Suchergebnisse

Hong Kong, the U.K.'s last major colony, did not become independent but was returned to China-a significant difference, especially since China's record on human rights was notoriously poor. The population of Hong Kong was afraid of their future, especially after Tiananmen. Much of British discourse, then focussed on how to ensure, as much as possible, the survival of British values there and on trying to reassure the population. To leave with honour, in other words. Little difference existed between the parties either on this need or on the way to do this, although the last governor's attempts to put this policy into effect hurt relations with Beijing. But most politicians seem to have felt this was an acceptable price to pay, although, once Hong Kong was returned, Blair's government immediately moved to improve relations.

Hong Kong, the U.K.'s last major colony, did not become independent but was returned to China-a significant difference, especially since China's record on human rights was notoriously poor. The population of Hong Kong was afraid of their future, especially after Tiananmen. Much of British discourse, then focussed on how to ensure, as much as possible, the survival of British values there and on trying to reassure the population. To leave with honour, in other words. Little difference existed between the parties either on this need or on the way to do this, although the last governor's attempts to put this policy into effect hurt relations with Beijing. But most politicians seem to have felt this was an acceptable price to pay, although, once Hong Kong was returned, Blair's government immediately moved to improve relations.

Hong Kong, the U.K.'s last major colony, did not become independent but was returned to China-a significant difference, especially since China's record on human rights was notoriously poor. The population of Hong Kong was afraid of their future, especially after Tiananmen. Much of British discourse, then focussed on how to ensure, as much as possible, the survival of British values there and on trying to reassure the population. To leave with honour, in other words. Little difference existed between the parties either on this need or on the way to do this, although the last governor's attempts to put this policy into effect hurt relations with Beijing. But most politicians seem to have felt this was an acceptable price to pay, although, once Hong Kong was returned, Blair's government immediately moved to improve relations.

Interest in Chinese art has swelled in the United States in recent years. In 2015, the collection of the late dealer-collector Robert Hatfield Ellsworth fetched no less than $134 million at auction (much of it from Mainland Chinese buyers), while the Metropolitan Museum of Art drew over 800,000 visitors to its galleries for the blockbuster show "China: Through the Looking Glass"—the fifth most-visited exhibition in the museum's 130-year history. The roots of this interest in Chinese art reach back to the first two decades of the 20th Century and are grounded in the geopolitical questions of those years. Drawing from records of major collectors and museums in New York and Washington, D.C., this article argues that the United States became a major international center for collecting and studying Chinese art through cosmopolitan collaboration with European partners and, paradoxically, out of a nationalist sentiment justifying hegemony over a foreign culture derived from an ideology of American exceptionalism in the Pacific. This article frames the development of Chinese art as a contested process of knowledge production between the United States, Europe, and China that places the history of collecting in productive conversation with the history of Sino-American relations and imperialism.

Russia and European Security, by Vladimir Baranovsky
As viewed from Moscow, the security landscape in Europe bas fundamentally cbanged during the last three years. But security considerations per se have only been of secondary importance in the evolution of Russia's foreign policy from its initial post-imperial romanticism towards a clear-cut assertiveness in protecting Russian « national interests ». Rather, this evolution has been determined both by domestic factors and by Moscow's feverish search for restored self-confidence in the international arena. Consolidating the post-Soviet geopolitical space as the zone of Russia's « vital interests » and ensuring a recognized « great power » status to Russia are by far the most important elements in Moscow's thinking about the European architecture. Ironicalty, both elements undermine its efforts to establish a pan-European model with Russia's full-fledged participation. These efforts are also increasingly undermined by Moscow's poor record in economie reforms, uncertainties with respect to democratie developments within the country and uncivilized methods of dealing with internal conflicts (as was dramatically demonstrated in Chechnya). Internationally, after a spectacular failure in preventing the « westernization » of its former Warsaw Pact allies, Moscow faces a painful dilemma in choosing between confrontational and cooperative patterns in its relations with the rest of Europe.

Europe and the United States : the lessons of crisis, by Jean François-Poncet
The recent history of the North Atlantic Alliance is replète with misunderstandings and crises. But behind this doleful litany lies the real rapprochement which has occurred over the past thirty years between Europe and the United States. This is reflected on many levels. It is true of lifestyles, politics, foreign policy, as well as increased économie interdependence. The future holds similar problems for both Europe and the United States vis-à-vis the Soviet peril and the challenges from the Third World. But certain differences remain which seem to be permanent features of the relationship. Transformations have occurred in relations between East and West and between Europe and the United States. It is time to recognise and take account of thèse changes. But it is also necessary to accept change on our side in order to ensure that the policies of the Alliance are formulated according to clear concepts. There is also need for the Alliance to regain its lost continuity and ensure that responsibilities are shared in a way which better reflects aspirations on both side s of the Atlantic. The North Atlantic Alliance must be preserved and reinforced.

Prospective Analysis and Foreign Policy, by Jacques Lesourne and Michel Stak
Can prospective studies of possible world evolutions, and notably in the economic and social fields, contribute to the elaboration of an international strategy for France? The message of such analyses is the following: possible world evolutions must make France determine a hierarchy in its position of solidarity. Such a program can be summarised in one formula: the seven spheres of cooperation. These are: the European Community, the Trilateral, the Middle-East and Africa, the new industrialized countries, the Third World, China and Eastern Europe. Through these seven spheres, the problem which is raised is that of the coexistence between multipolarity and the control of interdependence which means both more unpredictability and more vulnerability for each country. France must avoid a certain number of errors, namely to display fatalism or be excessively optimistic with respect to its ability to act in world affairs; to think that international strategy is a zero sum game; to believe that there exists a magic dimension on which every possible problem and relation is centered; to consider that large negociations can solve all important problems; to badly combine strategy and tactics; to rely exclusively on the actions of States.

A comparative analysis of development in Turkey & the West is offered in the context of reviewing 32 books on various aspects of Turkish politics, economics, & culture, the majority published over the last few years. Topics include (1) the relationship between Turkey, the US, the EU, & Greece; (2) the impact of globalization on Turkey & changes in its foreign policy; (3) the Cyprus problem; (4) Turkey's role in the Middle East; (5) the history of Turkish-Jewish relations; (6) journalism in Turkey & Greece; (7) Ottoman-Turkish political history; (8) contemporary Turkish culture & the role of religion within it; (9) relations between Turkish ethnic groups; (10) the history of Turkish economic mismanagement over the last 50 years; & (11) the revolutionary activities of the Young Turks. The books include expanded doctoral dissertations, edited collections, & conference reports, & are authored by academic historians, anthropologists, & economists, current & former ambassadors & other political leaders, military strategists, & journalists. K. Hyatt Stewart

pt. 1. 1903-1955, a freshman senator helps commit America to South Vietnam -- pt. 2. 1956-1963, Senate leadership brings decreased Indochina influence -- pt. 3. 1963-1968, private dissent yet public compliance -- pt. 4. 1969-1975 Cambodia and the end of Mansfield's "quiet" criticism

Introduction / Franck Billé -- Yellow peril epidemics : the political ontology of degeneration and emergence / Christos Lynteris -- Day of judgment : Australia and the rise of Asia / David Walker -- Chinese entrepreneurship in Prato, Italy / Xiaojian Zhao -- Yellow, red, and black : fantasies about China and "the Chinese" in contemporary South Africa / Romain Dittgen and Ross Anthony -- "The Chinese are coming" : social dependence and entrepreneurial ethics in postcolonial Nigeria / Yu Qiu -- Sinophobic tales : imaginations of China from the northern border / Franck Billé -- Swarm of the locusts : the ethnicization of Hong Kong-China relations / Kevin Carrico -- Who's afraid of Confucius? : fear, encompassment, and the global debates over the Confucius Institutes / Magnus Fiskesjö -- Fears abroad, propaganda at home : reflections on the yellow peril discourse in China / Sören Urbansky