instinct and his hope is that in not giving himself to one woman in Christ, Christ makes of him a man for all men and women. There are two observations to be made concerning the religious' chastity. First of all, a vow 0f chastity is not something which blots out in the religious an aware-ness of his own capacity for married love. In fact it seems that the more authentic hi~ dare in this area the more proximately ready he should be for married love. We might even say that, without ever mildly compromising his commitment, the religious should try to keep ready in order that his dare never become a sort of misguided m~prise for other ways of living and loving, and in order that his devotion to the Lord preserve its own proper relationship to other loves. Religious love Christ not with some globally undifferentiated or asexual love, but men love him as a man and women love him as women. And unless one has some notion of what the difference between the two is, one risks marring the appropriate overtones to the individual's relationship to Christ. The second remark to be made is that the religious also serves those for whom human love between a man and a woman is a physical, psychological, or economic impossibility. In an affluent sodety who cares for the un-gainly loves? Who sympathizes for the awkward, the ugly, the malproportioned? For people in whom love crouches like a deformed child? For those for whom their own sexuality is an embarrassment or a grotesque albatross? For whom communication with the other sex is at best a halting dumb-show or hollow bravura and at worst a mockery? Against the standard of successful married love, these people are judged severely in most societies. We do our best to hide them, or not to discuss them, because we surreptitiously set up as an absolute standard of human dignity success in married love. The presence of religious can do much to dissipate this false assessment of human dignity. Sooner or later, some0he is going to have to explain the religious who, while he insists on his own dignity, does not measure it by the imperious standard of successful married love. And others, seeing the religious, can take hope for their own dignity. Conclusion Our analysis has not left us without questions. This is inevitable since any theological image is no more than that, a way of understanding a faith experience which constantly runs ahead of our images of it. In admitting the difficulty of reconciling the image of daring with the service aspect of the vows (service to Christ and to men), we are simply expressing in other terms the perennial problem of reconciling love of self with love of others, ÷ ÷ Th~ ToI! the problem of being a self in the world. Other prob-lems lie beneath the surface of our consideration of the content of the religious' dare. A kind of parallel think-ing urges us to conclude that, just as the religious ends up not marrying, not having possessions, so too he should end up not choosing in the face of a superior's commands. This is indeed an aspect of his dare, but only in the sense that the religious foregoes choosing to limit dia-logue, just as he foregoes limiting his human love to one woman and just as he foregoes limiting his person to his possessions. The superior's commands should not ignore the positive purpose of the vows which are not supposed to be some kind of exercise in how-long-can-you-go-holding- your-breath. The religious superior has to realize that the vows open up the religious to the service of all. Moreover the superior has to realize that he is dealing with the daring of an individual person and that his function as superior is not to get individuals to conform to some imaginary and generalized "will of Christ." The superior's main role is to let Christ work in the life of the individual religious, without himself insisting a priori on the possible ways in which and only in which Christ can work. The religious superior can never interfere with the general lines of the structure of the religious life itself. If, as we suggested, these general lines require the re-ligious to dare the baptismal commitment to poverty, chastity, and obedience, it becomes all the more im-portant for religious superiors today to examine their own attitudes toward how the Church today is formu-lating the baptismal commitment. On this point, the general argument in the Church over what the implica-tions of Christian baptism are is taking a further toll on individual religious who feel that their dare is up in the air while the general argument rages. It is hardly sur-prising, then, that the optimists and pessimists line up in about the same way on the religious life as they do on the Church itself. It is curious, however, how optimism also resembles a dare. ÷ ÷ ÷ George C. McCaul~y, S.J. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS JOHN W. STAFFORD, C.S.V. Prayer Life in the Contemporary Community Introduction There are several approaches to a reflection on the prayer life of the contemporary religious community. One could enter the reflection, with the bias that there just does not seem to be much prayer going on these days in the contemporary community, either private, personal prayer or communal prayer. In that case the title of this paper might have been altered to read: "The Decline and Fall of Prayer in the World of Today." A second bias might be a more joyous one. Freed from the routine of the so-called religious exercises, the con-temporary religious leads a life of prayer that is unself-ish, authentic, meaningful, and full of compassion and concern for one's fellow man in God's world of today. The times and places of prayer are utterly unimpor-tant, but there is prayer going on. The forms of prayer are informal, perhaps free-form, or even utterly form-less. But there is substance to the prayer, and substance is certainly more important than form. Our title then might have been: "Come, All You Gals and Guys, Let's Strum a Prayer to the Lord." Or, if one wants to risk use of a language that is not exactly alive and jumping, the title might even be, with a certain appropriateness: "Laborare Est Orate." A third approach might be from the bias of the har-monizer, the synthesizer, the cool observer of the con-temporary scene, who perhaps thinks he is without bias. The reflection then would focus on what is good in the prayer life of religious in the past that should be pre-served, on what should be modified to conform to the needs of today (with a reference, of course, to Perfectae ÷ ÷ ÷ John W. $taf-ford° C.S.V., lives at 1100 Forest Avenue; Evanston, Illinois 80£02. VOLUME 28, 1969 747 + + ]ohn W. Sta~ord, C~.V. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS caritatis, n. 3), and finally on how entirely new concepts of prayer can enrich our religious life. The title of all this could well be: "The Adaptive Renewal of Prayer Life in the Contemporary Community"; perhaps more briefly: "Old Wine in New Bottles", or maybe: "Old Wine in Your Own New Plastic Bag." There could even be a fourth approach (and I am sure more), that of the planner and the prophet. The reflection would be directed towards some kind of schema of prayer life to fit the tempo and needs of to-day. There could be principles and propositions, a sort of blueprint or script or scenario for the ideal type of prayer life for a contemporary religious. This could be entitled simply: "How the Religious of Today Should Pray." The approach here, no doubt with conscious and un-conscious overtones of all four of the above, will be what may be rather grandiosely called phenomenological. The reflection will be that very difficult one of attempting to look at the prayer life of religious factually and with-out bias, non-judgmentally. Perhaps in any meaningful sense this is practically impossible, not only because of the lack of truly factual information, but. also due to man's apparently irresistible drive to look at every-thing through the basic biases of his being. The Facts of Contemporary Prayer The hard facts of the contemporary prayer life of religious are not easy to come by. There are all sorts of things going on ad experimentum; but there seem precious few real experiments with verified data that can be communicated and dealt with in objective study. There are, of course, some generalizations frequently made, but of dubious value. Some examples: religious today have largely lost the true spirit of prayer; there is less prayer today, but better prayer; there is really more prayer going on, in pri,date, although less in public to be seen by others; there are new modes of prayer around that are truly prayer even though they cannot at all be classified into the categories of the past. No doubt such statements are true for selected nmnbers of people, but how generalized we can make them it is impossible to say. But it seems that, based on widespread observation and report, some true generalizations are possible about the present-day prayer behavior of religious. Fewer religious are seen in their chapels, either for private prayer before the Blessed Sacrament or for com-munal exercises of prayer. When they do come together to pray, it is on a schedule that is notably more flexible and less demanding than even only a few years ago. There certainly has been adaptation in prayer "to the physical and psychological conditions of today's reli-gious" (Perfectae caritatis, n. 3). Changes in the forms of communal prayer have been widespread: exercises formerly thought best performed in common, like spiritual reading and visits to the Blessed Sacrament, are now considered more personal and private. The formulas of morning and evening prayer, which in many congregations grew like barnacles over the decades and even over the centuries, have been largely replaced by the official prayers of the Church, Lauds and Vespers or Compline. More recently, these official prayers have lost some of their novelty in those congregations where they were only recently introduced; hence there has been a rather widespread substitution of other readings for the Psalms, and this has here and there taken forms that are as contemporary as the latest popular literature. Today, then, there is certainly more variety, more improvisa-tion, more individual participation in prayer than there has been in the "Official" Church for centuries. It seems that another notable change with regard to the prayer life of religious is that, even though there may be less praying in public, the whole question of prayer has become explosively public. People talk about prayer more than perhaps at any other time since the Golden Age of Spanish mysticism in the sixteenth cen-tury. But the talk today would hardly be understood by a Spanish or any other variety of mystic: it deals not with degrees of the spiritual life, not with problems of aridity and desolation and dark nights of the soul, but with the very relevance of forms of prayer and of prayer itself in a secular age. There is a frankness in today's discussions about prayer totally unknown before. The superiority of prayer over service to others is seriously questioned. The assumption that there should be the same prayer for all at the same time and in the same place is simply rejected. And some of the traditional prayers of the Church come in for especially withering criticism, like the clear implication in the Hymn at Lauds for the Christmas season that the Infant Jesus was cold and hungry, and that choice bit from Psalm 136, at Thursday's Lauds: "Happy the man who shall seize and smash your little ones against the rocks." And "Good Night, Jesus," just does not seem to swing on an electric guitar. The whole place of prayer in the religious life, es-pecially in the formative years, has come under ques-tioning scrutiny. It would seem a valid generalization that until fairly recently young religious fresh "out of the world" and into the novitiate, for the most part, first were taught to pray, according to the accepted 4. 4- 4- Prayer LiJe VOLUME 28, ].969 749 ÷ ÷ ÷ John W. Sta~ord, C~.V. REVZEW FOR RELZG[OUS forms and customs of the congregation. Then, in seclu-sion from the world they learned how to live in charity with one another. Finally, if they belonged to the active societies, after a number of years of formation it was considered safe to permit them to engage in some form of external apostolate for the service of others, where they would meet "people of the world." Throughout they were taught to do all this for Christ who is God. It is not at all. clear that the concepts of Christ and of God of many religious today are those of even a decade ago. The Thomistic God of the philosophers is by no means accepted by all religious today. Maybe this was true a generation ago, too, but the fact is that if it was, one just did not say so! And views of Christ held today by many religious might have been labeled as tainted with heresy not at all long ago. It is not popular today to begin with prayer, for God through Christ, then move on to carefully guarded relationships with a highly se-lected group of chosen souls presumably much like yourself. You begin with people. In your encounters with people you learn more of yourself; and, if you are lucky, you come to see that people, ultimately, cannot really fulfill the totality of human needs. So God enters in, transcendent, it is true, but not at all the God with the carefully distinguished attributes of the old theo-logical manuals, and by no means always the God to whom novices formerly were taught to pray. But this God, nevertheless, is still a God to whom one prays. As everyone knows, a notable change in the prayer life of the contemporary religious, as in the prayer life of the whole Church, is the restoration of the centrality of the divine liturgy. Even though the importance or even the wisdom of daily Mass is questioned widely, and the forms of the Mass by no means always held to what is officially permitted, the Mass is still the great prayer of religious. It is a fact that many are dissatisfied with the Mass unless it is made something that they consider authentic, .dynamic, and fulfilling. The Liturgy of the Word is modified to fit the needs and interests of the participants, and the spontaneous changes made in the Liturgy of Sacrifice are in the direction of more personal meaningfulness and of greater social relevancy. A final fact that might be noted in today's prayer life of religious is that it can no longer be considered as restricted to the "ghetto" of the convent chapel. For the Mass at least, religious join more often than before with others in public church or university chapel. And those who do not belong to the congregation have now a warmer welcome than ever before to worship with religious in their own chapels. Religious, too, like all in the Church, have come to see that ecumenical prayer is a beautiful witness to the uriity and brotherhood of mankind. The PersonabCommunity Tension Throughout what has just been said we can distill out, amongst other things, a tension between the per-sonal or the private and the communal or public that, it would seem, is the greatest in history. Whether, as some would say, in the past the person became lost in the group or, as others would say, the group bestowed per-sonal fulfillment on the individual, there did in fact seem less tension between the two. Some things were done privately, some together; there seemed litde debate about it all. Certainly, there have always been in reli-gious communities as in all societies this elemental con-flict between the individual and the collectivity, the age old philosophical and very real and practical problem of the one and the many. But the conflict was generally controlled in the area of religious prayer. Today we witness a tremendous development of per-sonalism, of emphasis on the dignity and integrity of the individual. Though there is around, even in our highly sophisticated society, a lot of compulsive conforming to group norms and tribal customs, there is a more wide-spread and more intensive insistence on the importance of the individual. Read the documents of Vatican II and the pronouncements of our own contemporary popes; read the Declaration of the Rights of Man of the United Nations; recall the Four Freedoms of a generation ago; note the contemporary emphases everywhere on the rights of conscience and on freedom of religion; look at the map of the world. Everywhere there is insistence on self-government of peoples, on responsible self-determi-nation of the individual. Truly we can call this the supreme age in history of the individual person. Paradoxically, we can also see that never before in history has there been more "community." This can be seen, at one level, in the communications explosion of our age, the mass media of communication, the break-down of barriers of space and time by jet and satellite. Although there is certainly not peace throughout the world, nevertheless as never before in history a political or diplomatic brushfire anywhere is watched with alarm lest it become a world conflagration. Even though all men are by no means brothers, there is a longing for universal brotherhood, and progress towards it, that are truly remarkable. There is a concern for the poor and the unlettered and the deprived of the world as never before. This is clearly evident on a more local level. Vast groups of our own population are outraged, not because + + Prayer Liye VOLUME ~8, ~tg&~ ¯ 751 + 4. 4. John W. Sta~o~d~ .$.V. REVI

Doktorska disertacija Jugoslovenska politika prema zemljama narodne demokratije u susedstvu 1953 – 1958. godine zasnovana je na jugoslovenskim arhivskim izvorima iz Arhiva Srbije i Crne Gore, Diplomatskog arhiva Ministarstva spoljnih poslova Republike Srbije i Vojnog arhiva kao i na relevantnoj domaćoj i stranoj literaturi. Disertacija se bavi jugoslovenskom politikom prema Albaniji, Bugarskoj, Rumuniji i Mađarskoj u periodu normalizacije odnosa Jugoslavije sa ovim zemljama posle Staljinove smrti tj. posle petogodišnjeg perioda tokom koga su njihovi odnosi bili u gotovo potpunom prekidu. Ona predstavlja pokušaj da se sagleda odnos Jugoslavije prema neposrednom susedstvu u uslovima hladnog rata i sadejstva jugoslovenskih interesa sa jedne i spoljnih faktora poput uloge Sovjetskog Saveza u procesu normalizacije odnosa Jugoslavije sa pomenutim zemljama ili uloge vodećih zapadnih zemalja i njihovih interesa u Jugoslaviji i susednim zemljama "narodne demokratije" sa druge strane. U nekoliko faza kroz koje su od marta 1953. do aprila 1958. godine prošli odnosi Jugoslavije sa Albanijom, Bugarskom, Rumunijom i Mađarskom (od Staljinove smrti do potpisivanja Beogradske deklaracije, od potpisivanja Beogradske deklaracije do XX kongresa KPSS-a, od XX kongresa KPSS-a do izbijanja događaja u Mađarskoj 1956. godine i od događaja u Mađarskoj do kritike novog Programa SKJ) jugoslovenska politika se menjala u skladu sa okolnostima zadržavajući kao konstante izražen interes za normalizaciju odnosa i insistiranje na tome da sve susedne zemlje "narodne demokratije" javno osude svoju raniju politiku prema Jugoslaviji i rehabilituju sve koji su na montiranim sudskim procesima osuđeni zbog špijunske delatnost u korist Jugoslavije. Osnovni cilj rada na ovoj dioktorskoj disertaciji je bio da pruži nova znanja o ovoj temi, nove poglede na jugoslovensku spoljnu politiku i ponudi novi ugao gledanja na odnose Jugoslavije sa SSSR-om i Varšavskim paktom u celini. U vezi sa tim definisan je i drugi cilj ovog rada koji se odnosi na rekonstrukciju jugoslovenske politike prema ovim zemljama i na pokušaj da se uoče specifičnosti, metode i ciljevi te politike koji su se razlikovali u odnosu na jugoslovensku politiku prema ostalim istočnoevropskim zemljama. Treći cilj na temu jugoslovenske politike prema susednim zemljama "narodne demokratije" od 1953. do 1958. godine bio je i sistematizacija postojećih znanja o ovoj temi i njihova evaluacija s obzirom na veći stepen dostupnosti izvora nego što je to bio slučaj pre više decenija kada su nastali najznačajniji radovi koji su se delimično bavili pojedinim segmentima ove teme. Četvrti cilj istraživanja bio je utvrđivanje hronološki jasno određenih faza kroz koje su prolazili odnosi Jugoslavije sa Mađarskom, Rumunijom, Bugarskom i Albanijom u posmatranom periodu i identifikacija faktora koji su na to uticali. U trenutku Staljinove smrti, susedne zemlje "narodne demokratije" bile su daleko od centra pažnje jugoslovenske spoljne politike jer je , između ostalog, i njihov značaj za nju u uslovima prekida međudržavnih odnosa bio mali. Međutim, promene koje su ubrzo posle Staljinove smrti usledile u Sovjetskom Savezu omogućile su početak normalizacije odnosa Jugoslavije i "prve zemlje socijalizma" što je za sobom povuklo i mogućnost da Jugoslavija normalizuje svoje odnose i sa susednim zemljama "narodne demokratije". Kada su u pitanju bile te zemlje, primarni jugoslovenski interes nije se nalazio u sferi politike i ekonomije kao u slučaju Sovjetskog Saveza već u sferi praktičnih međudržavnih pitanja koja su teško opterećivala Jugoslaviju. Na prvom mestu to je bio interes da se što pre otkloni vojna pretnja na granicama i stanje na zajedničkoj "liniji razgraničenja" koje je u godinama posle 1948. iziskivalo velika materijalna i kadrovska ulaganja. Osim toga, Jugoslavija je jasan interes imala i po pitanju poboljšanja položaja pripadnika jugoslovenskih manjina u susednim zemljama "narodne demokratije" kao i po pitanju normalizacije saobraćaja. Razlog što Jugoslavija nije pokazivala izražen interes za političku i ekonomsku saradnju sa ovim zemljama ležao je u činjenici da je ona u međuvremenu, u vreme godina sukoba, uspela da pronađe alternativu kako u sferi spoljne politike tako i u sferi ekonomije i na taj način obesmisli blokadu kojoj je bila izložena sa Istoka. Međutim, cena iznalaženja te alternative bila je visoka i pretila je da ugrozi monopol vlasti Saveza komunista Jugoslavije što je za Tita i njegovo najbliže okruženje bilo neprihvatljivo. Iz tog razloga, mogućnost da se nađe zajednički jezik sa Moskvom predstavljao je za Tita priliku da uspostavi ravnotežu kada je u pitanju bio jugoslovenski položaj prema suprotstavljenim blokovima u zaoštrenoj hladnoratovskoj atmosferi. Odnos Jugoslavije prema SSSR-u, i obrnuto, može se smatrati jednim od najznačajnijih faktora koji su uticali na oblikovanje jugoslovenske politike prema susednim zemljama "narodne demokratije" sa jedne i na kreiranje politike koje su sve istočnoevropske zemlje vodile prema Jugoslaviji sa druge strane. Drugi značajan faktor koji je uticao na jugoslovensku politiku prema zemljama "narodne demokratije" u susedstvu od 1953. do 1958. godine bio je u tesnoj vezi sa jugoslovensko-sovjetskim odnosima a ticao se prevashodno ideologije i s tim u vezi destaljinizacije. Kreirajući u godinama sukoba sa Informbiroom sopstveni model "samoupravnog" socijalizma, Jugoslavija tokom procesa normalizacije odnosa nije pristajala na "jedinstvo lagera" i povratak u njega što je bio glavni kamen spoticanja u njenim odnosima kakao sa SSSR-om tako i sa drugim istočnoevropskim zemljama pa i susednim kao što su bile Albanija, Bugarska, Mađarska i Rumunija. S tim u vezi je i destaljinizacija, odnosno njen napredak i dubina u susednim "zemljama" narodne demokratije kao i njihova spremnost da se distanciraju od staljinističke ideologije, predstavljala jedan od glavnih faktora koji su uticali na oblikovanje jugoslovenske politike prema tim zemljama. Najzad, važan činilac koji je uticao na jugoslovensku spoljnu politiku uopšte pa i na njenu politiku prema delu ili celini Istočnog bloka bili su i njeni odnosi sa Zapadom, koji su iz pragmatičnih razloga tokom godina sukoba sa Informbiroom bili poboljšani do te mere da su Jugoslaviju, iako nevoljno, doveli na rub uključenja u zapadni vojni savez. Zapad je bio taj kome se nije dopadalo jugoslovensko približavanje SSSR-u i istočnoevropskim zemljama i u periodu normalizacije njihovih odnosa svaki korak koji je vodio približavanju dveju do tada suprotstavljenih strana izazivao je na Zapadu sumnje u iskrenost Jugoslavije i zebnju kada je u pitanju bila budućnost odnosa Zapada i Jugoslavije. Kao rezultat sadejstva nekoliko najvažnijih spoljnih faktora i jugoslovenskih interesa u neposrednom susedstvu iz okvira socijalističkog "lagera" nastajala je jugoslovenska politika prema Istoku uopšte pa i prema Albaniji, Bugarskoj, Rumuniji i Mađarskoj ponaosob, onakva kakva je bila. U periodu od 1953. do 1958. godine ta politika je bila aktivna i pozitivna ali ne i bez ograda. Tih godina, Jugoslavija je bez sumnje pokazivala interes da normalizuje svoje odnose sa susedima sa kojima je osim granice delila i ideologiju ali najčešće nije želela da ona bude ta koja će dati inicijativu za konkretne korake u tom procesu. Smatrajući da su međusobni odnosi narušeni ne njenom već krivicom suseda, ona je strogo poštovala načelo (koje je inače zastupala i kada je u pitanju bila njena politika prema SSSR-u) da prvi korak treba da učini onaj koji je odgovoran za prekid normalnih dobrosusedskih odnosa. Imajući u vidu sve interese, želje i aspiracije koje je Jugoslavija imala kada je u pitanju bio prostor neposredno uz njene granice kao i faktore koji su neminovno uticali na njenu politiku, može se reći da je Jugoslavija prema zemljama "narodne demokratije" u susedstvu u periodu normalizacije međusobnih odnosa od 1953. do 1958. godine vodila politiku mogućeg. Ta politika, međutim, iako osmišljena na isti način, nije uvek bila ista prema svakoj pojedinačnoj zemlji u susedstvu iz prostog razloga što u njima nije nailazila na istovetne uslove i mogućnosti. Tamo gde su mogućnosti bile veće, Jugoslavija je postizala više. Međutim, kako je vreme odmicalo i kako je Jugoslavija bivala sve uspešnija u pronalaženju svog sopstvenog "trećeg puta", čini se da joj je sve manje i manje bilo stalo do sadržajnije saradnje sa većinom suseda od kojih je (budući da su sve bile deo Istočnog bloka), u skladu sa svojom novom spoljnopolitičkom strategijom koja je ekvidistancu prema blokovima predviđala kao imperativ, trebalo da napravi određeni otklon. ; The Ph.D. thesis Yugoslav Policy Towards the Neighboring Countries of People's Democracy 1953-1958 is based on Yugoslav archival sources from the Archives of Yugoslavia, the Diplomatic Archives of the Foreign Ministry of the Republic of Serbia and the Military Archives, as well as on the relevant domestic and foreign literature. The thesis deals with Yugoslav policy towards Albania, Bulgaria, Romania and Hungary during the period of normalization of relations between these countries and Yugoslavia after Stalin's death, i.e. after a five years' period of almost complete interruption in bilateral relations. It is an attempt at a study of the interplay of Yugoslavia's relations with immediate neighborhood during the Cold War and Yugoslav interests on the one hand, and interests of foreign factors, such as the Soviet Union and the leading Western nations in Yugoslavia and in the neighboring countries within the framework of the normalization of Yugoslavia's relations with the above mentioned countries. During the several phases the Yugoslav relations with Albania, Bulgaria, Romania and Hungary went through between March 1953 and April 1958 (from Stalin's death until the signing of the Belgrade Declaration, from then to the 20th congress of the CP of the USSSR, from then until the beginning of the events in Hungary in 1956 and from then until the critique of the new Program of the CP of Yugoslavia), the Yugoslav policy changed in accordance with the situation, preserving the interest in normalizing relations and insisting that all neighboring countries of "people's democracy" should condemn their former policy towards Yugoslavia and rehabilitate all those who had been sentenced as Yugoslav spies at show trials. The main goal of this Ph.D. thesis was to provide new knowledge of the topic, new views on Yugoslav foreign policy and to propose a new vantage point on the Yugoslav relations with the Soviet Union, and on relations with the Warsaw Pact as a whole. Connected with this was another goal of the thesis that concrens the reconstruction of Yugoslav policy toward these countries and the attempt to pinpoint the characteristics, methods and goals of that policy that were different from those of Yugoslav policy toward other east European countries. The third goal of the topic of Yugoslav policy toward the neighboring countries of "people's democracy" between 1953 and 1958 was also to systematize the existing knowledge on the subject in view of better accessability of sources as compared with the situation of several decades ago when the most important works touching upon some aspects of this topic were written. The fourth goal of the research was to determin chronologically clearly defined phases that the Yugoslav relations with Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria and Albania had gone through during the researched period and to identify the factors that influenced the process. At the time of Stalin's death the countries of "people's democracy" were far from the focus of the Yugoslav foreign policy, because, among other things, their importance was small due to the severed inter-state relations. However, the changes that set in the Soviet Union soon after Stalin's death made the beginning of normalization of relations with the "first country of socialism" possible. This entailed the possibility that Yugoslavia also normalizes its relations with neighboring countries of "people's democracy". When these countries were in question, Yugoslavia's primary interest didn't lie in political or economic spheres as in the case of the Soviet Union, but rather in the sphere of practical inter-state matters weighting heavily on Yugoslavia. Supreme was the interest to do away as soon as possible with the military threat on the borders and to change the situation on the "line of demarcation" that had required much material and human resources in the years after 1948. Furthermore, Yugoslavia had a clear interest in improving the situation of members of Yugoslav minorities in the neighboring countries of "people's democracy", as well as in normalization of trafic. The reason why Yugoslavia showed no great interest in political or economic cooperation with these countries lay in the fact that she had in the meantime, during the years of conflict, found alternative solutions in the spheres of foreign policy and economy, reducing thus to insignifficance the blocade imposed on her from the East. However, the price of that alternative solution was high and it threatened to endanger the power monopoly of the Union of the Communists of Yugoslavia, which was unacceptable for Tito and his innermost circle of collaborators. For that reason, the possibility of finding common grounds with Moscow was for Tito an oportunity to balance Yugoslavia's position between the two competing blocs in a worsened Cold War atmosphere. Yugoslavia's relation to the USSSR and vice versa, can be seen as one of the most important factors influencing Yugoslav policy toward the neighboring countries of "people's democracy" on the one hand, and on the other, one that was decisively shaping their policy towards Yugoslavia. Another important factor influencing Yugoslav policy toward the countries of "people's democracy" in the vicinity between 1953 and 1958 was closely connected with the Yugoslav-Soviet relations and it concerned primarily ideology and, in that context, destalinization. Having created her own model of "self-managing" socialism during the years of conflict with the Cominform, during the process of normalization Yugoslavia didn't accept the unity of the Eastern Bloc and the matter of her return to it was one of the main stumbling blocks both in her relations with the USSR and with the neighbors such as Albania, Bulgaria, Hungary and Romania. In that context, destalinisation, i.e. its progress and depth in the neighboring countries of "people's democracy" and their willingnes to distance themselves from the Stalinist ideology was one of the major factors influencing Yugoslavia's policy toward those countries. Finally, the important factor influencing Yugoslav foreign policy in general, including part of the Eastern Block or it as a whole, were Yugoslavia's relations with the West that had been so improved during the years of conflict with the Cominform, that they led Yugoslavia, although unwillingly, to the brink of joining the western military alliance. The West was unhappy with Yugoslav rapprochement with the USSR and eastern European countries and every step that brought closer the two once confonted parties during the process of normalization of their relations, caused the West to doubt Yugoslavia's sincerety and cause fears for the future relations between the West and Yugoslavia. As a result of interplay of several major foreign political factors and Yugoslav interests in the imediate socialist block neighborhood, the Yugoslav policy toward the East in general and toward Albania, Bulgaria, Romania and Hungary individually, emerged in the given form. Between 1953 and 1958 that policy was active and positive, but not without restrains. During those years Yugoslavia clearly showed interest in normalizing her relations with the neighboring countries with whom she shared not only borders, but ideology too, but in most cases she was not willing to be the one to initiate concrete steps in that process. Deeming that it had not been her fault but that of her neighbors that the bilateral relations had been spoiled, she observed strictly the principle (that she also championed in her relations with the USSR) that the side that had been responsible for the interruption of normal good neighborly relations should also make the first move. Having in mind all the interests, wishes and aspirations that Yugoslavia had concerning the space imediatly bordering on her territory as well as the factors necessarily infuencing her policy, it can be said that Yugoslavia led the policy of what was possible toward the neighboring countries of "people's democracy" during tthe period of normalization of bilateral relations 1953-1958. However, that policy wasn't always the same toward all these neighboring countries, for simple reason that it didn't meet with the same conditions and possibilities in them. Where possibilities were greater, Yugoslavia acheived more. However, as the time went by and as Yugoslavia became increasingly more successful in finding her own "third way", it seems she was increasingly less interested in substantial cooperation with most of the neighbors from whom (since they were all members of the Eastern Block) certain distance should be kept – in keeping with the new foreign political strategy that foresaw equidistance towards both blocs as a must.

Forest decline is nowadays a major challenge to management and sustainability of natural ecosystems worldwide. This syndrome is a multifactorial disease influenced by several biotic and abiotic agents such as alien invasive pathogens, changes in land use and management policies, population dynamics driven by economic and politic changes, and climatic perturbations. All these factors changing due to anthropogenic influence, together with others, conformed the so-called global change. Since the 1990's decade, the oak decline has been identified as one of the most important ecological problems in Europe, affecting deciduous and evergreen Quercus species from the continental forests on Central and North Europe, to temperate forests of the Mediterranean basin. In the case of Iberian Peninsula, holm oak (Quercus ilex L.) and cork oak (Quercus suber L.) decline has been detected since the 1980's decade. These two species covered most of the forest surface of the south and central part of the Iberian Peninsula, mainly through "dehesas" and "montados" formations. This area is considered to be one of the worst affected regions in the world by climate change, worsening the effects and the consequences of oak decline in "dehesas". "Dehesas" are Mediterranean savanah-like ecosystems, which provide several economic yields and ecological services. In turn, the holm oak is the most representative tree in the Iberian Peninsula, and the main species conforming the tree layer on the Spanish "dehesas". The loss of this tree layer is a major ecological and economical constraint. The holm oak decline is mainly associated to the action of soil-borne pathogens, especially Phytophtora cinnamomi. Despite the influence of other factors in the decline, there is a strong association between root rot caused by oomycetes and the death of trees. Phytophtora cinnamomi is an aggressive alien plant pathogen widely widespread worldwide, which has been associated with the disease, die-off and death in a large list of different plant hosts. It is able to change trophic relationships with their hosts, becaming biotroph in asymptomatic hosts and hemibiotroph or necrotroph in susceptible hosts. It is considered that holm oak is the most susceptible Quercus sp. to the action of this pathogen. Additionally, other Phytophthora spp. and Pythium spp. have been recorded associated with the holm oak decline in Spain, Portugal, Italy and France. Many scientific efforts have focused to study this important hostpathogen system, obtaining great results and increasing the knowledge of the causes and effects of the interaction, improving management techniques to limit the spread and the symptoms. However, most of the reviewed works are based on empirical approaches, being the underlying mechanisms regulating the interaction between both species mostly unknown. This PhD Thesis covers part of this lack of basic knowledge, focusing on the host-pathogen interaction at histological and physiological level, and exploring the influence of the soil biota in the severity of the disease symptoms. For this purpose, the work was structured in seven chapters. Chapter 1 provides the framework in which the present PhD Thesis has been developed, and the general and specific objectives. Chapter 2 presents the methodology developed to evaluate the colonization and infection of Phytophthora cinnamomi in Quercus ilex seedling through the semi-automated quantification of pathogen structures present in histological sections of fine roots. A workflow was tuned-up testing different fixing solutions, embedding substances and staining methods, and the results allowed the clear differentiation of pathogen structures from host tissues. Furthermore, different indices based on structure location, host tissue classification and specificity of pathogen structures were evaluated to find the easiest and statistically robust indices that are able to explain the progress of the oomycete into the root. In chapter 3, inoculation experiments in growth chamber were carried out to describe the pathogenesis of the Quercus ilex-Phytophthora cinnamomi interaction. Longitudinal sections were analysed for epidermal, cortex, parenchymatous tissue of central cylinder and vascular tissue after 1, 3, 7 and 14 days after inoculation. Total oomycete structures area, intracellular structures area, extracellular structures area, and specific structures area of the pathogen were quantified. The analysis of these data results in the description of the colonization/infection cycle of the pathogen, classified in three different stages related with their trophic behaviour. Moreover, histological changes of the root tissues as a result of the presence of defence responses and the action of the pathogen were described. In Chapter 4, the differential responses of holm oak seedlings to the inoculation with P. cinnamomi, the acute drought and combination of both stressors were assessed. Six-months old seedlings were inoculated and mock-inoculated, and half of each inoculation treatment plans were subjected to acute drought meanwhile the others were well irrigated. Photosynthesis, stomatal conductance and fluorescence were measured weekly, and total biomass and biomass allocation parameters were quantified at the end of the experiment. The resulting data showed differences in the response of seedlings to drought and inoculation, and the influence of the additive effect of both stressors in the seedlings die-off. In Chapter 5, soil samples of "dehesas" were collected and total DNA was extracted and analysed through metabarcoding techniques, to evaluate the specific composition and diversity of the fungal and oomycete communities, and to study their relationship with the disease symptoms. The fungal community included a wide range of pathogens and abundance of ectomycorrhizal key taxa. Phytophthora spp. dominated the oomycete community, but the species related to root rot did not appear as the most abundant, nor were they related directly to defoliation levels. A particular Operational Taxonomic Unit (OTU) belonging to the genus Trichoderma was strongly correlated with the scarcity of pathogenic Phytophthora spp. The differences in defoliation were related to changes in the functionality of soil microbiota and diversity levels of pathogenic species. Chapter 6 presents the general discussion of the Thesis, including some aspects limiting the results of the works carried out, ad new work lines deriving from this Thesis, and finally Chapter 7 contains the conclusions of the work. Changes in roots as a consequence of P. cinnamomi inoculation, including defence responses, and the differential response identified with pathogen colonization/inoculation, leads to new insights about the causes of tree death. Holm oak responds to the attack of the pathogen, and their physiological changes differ from the ones caused by water stress, allowing the recovery of plants if no additional stress is present. Moreover, the study of soil microbiome in declined "dehesas" showed the influence of the microbial diversity in the health status of trees, and also presented new species of oomycetes and fungi that must be considered in the management of holm oak decline in Andalusian "dehesas". ; El decaimiento forestal es hoy en día uno de los mayores desafíos para el manejo y la sostenibilidad de los ecosistemas naturales en todo el mundo. Dicho síndrome es una enfermedad multifactorial en la que intervienen diversos agentes bióticos y abióticos como los patógenos invasores, los cambios en los usos del territorio y las políticas de recursos, o las perturbaciones climáticas. El cambio producido en todos estos factores debido a la influencia del hombre entre otros motivos es lo que se ha dado en llamar cambio global. Desde la década de los 90 del siglo XX, el decaimiento de los robles se ha identificado como uno de los problemas ecológicos más relevantes en Europa, afectando a masas de Quercus caducifolios y perennifolios desde los bosques continentales de Centro Europa y Norte Europa, hasta los bosques templados de la cuenca mediterránea. En el caso de la Península Ibérica, el decaimiento de la encina (Quercus ilex L.) y el alcornoque (Quercus suber L.) se identificó en los años 80 del siglo XX. Estas dos especies cubren la mayor parte de la superficie forestal del sur y centro de la Península Ibérica, principalmente formando sistemas de dehesa y "montados". Dicha área geográfica está considerada como una de las regiones a nivel mundial que se verán peor afectadas por el cambio climático, lo que agravaría las consecuencias y los efectos del decaimiento de la encina en las dehesas. Las dehesas son ecosistemas mediterráneos semejantes a la sabana, que proveen de diversos beneficios económicos y servicios ambientales. Por su parte, la encina es el árbol más representativo de la Península Ibérica, y la especie principal del estrato arbóreo de las dehesas. La pérdida de este estrato es un problema ecológico y económico de gran relevancia. El decaimiento de la encina está asociado principalmente a la acción de patógenos de suelo, especialmente Phytophthora cinnamomi. Sin olvidar la influencia de otros factores en el síndrome, existe una fuerte asociación entre la podredumbre radicular causada por los oomicetos y la muerte del arbolado. Phytophthora cinnamomi es un patógeno invasor muy agresivo, ampliamente distribuido por todo el mundo, que ha sido asociado con la enfermedad, la decadencia y la mortalidad de una larga lista de diferentes especies vegetales. Es una especie capaz de cambiar su relación trófica con el huésped, comportándose como un organismo biótrofo en huéspedes asintomáticos, y como hemibiótrofo ó necrótrofo en huéspedes susceptibles. Se considera que la encina es la especie del género Quercus más susceptible a la acción del patógeno. De forma adicional, otras especies de los géneros Phytophthora y Pythium se han encontrado asociadas con el decaimiento de la encina en España, Portugal, Italia y Francia. Para estudiar este sistema patógeno-huésped se han llevado a cabo grandes esfuerzos científicos, que han obtenido resultados muy meritorios y han incrementado el conocimiento de las causas y los efectos de la interacción, mejorando las técnicas de gestión para limitar la dispersión y los síntomas del decaimiento. Sin embargo, la mayoría de los trabajos revisados se basaron en aproximaciones empíricas, desconociéndose gran parte de los mecanismos subyacentes que controlan la interacción entre las dos especies. Esta Tesis cubre parte de esta falta de conocimiento básico, centrándose en la interacción entre el huésped y el patógeno a nivel histológico y fisiológico, así como explorando la influencia de la biota del suelo en la severidad de los síntomas de la enfermedad. Para dicho propósito, el trabajo se estructuró en 7 capítulos. El Capítulo 1 proporciona el marco teórico en el que se desarrolla esta Tesis Doctoral, así como los objetivos generales y específicos. El Capítulo 2 muestra la metodología desarrollada para evaluar la colonización e infección de Phytophthora cinnamomi en plántulas de Quercus ilex a través de la cuantificación semiautomática de las estructuras del patógeno presentes en secciones histológicas de raíces finas. El flujo de trabajo fue puesto a punto probando diferentes soluciones de fijación, sustancias de inclusión y métodos de tinción, y los resultados permitieron la diferenciación clara de las estructuras del patógeno y de los tejidos del huésped. Además, distintos índices basados en la localización y especificidad de las estructuras del patógeno y en el tejido del huésped, se evaluaron con el fin de buscar la manera más sencilla y estadísticamente robusta de explicar el progreso del oomiceto en la raíz a través de índices. En el capítulo 3, se llevaron a cabo experimentos en cámara de crecimiento para describir la patogénesis de la interacción entre P. cinnamomi y Q. ilex. Se analizaron secciones longitudinales de epidermis, córtex, tejido parenquimático del cilindro central y tejido vascular, a los 1, 3, 7 y 14 días después de la inoculación. Se cuantificó el área total de estructuras, estructuras intracelulares, estructuras extracelulares y estructuras específicas del patógeno. El análisis de estos datos proporcionó una descripción del ciclo de colonización/infección del patógeno, clasificada en tres etapas diferentes relacionadas con su comportamiento trófico. Asimismo se describieron los cambios histológicos resultantes de la presencia del patógeno o de las respuestas desencadenadas por la planta. En el capítulo 4 se analizó la respuesta diferencial de plántulas de encina ante la inoculación con P. cinnamomi, ante la sequía severa y ante ambos estreses combinados. Plántulas de seis meses de edad fueron inoculados y sometidos a falsa inoculación, y la mitad de cada uno de estos tratamientos fue sometida a sequía severa, mientras que el resto fue regada de manera óptima. Semanalmente se midieron los valores de fotosíntesis, conductancia estomática y fluorescencia, y la biomasa total así como la compartimentación de la biomasa fueron cuantificadas al final del experimento. Los datos resultantes mostraron la existencia de diferencias en la respuesta de las plántulas ante la sequía y la inoculación, así como el efecto aditivo de ambos estreses en la muerte de las plántulas. En el Capítulo 5 se colectaron muestras de suelo de dehesas y se extrajo el ADN total, que se analizó a través de técnicas de metabarcoding, con el fin de evaluar la composición específica y la diversidad de las comunidades fúngica y de oomicetos, y para estudiar sus relaciones con los síntomas de la enfermedad. La comunidad fúngica presentó una gran variedad de patógenos y abundancia de taxones clave de ectomicorrizas. Phytophthora spp. apareció como el taxón dominante dentro de la comunidad de oomicetos, pero las principales especies relacionadas con la podredumbre radicular no fueron las más abundantes, ni presentaron relación directa con los niveles de defoliación. Una unidad taxonómica operacional (OTU) particular, perteneciente al género Trichoderma, presentó correlaciones significativas con la escasez de especies patógenas de Phytophthora spp. Las diferencias en defoliación se correlacionaron con cambios en la funcionalidad de la microbiota del suelo y con los niveles de diversidad de las especies patógenas. El Capítulo 6 presenta la discusión general de la Tesis, incluyendo algunos aspectos que limitan los resultados de los trabajos realizados, y nuevas líneas de trabajo que se derivan de esta Tesis, y finalmente, el Capítulo 7 contiene las conclusiones del trabajo. Los cambios que se producen en la raíz a consecuencia de la inoculación con P. cinnamomi, incluyendo las respuestas defensivas, así como la respuesta diferencial identificada con la colonización/infección, conducen a nuevas apreciaciones sobre la causa de la muerte del arbolado. La encina responde al ataque del patógeno, presentando variaciones en la fisiología diferentes de las causadas por el estrés hídrico, las cuales permiten la recuperación de las plantas si no se superpone un estrés adicional a la inoculación. Adicionalmente, el estudio del microbioma del suelo en dehesas con decaimiento del encinar mostró la influencia de la diversidad microbiana en el estado sanitario del arbolado, así como mostró nuevas especies de oomicetos y hongos que deben tenerse en consideración en el manejo del decaimiento de las dehesas de encina en Andalucía.

This thesis contributes to the field of political ecology by presenting an empirically driven analysis of the power dynamics between the state and Sámi reindeer herders and the knowledge systems that inform the governance of reindeer husbandry. The phenomenon studied consists of the actors' competing accounts of what reindeer husbandry is and what it ought to be. This phenomenon is addressed through four research questions: 1. What values and knowledge systems inform the actors' presentations about reindeer husbandry? 2. What are the actors' presentations of the 'proper' management of reindeer, herders and land? 3. How do the actors influence and claim authority in decision-making concerning reindeer husbandry? 4. How does the state's governance of reindeer husbandry affect power relations among the actors? The research was qualitative. The core data have been collected from in-depth interviews and informal conversations with herders and government officials in the 2012–2015 period. One of the case studies of the thesis was based on participatory research. The study has also been informed by direct observations of meetings between the actors and written sources such as government documents, letters between the actors and scientific publications. The study used a grounded theory approach to conceptualise the information that was collected. It engages the concepts of governmentality, weapons of the weak, politics of belonging and political ontology – concepts that were useful in the analysis of how policies meet practice, and how state regulations affect power relations between the state and herders, as well as within the herding community. The geographical scope of the study is West Finnmark, in the far north of Norway. This is the largest reindeer-herding region in terms of numbers of reindeer and herders. For more than a century, the Norwegian state has been concerned that there are 'too many reindeer' and 'too many herders' in West Finnmark. The state has therefore used regulations and incentives since the late 1970s to rationalise reindeer husbandry to make it economically efficient. Since 1992, sustainability has been an added objective. To make decision-making more effective, new policies were introduced in 2007 to strengthen the aspect of self-governance within reindeer husbandry. At the same time, it also increased the state's capacity for sanctioning unwanted herding practices. Although the rationalisation policies have been in place for 40 years, government officials state that this objective has not been met. West Finnmark has specifically been identified as a region where herding practices continue to be irrational. At the same time, the region faces an increasing number of land-use conflicts between reindeer herders and other interests such as mining, wind power and hydropower installations, and roads and other types of urban development. The state's destocking efforts and the land-use conflicts form the backdrop of the study. The thesis is built on four separate, but interrelated papers. They explore the actors' narratives about decision-making related to reindeer husbandry, techniques for governing and being governed. The papers also report on the conflicting knowledge systems and competing worldviews that inform the actors' presentations about 'proper' management of reindeer, herders and the land on which reindeer husbandry depends. Further, the papers explore the power structures that affect the actors' ability to present their accounts and their ability to be understood by society at large. They examine how the actors describe the decision-making processes, explain their own actions, and claim authority. The study shows that the herders and government officials hold different and competing narratives about destocking and land-use decisions. However, one collective actor – the government officials – holds more economic and discursive power to legitimise its presentation. Thus, their narrative is perceived as objective and rational, while the herders' counternarratives are labelled subjective and opportunistic. Further, the actors have unequal access to arenas for promoting their stories. The government officials' narratives are repeated in Parliament and by the media and society; the counternarratives are almost invisible in the public debate. Moreover, the persistent dominant narratives have established an undisputed truth about Sámi reindeer herders – that the herders are overstocking the range to maximise their personal benefits and that reindeer husbandry is a bottleneck for the economic development of Finnmark. The thesis identifies four 'techniques of power' – discipline, neoliberal rationality, sovereign power and truth – used by the state to stimulate 'rational' herding practices, together with the techniques of resistance used by the herders to hamper the implementation of the rationalisation policies in West Finnmark. The analysis reveals the forms of resistance that the herders use daily to maintain control of their own livelihoods and practices. A common strategy is to partly adopt and partly avoid state regulations. Individual responses to the rationalisation are determined by personal desires and capacity, as well as relationships with and the behaviour of fellow herders. The thesis argues that the state governance of reindeer husbandry promotes herding practices that are primarily based on Western knowledge and the Western way of understanding the world. The governance regime is in conflict with traditional Sámi reindeer-herding knowledge and worldviews. Despite 40 years of attempting to transform reindeer husbandry by means of policies, the Sámi worldview continues to influence the herders' understanding of the relationship between humans, reindeer and nature and how this relationship should be governed. The conflicting knowledge systems and competing worldviews about what reindeer husbandry is and ought to be undermine the identity and rights of the herders. The state's attempts to control the Sámi reindeer husbandry skews the power relations between the state and the herders to the benefit of the state, and it creates winners and losers within the Sámi herding community. The Sámi herders' ability to engage in reindeer husbandry and claim the right to land has become dependent on their success in adapting to a Norwegianised form of reindeer husbandry. ; Denne avhandlingen bidrar til feltet politisk økologi ved å presentere en empirisk drevet analyse av maktforhold mellom staten og samiske reineiere, og av kunnskapssystemene som ligger til grunn for reindriftsforvaltning. Fenomenet som undersøkes består av aktørenes (reineierne og staten) motstridende narrativer (fortellinger) om hva reindrift er og hva det burde være. Fenomenet utforskes gjennom fire forskningsspørsmål: 1. Hvilke verdier og kunnskapssystemer ligger til grunn for aktørenes narrativer om reindrift? 2. Hvordan forstår aktørene 'god' forvaltning av rein, reineiere og beiteland? 3. Hvordan påvirker aktørene beslutningsprosesser for reindrift, og hvordan styrker de sin egen legitimitet i prosessene? 4. Hvordan påvirker den statlige styringen av samisk reindrift maktforholdet mellom aktørene? Forskningen var kvalitativ. Dataene kom i hovedsak fra dybdeintervjuer og uformelle samtaler med reineiere og myndigheter i årene 2012–2015. En av casene i avhandlingen var basert på deltakende forskning. Studien bygget også på observasjoner av møter mellom aktørene og skriftlige kilder som offentlige dokumenter, brevkorrespondanse mellom reineiere og myndighetene og vitenskapelige artikler. Studien brukte grounded theory (empiribasert teoriutvikling) som tilnærming for å konseptualisere dataene som ble samlet inn. Forskningen dro veksler på begreper som governmentality (styringsmentalitet), resistence (motstand), politics of belonging (tilhørighet) og political ontology (politisk ontologi) – konsepter som var nyttige i analysen av hvordan politikk møter praksis, og hvordan statlig forvaltning påvirker maktforholdet mellom staten og reineiere, samt maktforholdet innad i reindriften. Det geografiske fokuset for avhandlingen er Vest-Finnmark. Dette er den største reindriftsregionen i Norge i antall rein og reineiere. I mer enn et århundre har den norske staten vært bekymret for at det er 'for mange rein' og 'for mange reineiere' i Vest-Finnmark. Og siden slutten av 1970-tallet har staten brukt ulike forskrifter og subsidieordninger for å rasjonalisere reindriften og gjøre den økonomisk effektivt. Siden 1992 har også bærekraft vært et uttalt politisk mål. For å gjøre beslutninger mer effektive, la reindriftsloven av 2007 til rette for internt selvstyre i reindriften, samtidig som den også innførte nye sanksjonsbestemmelser for å håndtere uønsket praksis blant reineierne. Rasjonaliseringspolitikken har eksistert i 40 år, men ifølge myndighetene har målet om rasjonell reindrift ikke blitt oppfylt. Spesielt Vest-Finnmark blir presentert som en region som forsetter å ha et for høyt reintall. Samtidig står denne regionen overfor et økende antall arealbrukskonflikter mellom reindrift og annen type arealbruk som gruvedrift, vindkraft og vannkraft, veier og andre typer infrastruktur. Statens tiltak for å redusere antall rein og arealkonflikter utgjør bakteppe for denne avhandlingen. Avhandlingen er basert på fire individuelle, men relaterte forskningsartikler. Disse undersøker aktørenes narrativer om beslutningsprosesser knyttet til reindrift, styringsteknikker og teknikker som brukes for å motstå å bli styrt. Artiklene beskriver også de motstridende kunnskapsformene og konkurrerende verdensbildene som ligger til grunn for aktørenes narrativer om 'god' forvaltning av rein, reineiere og beiter. Videre ser artiklene på maktstrukturer som påvirker aktørens evne til å kommunisere sine narrativer og til å bli forstått av storsamfunnet. De undersøker hvordan aktørene beskriver beslutningsprosesser, forklarer sine egne handlinger og hvordan de styrker sin egen legitimitet i prosessene. Studien viser at reineiere og myndighetene har ulike og motstridende narrativer om reintallsreduksjonen og beslutninger om arealbruk. Men én av aktørene – myndighetene – har mer økonomisk og diskursiv makt til å fremme og legitimere sine historier. Således blir deres framstillinger oppfattet som objektive og rasjonelle, mens reineiernes narrativer blir oppfattet som subjektive og opportunistiske. Aktørene har også ulik tilgang til arenaer for å fremme sine historier. Myndighetenes narrativer blir gjentatt i Stortinget, i media og blant folk flest, mens reineiernes narrativer er bortimot usynlig i den offentlige debatten. Seiglivetheten til de dominerende narrativene er med på å etablere disse som ubestridte sannheter om samisk reindrift – nemlig at reineiere bygger opp reinflokken for å maksimere egen profitt og dermed nedbeiter vidda, og at reindriften er en flaskehals for Finnmarks økonomiske utvikling. Denne avhandlingen identifiserer fire 'maktteknikker' – disiplin, økonomiske insentiver, suveren makt og sannhet – som staten bruker for å stimulere til en 'rasjonell' reindrift, samt reineierne motstand mot rasjonaliseringspolitikken i Vest- Finnmark. Analysen viser hvordan reineierne bruker ulike former for motstand for å opprettholde kontroll over sin egen reindriftsutøvelse og levevei. En vanlig strategi er å delvis oppta og delvis unngå statlige beslutninger. Reineieres individuelle respons på rasjonaliseringen er imidlertid avhengig av egne ønsker og behov, samt forhold til andre reineiere og responsen deres. Avhandlingen viser at statens styring av reindriften fremmer en reindriftspraksis basert på vestlig kunnskap og et vestlig verdensbilde. Dette styringsregime er i konflikt med tradisjonell samisk reindriftskunnskap og verdensbilde. Til tross for 40 år med politikk for å endre reindriften, fortsetter likevel et samisk verdensbilde å påvirke reineiernes forståelse av forholdet mellom mennesker, rein og natur, samt hvordan dette forholdet bør styres. Men de motstridende kunnskapssystemene og konkurrerende verdensbildene på hva reindrift er og burde være undergraver reineiernes identitet og rettigheter. Den statlige styringen av samisk reindrift forskyver maktforholdet mellom staten og reineierne til fordel for staten, og den skaper vinnere og tapere i den samiske reindriften. Samiske reineieres mulighet for å drive med rein og hevde en rett til beitearealene er betinget av deres evne til å tilpasse seg en 'fornorsket' reindrift. ; Dát dutkkus lea buvtta politihkalaš ekologiijasuorgái dan bokte ahte ovdanbuktá empiralaš analiisa fápmodilis gaskal stáhta ja sámi boazoeaiggádiid, ja máhttovuogádagain, mat leat vuođđun boazodoallohálddašeamis. Fenomena mii guorahallojuvvo leat gilvaleaddji muitalusat maid aktevrrat (boazoeaiggádat ja stáhta) geavahit go čilgejit mii boazoealáhus lea ja mii dat galggašii leat. Fenomena guorahallojuvvo njeallje dutkangažaldaga bokte: 1. Makkár árvvut ja máhttovuogádagat leat vuođđun aktevrraid muitalusaide boazoealáhusa birra? 2. Movt aktevrrat oidnet mii lea "buorre" hálddašeapmi das mii guoská bohccuide, boazoeaiggádiidda ja guohtuneatnamiidda? 3. Mo váikkuhit aktevrrat mearridanproseassaide boazoealáhusa dáfus ja mo nannejit sii autoritehtaset? 4. Mo váikkuha stáhtalaš boazoealáhusa stivrejupmi fápmodillái aktevrraid gaskka? Dutkan lea kvalitatiivvalaš. Dieđut leat čohkkejuvvon vuosttažettiin čiekŋalis jearahallamiid ja eahpeformálalaš sagastallamiid bokte boazoeaiggádiiguin ja eiseválddiiguin 2012-2015 áigodagas. Okta oassi dutkamis lea vuođđuduvvon oassálasti dutkamuša ala. Dutkosis geavahuvvojit maid observeremet aktevrraid deaivvademiin, almmolaš dokumeanttat, reivvet ja čálašeamit boazoeaiggádiid ja eiseválddiid gaskka, dieđalaš artihkkalat ja eará čálalaš gáldut. Dutkkus geavaha grounded theory (vásáhusvuđot teoriijaovdáneami) lahkonanvuohkin ásahan dihte doahpagiid čohkkejuvvon dieđuin. Dutkan ávkkástallá doahpagiid nugo governmentality (stivrenmentalitehta), resistence (vuosteháhku), politics of belonging (gullevašvuohta) ja political ontology (politihkalaš ontologiija) – doahpagat mat ledje ávkkálačča analyseremis das mo politihkka deaivvada práksisiin, ja mo stáhta hálddašeapmi váikkuha fápmodillái stáhta ja boazoeaiggádiid gaskkas, ja maid boazoealáhusa siskkildas fápmodillái. Dutkosa geográfalaš fokus lea Oarje-Finnmárku. Dát lea stuorámus boazodoalloguovlu boazo- ja boazoeaiggádiid loguid dáfus. Badjel 100 jagi lea norgga stáhta fuolastuvvan ahte Oarje-Finnmárkkus leat "beare ollu bohccot" ja "beare ollu boazoeaiggáda". Ja loahpageahčen 1970-logu rájes lea stáhta geavahan iešguđetlágan láhkaásahusaid ja movttiidandoaimmaid rationaliseret boazoealáhusa ja dahkat dan ekonomalaččat beaktileabbon ja – 1992 rájes – maiddái dahkat ealáhusa bistevažžan. Dahkan dihte politihkalaš mearrádusaid beaktileabbon, heivehuvvui 2007 boazodoallolágas siskkáldas iešmearrideapmi boazoealáhussii, seammás go ásahuvvui ođđa ráŋggáštanmearrádus, mii gieđahallá sávakeahtes práksisiid boazoeaiggádiid gaskka. Rationaliserenpolitihkka lea guston 40 jagi, muhto eiseválddiid mielde eai leat joksan mihttu oažžut rašuvnnalaš boazoealáhusa. Earenoamážit ovdanbukto Oarje- Finnmárku guovlun gos ain leat "beare ollu bohccot". Seammás lassánit dán guovllus eanet ja eanet areálariiddut boazoealáhusa ja eará areálageavaheami gaskka, nugo ruvkedoaimmat, bieggamillot ja čáhcefápmu, luottat ja earálágan infrastruktuvra. Stáhta doaimmat unnidit boazologu ja areálariidduid leatge dutkamuša duogážin. Dutkkus lea vuođđuduvvon njeallje individuála, muhto dutkanguoski artihkkaliid ala, mat dutket aktevrraid muitalusaid mearridanproseassaid birra mat leat čadnon boazoealáhussii, stáhta stivrenvugiid ja boazoeaiggádiid práksisiid birra vuostálastit ahte stáhta sin stivre, vuostálasti máhtuid ja gilvaleaddji máilmmigovaid birra, mat leat vuođđun aktevrraid muitalusaide dasa mii lea "buorre" hálddašeapmi bohccuid, boazoeaiggádiid ja guohtoneatnamiid dáfus. Viidáset guorahallá dutkan fápmovuogádagaid, mat váikkuhit aktevrraid návccaide ovdanbuktit muitalusaideaset, ja návccaide oažžut stuoraservodaga sin ipmirdit. Dutkan guorahallá mo aktevrrat govvidit mearridanproseassaid, čilgejit doaimmaideaset ja mo sii nannejit iežaset autoritehta. Dutkan čájeha ahte boazoeaiggádiin ja eiseválddiin leat goabbatlágan ja gilvaleaddji muitalusat boazologu unnideami ja areálageavaheami mearrádusaid birra. Nuppi aktevrras – eiseválddiin – lea eanet ekonomalaš fápmu ja stuorat vejolašvuohta ovddidit ja duođaštit muitalusaideaset. Dainna lágiin ipmirduvvojit sin muitalusat objektiivvalažžan ja ulbmillažžan, dan ektui go boazoeaiggádiid muitalusat ipmirduvvojit subjektiivvalažžan ja opportunisttalažžan. Aktevrrain leat maiddái goabbatlágan vejolašvuohta beassat arenaide gos sáhttet ovddidit muitalusaideaset. Eiseválddiid muitalusat geardduhuvvojit Stuoradikkis, medias ja eanas olbmuid gaskka, dan ektui go boazoeaiggádiid molssaevttolaš muitalusat eai bálljo oidno almmolaš digaštallamiin. Ráđđedeaddji muitalusat, maid lea váttis jávkadit, leat mielde ásaheamen dáid biehttalkeahtes duohtavuohtan sámi boazoealáhusa birra – namalassii ahte boazoeaiggádat stuoridit ealuideaset oažžun dihte alcces eanemus dietnasa ja danin guorbbadit duoddariid, ja ahte boazoealáhus lea hehttehussan Finnmárkku ekonomalaš ovdáneapmái. Dát dutkkus identifisere njeallje "fápmovuogi" – disipliidna, ekonomalaš movttiidandoaimmat, ollisválddálaš fápmu ja duohtavuohta – maid stáhta geavaha stimuleret "rašuvnnalaš" boazoealáhussii, ja mállet maid boazoeaiggádat geavahit eastadit stáda beaktilis rationaliserenpolitihka čađaheami Oarje-Finnmárkkus. Analiisa čájeha mo boazoeaiggádat geavahit iešguđet vuosttaldanvugiid beassat doalahit kontrolla iežaset boazoealáhuslágis ja eallinvuogis. Dábálaš strategiija lea belohahkii čuovvolit ja belohahkii garvit stáhta mearrádusaid. Boazoeaiggádiid individuála responsa rationaliseremii lea dattege čadnon sin iežaset sávaldagaide ja dárbbuide ja maiddái oktavuođaide eará boazoeaiggádiiguin ja sin responssaide. Dutkkus čájeha ahte stáhta boazodoallostivrejupmi ovddida práksisa man vuođđun lea oarjemáilmmi máhttu ja máilmmigovva. Stáhta stivren- ja ráđđenvuogis lea vuostálasvuohta sámi árbevirolaš boazoealáhusmáhttui ja máilmmigovvii. Vaikko 40 jagi lea leamaš politihkka mii lea geahččalan rievdadit boazoealáhusa, de sámi máilmmigovva joatká váikkuhit boazoeaiggádiid ipmárdusa olbmuid, bohcco ja luonddu gaskavuhtii ja mo dát gaskavuohta berrešii stivrejuvvot. Muhto vuostálasti máhttovuogádagat ja gilvaleaddji máilmmigovat das mii boazoealáhus lea ja galggašii leat, goarida boazoeaiggádiid identitehta ja vuoigatvuođaid. Nu movt stáhta stivre sámi boazoealáhusa, de sirddiha dat fápmogaskavuođa stáhta ja boazoeaiggádiid gaskka ovdamunnin stáhtii, ja dat dagaha sámi boazoealáhussii vuitiid ja vuoittuhálliid. Sámi boazoeaiggádiid vejolašvuođat bargat bohccuiguin ja gáibidit vuoigatvuođaid guohtuneatnamiidda eaktuduvvo dasa movt sii nagodit heivehit iežaset "dáruiduvvan" boazodollui.

Pareciera ser que ha fracasado la política de empleabilidad, pues existe desem- pleo en especializados, profesionales, tecnólogos, técnicos y las medidas de inter- vención social para hacer que las personas alcancen las condiciones necesarias para acceder a un empleo sostenible no son suficientes. Aun así, las políticas de generación de ingresos del Gobierno Nacional Colom- biano están diseñadas para incrementar el potencial productivo de la población po- bre extrema y desplazada, potenciando sus capacidades y creando las oportunida- des para que puedan acceder y acumular activos necesarios para alcanzar la esta- bilización socioeconómica. Estas políticas tienen dos componentes: empleabilidad y emprendimiento, la presente investigación trata sobre empleabilidad. Las políticas de empleabilidad están diseñadas a partir de la formación de las personas, entendido esto, como una dotación de capital humano que el aparato educativo diseña en configuración al aparato productivo, con el objetivo de que las personas tengan la formación que el aparato productivo requiere, y así, aumentar la productividad a través del esquema de la empleabilidad. Por su parte el emprendi- miento surge a través del fortalecimiento del capital humano e incentivos de capital semilla o microcrédito. La política de empleabilidad es una política activa del mercado del trabajo, que se fundamenta en el fortalecimiento del capital humano y la flexibilización laboral, para la creación de estrategias de intervención social a través de la cualificación de mano de obra, que se supone, debe ser insertada a un mundo laboral sin rigideces. Este esquema de mercado laboral sin rigideces o "flexibilizado", ha derivado en el uso de empleos atípicos, por ejemplo, nuevas formas de trabajo a domicilio, trabajos por turno, trabajos por días, trabajo a tiempo parcial, salarios por debajo del mínimo vital; arreglos individuales entre trabajador y empleador, que como resultado, ha dejado un sistema de protección quebrado. Aun así, países como Colombia, Chile, México, Argentina, han reforzado y sofis- ticado la implementación de diversos programas orientados al fortalecimiento de estrategias de empleabilidad como la intermediación laboral, capacitación de mano de obra, programas de formación para el empleo a grupos focalizados, intermedia- ción laboral, asistencia y orientación vocacional, subsidios al empleo, etc., las cuales presentan débiles resultados en términos de inserción laboral. Sumado a lo anterior, se ha identificado que la concepción teórica sobre el desa- rrollo a través del fortalecimiento al capital humano, tiene deficiencias en la medida que presenta principios de exclusión social y desigualdad ante el contexto laboral, en aspectos como: apariencia física de los competidores, edad, nivel educativo, perfiles laborales, tiempos en la formación, estigmatización de grupos desfavoreci- dos o vulnerables que encuentran diversos impedimentos debido a factores étnicos, de género como grupos LGBTI, de discapacidad, de salud como portadores del VIH, inmigrantes, expresidiarios, extoxicómanos, excombatientes, etc. Es así que las estrategias de empleabilidad, buscan a través de capacitaciones pertinentes aumentar el capital humano, así, como la capacidad de adaptación al entorno laboral y conectar la población formada a través de un mercado específico y flexibilizado de trabajo; Esperando de esta manera, facilitar la consecución de em- pleo y aumentar las oportunidades de la población pobre extrema y/o desplazada para incorporarse de manera efectiva al mercado laboral. No obstante, el gobierno de Colombia durante la administración Santos (2010 – 2018) aplicó programas de empleabilidad amparados en el planteamiento que a mayor acceso a conocimiento y desarrollo de habilidades mayor es la capacidad del individuo para emplearse en un mercado laboral flexibilizado, pero estas iniciativas han tenido resultados débiles que de fondo no garantizan sostenibilidad en los empleos. Sumado a lo anterior, lo que se observa es que no necesariamente las personas convocadas acceden a estos procesos, los que deciden participar generalmente no los terminan, los que los terminan no necesariamente quedan empleados y los que quedan empleados acceden a precarios contratos temporales, flexibilizados que no garantizan sosteni- bilidad en el tiempo. Lo anterior conduce la formulación de la pregunta por ¿Cuáles factores afectan la política de empleabilidad en Colombia? Algunos autores como Rosanvallon, Pérez, Novick, Castel y otros plantean que el malestar social está asociado a la pauperización del empleo, el desempleo ma- sivo, la incertidumbre sobre el futuro y no a la falta de capital humano, sugiriendo la necesidad de una reestructuración estatal frente al fracaso de la política de empleo, exponiéndose la falsa relación entre acumulación de capital humano y generación de ingresos como la única forma en que se puede romper el ciclo de la pobreza. Esta situación ha demostrado visibles puntos débiles de la política de empleabi- lidad, que han impactado a la familia la cual debe suministrar la protección social que se pierde con la exclusión del mercado laboral. Vastos sectores de la economía ante la crisis del empleo caen en la informalidad, no como un fenómeno nuevo en América Latina, sino como única alternativa de participación económica y fuente importante de acceso a ingresos para la familia, eximiendo al Estado de proveer de forma colectiva condiciones de bienestar social. Los excluidos del mercado laboral están obligados a depender de la familia, lo que a su vez, limita la capacidad del grupo familiar a ahorrar para futuras catástrofes sociales, vulnerando la capacidad de protegerse contra una crisis prolongada. Estas nuevas desigualdades afectan más bien a las familias jóvenes y al bienestar de sus niños. Los bajos salarios y el empleo precario se concentran en adultos jóvenes y, por tanto, un creciente porcentaje de niños viven en hogares "frágiles". Es así que la crisis convierte a la familia en la única institución de protección social frente a los eventos traumáticos, haciéndose cargo de niños, adultos desem- pleados, ancianos, enfermos y personas con discapacidad. La familia termina asumiendo la responsabilidad del fracaso de la política de empleabilidad y no el Estado. El trabajo de campo, evidencia que esta forma de intervención social a través de herramientas de empleabilidad para la política social, no ha sido exitosa, pues refleja la reducción del individuo a una forma de capital devaluada y excluida al mundo del trabajo informalidad, hallando casos en que grupos familiares excluidos ven como alternativa la transformación de su conjunto familiar en una unidad económica, para poder garantizar en la informalidad la subsistencia de su grupo. Esta es la realidad del empleo, la cual no presenta alternativas alentadoras frente al fracaso de la política de empleabilidad en Colombia. Por lo anterior, éste documento se presenta en cuatro capítulos: el primero busca un acercamiento teórico al concepto de empleabilidad y cómo éste término, sus- tentado ideológicamente en la inversión en capital humano y la flexibilización labo- ral, se instala en la lógica de la formulación de las políticas activas del mercado del trabajo en América Latina; el segundo capítulo, presenta las implicaciones que ha tenido el fracaso de la política de empleabilidad en la familia, conduciéndola a cho- ques internos, sobrecargándola de tensiones y responsabilidades, obligándola a ac- tivar formas de apoyo como el uso productivo de hijos menores, apoyo de la pareja, subsidios del estado y formas de generación de ingresos en la esfera de la informa- lidad como pequeñas actividades comerciales de productos y/o artesanías para po- der garantizar la supervivencia de sus miembros. En un tercer capítulo, se presenta el resultado del trabajo de campo, se concluye que existe mucho capital humano excluido del mercado de trabajo, evidenciando la ineficiencia de esta lógica para el acceso a empleo, y por ende, el fracaso de la política de empleabilidad y su impacto en el debilitamiento de la familia por las te- nues intervenciones Estatales. Finalmente, en el cuarto capítulo se presentan las conclusiones de la presente investigación la cual evidencia que la política de empleabilidad aún no resuelve el malestar social del desempleo. Ni el fortalecimiento del capital humano ni la flexibi- lización laboral fueron la ecuación correcta para enfrentar el desempleo, compro- bando la ineficiencia de esta lógica para el acceso a empleo, y por ende, el fracaso de la política de empleabilidad y su impacto en el debilitamiento de la familia por las tenues intervenciones Estatales. ; It seems that the employability policy has failed, since there is unemployment among specialized professionals, technologists, technicians and social intervention measures to make people reach the necessary conditions to access sustainable employment are not enough. Even so, the income generation policies of the Colombian National Government are designed to increase the productive potential of the extreme poor and displaced population, strengthening their capacities and creating opportunities for them to access and accumulate the assets needed to achieve socioeconomic stabilization. These policies have two components: employability and entrepreneurship, this research is about employability. The employability policies are designed from the training of people, understood this, as a human capital endowment that the educational system designs in configuration to the productive apparatus, with the aim that people have the training that the productive apparatus requires , and thus, increase productivity through the employability scheme. On the other hand, entrepreneurship arises through the strengthening of human capital and incentives for seed capital or microcredit. The employability policy is an active labor market policy, which is based on the strengthening of human capital and labor flexibility, for the creation of social intervention strategies through the qualification of labor, which is supposed to be be inserted into a world of work without rigidities. This labor market scheme without rigidities or "flexibilized", has led to the use of atypical jobs, for example, new forms of work at home, shift work, work per day, part-time work, wages below the minimum wage ; individual arrangements between worker and employer, which as a result, has left a broken protection system. Even so, countries such as Colombia, Chile, Mexico and Argentina have reinforced and sophis- ticated the implementation of various programs aimed at strengthening employability strategies such as labor intermediation, labor training, training programs for group employment. focused, labor intermediation, vocational assistance and orientation, employment subsidies, etc., which present weak results in terms of labor insertion. In addition to the above, it has been identified that the theoretical conception of development through the strengthening of human capital has shortcomings insofar as it presents principles of social exclusion and inequality before the labor context, in aspects such as: physical appearance of the competitors, age, educational level, job profiles, training times, stigmatization of disadvantaged or vulnerable groups that encounter various obstacles due to ethnic, gender factors such as LGBTI groups, disability, health as HIV carriers, immigrants , ex-prisoners, former drug addicts, ex-combatants, etc. Thus, employability strategies seek, through relevant training, to increase human capital, as well as the ability to adapt to the work environment and connect the population formed through a specific and flexible labor market; Waiting in this way, to facilitate the attainment of employment and increase the opportunities of the extreme poor and / or displaced population to incorporate effectively into the labor market. However, the government of Colombia during the Santos administration (2010 - 2018) applied employability programs protected by the approach that the greater access to knowledge and skills development the greater the individual's capacity to employ in a flexible labor market, but these initiatives have had weak results that do not guarantee sustainability in jobs. Added to the above, what is observed is that not necessarily the people called access to these processes, those who decide to participate usually do not finish them, those who finish do not necessarily remain employed and those who remain employees access precarious temporary contracts, flexibilized that do not guarantee sustainability over time. This leads to the formulation of the question by what factors affect the employability policy in Colombia? Some authors such as Rosanvallon, Pérez, Novick, Castel and others argue that social unrest is associated with the pauperization of employment, massive unemployment, uncertainty about the future and not the lack of human capital, suggesting the need for State restructuring in the face of the failure of employment policy, exposing the false relationship between the accumulation of human capital and income generation as the only way in which the cycle of poverty can be broken. This situation has shown visible weaknesses in the employability policy, which have impacted the family, which must provide the social protection that is lost through exclusion from the labor market. Vast sectors of the economy facing the employment crisis fall into informality, not as a new phenomenon in Latin America, but as the only alternativeparticipación economic participation and important source of access to income for the family, exempting the State from providing collective welfare conditions. Those excluded from the labor market are obliged to depend on the family, which, in turn, limits the ability of the family group to save for future social catastrophes, undermining the ability to protect against a prolonged crisis. These new inequalities affect young families and the well-being of their children. Low wages and precarious employment are concentrated in young adults and, therefore, an increasing percentage of children live in "fragile" households. Thus, the crisis turns the family into the only institution of social protection in the face of traumatic events, taking charge of children, unemployed adults, the elderly, the sick and people with disabilities. The family ends up taking responsibility for the failure of the employability policy and not the State. The fieldwork, evidence that this form of social intervention through employability tools for social policy, has not been successful, because it reflects the reduction of the individual to a devalued form of capital and excluded from the world of work informality, finding cases in which excluded family groups see the transformation of their family as an alternative into an economic unit, in order to guarantee the subsistence of their group in the informal sector. This is the reality of employment, which does not present encouraging alternatives to the failure of the employability policy in Colombia. Therefore, this document is presented in four chapters: the first seeks a theoretical approach to the concept of employability and how this term ideologically tempted in the investment in human capital and labor flexibility, it is installed in the logic of the formulation of active labor market policies in Latin America; the second chapter presents the implications of the failure of the employability policy in the family, leading to internal shocks, overloading it with tensions and responsibilities, forcing it to activate forms of support such as the productive use of minor children, support from the couple, state subsidies and forms of income generation in the sphere of informa- tion as small commercial activities of products and / or crafts to be able to guarantee the survival of its members. In a third chapter, the results of the field work are presented, it is concluded that there is a lot of human capital excluded from the labor market, evidencing the inefficiency of this logic for access to employment, and therefore, the failure of the employability policy and its impact on the weakening of the family by the State interventions. Finally, the fourth chapter presents the conclusions of the present investigation which shows that the employability policy still does not solve the social malaise of unemployment. Neither the strengthening of human capital nor labor flexibilization were the correct equation to face unemployment, proving the inefficiency of this logic for access to employment, and therefore, the failure of the employability policy and its impact on employment. the weakening of the family by the tenuous State interventions.

THE USE OF NATURALLY OCCURRING MOOD- altering substances is deeply rooted in the traditions and cultures of many communities worldwide. As documented in other societies and historical records,1,2 various compounds have been employed for altering consciousness and for their curative effects.3 Two substances traditionally used in the Middle East include hashish and khat.4 Hashish, as cannabis, has been known in the region since ancient times.5 Khat, also known as chat, derived from the leaves and young shoots of the khat plant (Catha edulis), is used for its stimulant effect.6 Technological advances that enable high purification of drugs and transporting them fast, and increasing urbanisation, have caused these mood altering substances to be taken out of their traditional role in societies and have come to pose new, complex and challenging threats.7 These threats have been manifested in two important ways: () wider use of drugs, and (2) a shift from natural drugs to the more potent purer forms. Globally, illegal money derived from illicit drug transactions amounts to 400 billion dollars annually, and is second only to the arms trade.8,9 The countries of the Arabian Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC) offers an interesting study area because their diverse cultures have experienced rapid acculturation, a phenomenon often equated with a rise in psychosocial stress.10 Psychosocial stress has often been associated with vulnerability to self poisoning11 and substance abuse.12 Although there are no adequate statistical studies to indicate the incidence of substance dependency in the GCC, it is clear that substance abuse is not a minor problem considering the number of reported drug seizures by the authorities.13 In real terms, the drugs seized by law enforcement authorities constitute only 5–0 percent of the actual quantity.14 Comprehensive data on the pattern of substance dependency is hampered by the criminal and moral stigma associated with substance dependency. Whatever the real number of people afflicted with addiction, substance dependency is a severe problem when considered in terms of personal distress, family disruption and interference with productivity and economic growth. Efforts have been undertaken in GCC countries to reduce the demand for drugs and to prevent drug abuse before it occurs. These efforts are coordinated through the Demand Reduction Committee, created in 200 with members from all countries of the GCC. The committee provides leadership in coordinating and facilitating strategies in this area including law enforcement, rehabilitation and leading and assisting the community in the task of education and prevention of substance abuse. Some studies have suggested that substance dependency occurs in adolescents in all strata of the society.14–16 However, these studies are limited to self-report questionnaires based on secondary school students. Although peer pressure is likely to play a significant part in the initiation of substance abuse,16 the subsequent heavy abuse is often associated with various psychosocial factors. It has been suggested that of all the social factors that predispose individuals to substance abuse, boredom is the most significant.14,17 The recent affluence and modernisation of the GCC societies have led many people to have a lot of spare time, as household chores are carried out by expatriate servants.14 The detrimental effects of such a lifestyle, including substance dependency, have been speculated in the literature.13,18–21 In a study cited by Al-Harthi14 of personality profiles and descriptive analyses of typical substance users enrolled in a treatment centre in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, the most frequently stated reason for indulging in drugs was to escape boredom. This view, though substantiated by other studies in the region,22,23 has not taken into account the relationship of individual temperament to substance abuse. Recent studies have suggested that phenotypical "risk takers" or "sensation seekers" are often not inhibited from yielding to various illicit practices including substance abuse.24 Future studies in the region should examine the association between personality types, risk taking behaviour and boredom. The premise that the rise in substance dependency might be precipitated by erosion of traditional family networks and skewed social expectations might be relevant to GCC countries. Al-Hashmi18 has suggested that modernisation has resulted in the Omani family becoming nuclear at the cost of the traditional extended family. Concurrently, domestic servants brought from overseas, often illiterate in the dominant language, are providing much of the socialisation to children. Reinforced by frequent international travelling, satellite televisions and the Internet, acculturation appears to have occurred too quickly in GCC societies. Smith has remarked that these changes have brought these communities development that took a thousand years in Europe in less than 20 years.25 Studies from other parts of the world that have experienced similar rapid pace of modernisation have shown disintegration of native culture and identity as well as dissolution of the social network, to which individuals had previously turned for help when in trouble.26 In addition, the spread of education have resulted in higher levels of expectations. In the new social order, individuals in the region tend to regard employment opportunities, guaranteed higher levels of income, and especially, higher social standing, as acquired rights. Frustration of the desire to climb the social ladder leads to social insecurity.14 The present situation of society in transition fits with the classical sociological observations of Ibn Khaldun and Emile Durkheim: rapid transformation leads to breakdown of traditional social cohesion.14As a result, the sense of belonging becomes a luxury, leading to social drift, alienation, and the proliferation of social misfits. The society itself may become anomic. The relationship between acculturation, anomie and drug taking has received empirical support.27 The present tendency is to view substance abuse in its psychosocial context rather than on moral terms. While more studies that are comprehensive are needed to examine the pattern of use and misuse of drugs in the GCC countries, there are various reasons to assume that substance dependency is likely to continue to pose a problem in the region. First, the geography helps both trafficking and consumption. GCC countries are located close to the "Golden Triangle" or "Drug Belt", a part of Asia where underdevelopment and political instability have fuelled drug driven economies. Second, being on a major route for international airlines and sea routes by virtue of being in the middle of the world, GCC countries are at constant risk of being used as trans-shipment points for drug trafficking. The Arabian Peninsula has a vast coastline with its horizon overlooking major sea routes to different continents. Even if vigilance to guard its borders is heightened, such a long coastline would remain porous. Moreover, effective surveillance would require more allocation of resources and work force, drawing vital resources away from establishing essential remedial and rehabilitation services for the victims of substance abuse. Thirdly, the increasing number of visitors and the presence of foreign labour in the GCC also help make the "Gulf route" a crossroad for trans-world drug supplies. Some individuals may fall prey to the fallouts from these passing illegal shipments even though they may be destined elsewhere. It is also possible that an increase in consumption of illicit substances among the local population has in itself escalated the demand. In support of the latter view are the rising statistics on the mortality related to drug abuse and the number of clients seeking treatment in rehabilitation centres in the GCC states.15,28 Dispensing accurate information on issues related to substance abuse is a key component to fighting drug abuse. Studies are needed to illuminate the effect of substance dependency in the GGC countries as the mass media often tends to downplay the risks of drug use, or sometimes even glamorises it. Evidence is emerging on the personal consequences of substance dependency. Okasha, in the context of Egypt, has demonstrated that substance dependency is likely to lead to underachievement at school or work and exacerbate family stress, financial burdens and exposure to criminal activity.29 However, literature does not discern whether these social problems are the cause or the effect of the substance dependency. Substance dependency is often associated with psychiatric morbidity30 but it is not clear whether this is cause or effect. Karam et al in their report from Lebanon suggest a strong relationship between addiction to substances of abuse and psychiatric diagnoses.31 These authors further suggest that certain personality types often abuse specific substances. However, such a simplistic view appears to be merely reiterating the chicken-or-the-egg argument. Some authors have suggested that substance dependency is a form of self-medication, which implies that individuals with substance dependency have high levels of psychosocial distress and use illicit drugs in an attempt to alleviate their distress. This is relevant to the suggestion that some psychiatric symptoms may mimic withdrawal effects of chronic substance dependency and withdrawal symptomatology co-varies with cognitive and psychological functioning.32 In addition to psychiatric illness, substance dependency has been seen to increase the risk of adverse drug reactions. A well-known complication of substance dependency is the risk of transmission of human immunodeficiency virus and other infections.33 VISIBLE PATTERNS IN THE GCC The discovery of oil in the GCC has brought rapid modernisation as well as unprecedented material progress and economic security.34 Although GCC nationals, like other cultural groups in developing countries, are thought to have beliefs that protect them against developing substance dependency, such beliefs appear to be eroding with the rising tide of acculturation and economic restructuring. Demographic factors such as the preponderance of adolescents in the population will continue to elude those advocating demand reduction policies even if harsher penalties are decreed for traffickers and users. Approximately 60% of the population in the region are less than 20 years old.35 As reported elsewhere, 36 adolescents are prone to risk taking behaviour, a temperament that has been associated with developmental milestones including the underdevelopment of the orbital-frontal cortex.34 In GCC countries, the rate of juvenile delinquency has, in a span of 0 years, increased approximately by 400%. Unless the needs of such a large and important segment of society as its young people are addressed, this may present a demographic time-bomb with unpredictable social consequences. With a fast growing population, competitions for social and occupational roles are likely to be more intense, leaving many failed individuals behind. With such a demographic trend, it is likely that many individuals carry a greater risk of developing various adjustment difficulties including substance dependency.37 Data emanating from other developing countries suggest that drug peddlers tend to target the poor and the unemployed. Whereas substance dependency in other parts of the world is often associated with economic and social breakdown,38 no study has examined whether substance dependency in the GCC countries follows the same pattern.39 Preliminary observations in Oman suggest that there is relationship between unemployment and propensity for substance abuse.14 Interestingly, the study suggests that addiction to illicit drugs is likely to interfere with employment, often rendering some individuals to lose their jobs. In the midst of such conflicting views, further studies are needed to ascertain the conditions that trigger drug dependency in the community.40 While more information is needed in order to make an informed policy on substance dependency, there is some evidence pointing to which substances are widely abused in GCC countries. First, clinical reports suggest that solvent misuse is extensive although no formal studies have been conducted. Hafeiz41 has suggested that abuse of solvents often occurs in order to overcome the boredom of modern living. There is also increasing evidence to suggest that some of these agents cause mental disorders42 as well as neurological complications.43 The chemicals in question include glues, liquid shoe polish, deodoriser, petrol, cologne and insecticides.44,45 A special pattern of substance dependency associated with social deviancy and delinquency also involves a home-made mixture of dates and ointments as well as inhalation of intoxicating fumes derived from burning the wings of cockroaches and ants with volatile substances. Habitual inhaling of these substances is often associated with a failure to thrive.42 Secondly, inhaling smoke derived from nicotine based substances is now common in many GCC countries.46,47 Tobacco is often chewed, snuffed or smoked either in cigarettes or in sheesha. The latter (also known as hookah) is a smoking device, widely used in some communities of the Arabian Peninsula, to smoke jurak, a cooked tobacco-fruit mixture, and burnt by an electrical device or by charcoal. The produced smoke passes through the water at the base of the sheesha and then a long-tube before it is inhaled. Though most smokers consider sheesha less harmful to health than cigarette smoking,48 this has not been substantiated in regional studies.48,49 Experimental and clinical studies have found that nicotine, an active ingredient of both sheesha and cigarettes, not only triggers cardiovascular diseases, but also predisposes frequent users to various neuropsychiatric disorders.50 The question remains whether smoking triggers mental illness or people with mental illness are more likely to smoke.51 Pharmacological studies have unequivocally shown that nicotine is as addictive as other well-known psychoactive drugs such as cocaine and amphetamines.52 However, GCC countries have given a low priority to this a public health issue. Demand for nicotine has been falling in industrialised nations, 53 but a similar picture is not emerging from middle and low income countries. Cigarette companies are now targeting the developing world.53 Moreover, cigarette companies are manufacturing products of differing quality for sale in different markets. It has been shown that cigarettes of the same brand sold in developing countries have higher tar content than in the country of origin.54 Some studies have suggested that certain cigarettes are made from more potent, hence, more addictive, nicotine.53,55 As there is no known effective program to educate people about the dangers of smoking, prevention and smoking cessation appear to an unattainable goals. To compound the problem, some proponents of the "gateway phenomenon" suggest that smoking is a springboard to hard drugs such as cocaine and heroin, 56 though there is also evidence to contradict this view.57 The social problems precipitated by alcoholism have not yet been reported in the GCC countries though some reports suggest that drinking problems are proliferating.13,44,58 The World Health Organisation59 estimates that more then 5 million people are disabled because of alcohol use, making it the fourth leading cause of worldwide disability. Theobald has suggested that approximately 0% of alcohol consumers will at some time experience serious health problems related to their drinking habit.60 As many individuals are now facing the daily challenges of modern living and the pressures of modern life, alcohol abuse is thought to be one of the elusive antidotes to modern insecurity.17 Some recent findings suggest that individuals who have a high subjective level of insecurity in their lives are likely to abuse alcohol to ward of their psychosocial stress. Interestingly, people with such attributes have been seen to have refractory types of alcoholism.61 Alcohol syndromes such as delirium tremens and Korsakoff's psychosis are known to occur among people who consume it regularly.50 Persons at risk of drinking problems cannot be reliably identified in the population; therefore the pattern of drinking and its psychosocial correlates are indicated for the GCC countries. The bulk of the studies21,45,58 have focused solely on exploring the validity of research instruments on cross-cultural application of drinking attitude and behaviour. Little is known on the effect of alcohol repackaged as "cologne" available in some GCC countries.62,63 Colognes or ethyl alcohol-containing perfume and after-shave are sometimes ingested as an alcohol substitute.64 Relevant to this, it would be important to determine whether the availability of alcohol and other soft drugs deters people from going into narcotics that are more dangerous. One suggestion is that in those societies of GCC where there is a relaxed attitude towards alcohol, there are fewer propensities towards heroin and other dangerous drugs.14 It also not clear how such information would be helpful in planning intervention programs in GCC countries, as the experiences from other societies suggest a complex relationship between alcohol and substance abuse. The "gateway theory" would suggest that using alcohol leads people to use harder drugs like cocaine and heroin.65 There is also scant information on the pattern and psychosocial correlates of over-the-counter medications in the GCC countries. Though generally viewed as harmless, many of them have the potential for abuse, particular those that are considered to be amphetamine-like stimulants.66 These includes nasal decongestants, bronchodilators, appetite suppressants and energy pills and drinks. While there is no evidence to suggest that cocaine and hallucinogens are widely consumed in the GCC countries, 13 the story of opiate use is somewhat different. Historical documents suggest that opium was considered as a medicinal substance in the Middle East. It was recommended by various towering Arab figures such as Ibn Sina.1 More recently, however, its semi-synthetic counterpart, heroin, far removed from its cultural context, is becoming the drug of choice for addicts in the GCC countries. Being close to heroin producing regions of the world, GCC appears to be the trafficker's place of choice. Being capable of causing compulsive dependency within a short time, heroin has a devastating effect on the user and society in general. To those who are addicted to heroin, it appears the habit leaves them little time for meaningful life. To compound the problem, as 90% of GCC heroin addicts use it intravenously, sharing of contaminated needles causes infections of human immune deficiency virus and a high incidence of other infections.33 Similarly, the number of cases of heroin addiction is often directly related to the number of crimes.27 Despite stringent regulations to reduce the supply and demand, the habit proliferates. Judging from the quantities of drugs seized by the authorities, the last decade has witnessed a dramatic increase in the number of cases of heroin addiction, the number of addicts seeking rehabilitation, and death due to heroin overdose.PROSPECTS FOR THE FUTURE Rehabilitation for addiction is often in the hands of psychiatric or penitentiary services though some specialised centres have emerged in some GCC countries.16 Culturally sensitive interventions seem to be often relegated to fringe importance. Medical interventions are likely to grow considering the many claims about new pharmacological tools that take advantage of the chemical properties of alcohol and other drugs. However, drug treatment for substance dependency should not hold up the search for psychosocial predisposing factors, which, in turn, could be a springboard for educational strategies to reduce demand. Indeed, blind adherence to pharmacological intervention not only seems similar to drug peddling, but also may be counterproductive in the long term. A biomedical explanatory model of substance dependency may lead to stigma, and lessen the individual and societal accountability in tackling compulsive dependency. Stressing personal responsibility, on the other hand, motivates one to change, as well as help one understand the challenges ahead and evolve coping mechanisms.67 As distress and stress are experienced in a socio-cultural context, rehabilitation services should avoid committing what Kleinman has called a "category fallacy", where a view of human nature developed for one cultural group is uncritically applied to members of another group for whom its validity has not been established.68 According to Kleinman, this results in a "distortion of pathology" rather than a critical understanding of the ways in which the members of a different cultural group perceive, experience and communicates beliefs and distress. One of the essential grounds for formulating enlightened policies toward drug dependency is to consider the society's outlook towards mood altering substances. Despite the documented frequency of substance abuse in GCC countries, a review of the literature reveals no objective studies on knowledge, attitude and perception. Opinion towards substance dependency among citizens of GCC countries is likely to have a wide-ranging influence, affecting issues as diverse as personal consequences of substance dependency, prevention, care and management of people with substance abuse. Historical and cross-cultural studies have suggested that individuals with substance dependence are likely to encounter active discrimination and harassment which, in turn, exacerbates their psychosocial predicament and perpetuates their relapse into drug taking.37 Similarly, it has been suggested that social attitudes can be more devastating than the addiction itself, and the addict's family suffers as well.69 Although many victims of substance dependency could benefit from treatment, attitudes of society towards them is likely to hamper their seeking rehabilitation. As a result, many are likely to stay underground until addiction has reached an advanced stage of irreversible pathology. This not only increases pessimism of the victims and those around them but also shatters the prospect of recovery. Therefore, more research in GCC countries should be conducted in order to shed light on socio-cultural factors that precipitate individuals to succumb to substance abuse. This would open the door for contemplating strategies to achieve a reasonable level of prevention as well as to prioritise which aspects of services are pertinent to the region. Grinspoon and Bakalar have suggested that of all the mistakes repeated, the most serious is trying to free society of drugs via legislation and regulation.70 Indeed, many studies1 suggest that no punitive measure deters availability and abuse of drugs.14 It appears that financial gain is one of the strongest determining factors. Globally, though consensus from the experts in the field suggests that substance dependency is a disease, public opinion often considers it a form of moral degeneracy that can destroy social values. As a result, victims of substance dependency are sent to the prison. Many countries have pursued the idea of creating a national consensus towards zero tolerance for substance abuse and death penalty for drug traffickers. The policies fluctuate between curbing trafficking, reducing demand and decriminalisation of certain classes of drugs.71 Some countries have considered decriminalizing soft drugs and the debate continues on the rationale of dispensing heroin to heroin-addicts.72 Although more time is needed to assess the long-term outcome of these new programs, history has shown that none of the previous campaigns to curb the spread of substance misuse has worked. Instead, the situation appears to be summed up in Bob Marley's lyric, "So you think you have found the solution; But it's just another illusion". CONCLUSION The problem of drug abuse in the GCC is a multi-dimensional one without easy solutions. This paper has touched upon several of these issues. Even though for zero tolerance to substance dependency is advocated, no program has been found to be universally successful in reducing drug dependence. Historically, many societies have tried both criminalisation and decriminalisation but to no avail. Despite all the technologies to monitor and legal authority to bring the drug traffickers to justice,including the threat of death penalty, dealing with substances that cause addiction is becoming a global challenge of ever increasing magnitude. More discouraging, the problem has even affected societies where one would expect cultural factors to protect them from the attraction of drugs. The purpose of this paper, thus, is to "point a finger to the moon", the moon symbolising the complexity of substance dependency. One should not confuse the moon with the finger that points to it.