Defends the authors' argument (1994 [see abstract 9504457]) that environmental concern is not explained by postmaterialism against the criticisms posed by Quentin Kidd & Aie-Rie Lee (1997 [see abstract 9802884]). It is asserted that, because postmaterialist values are related to income & because poor people in both rich & poor countries profess environmental concern, the distribution of environmentalism is not explained by postmaterialism. The use of national-level data to measure postmaterialist values by proxy is defended, though it is contended that the individual-level data used by Kidd & Lee also support the conclusion that postmaterialism is not the source of global environmentalism. 1 Table, 5 References. E. Blackwell
The Holocaust remains the ultimate consequence of racism -- yet anti-Semitism is a mere footnote to contemporary human rights agendas. In the United Nations World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia & Related Intolerance (Durban, 2001) the UN's embargo on the inclusion of anti-Semitism created a rift between delegates, undermining the purpose of the gathering. This article discusses the origins of anti-Semitism, the roots of the Jewish community in GB, its links with Israel & recent attitudes toward Zionism. In GB, current racism parlance excludes anti-Semitism, which limits discussion of antiracism to color distinction. The article concludes with practice implications for British social services professionals denied opportunities to confront their own prejudices or understand the diversity of Jewish people. Adapted from the source document.
The article examines the prospects of an alliance between the ideology of environmentalism and left-wing ideological trends aimed at solving the problems of the poor and socially vulnerable. It is noted that although the "greens" have often been criticized for their focus on the interests of the middle class and ignoring the material problems of the social "grassroots", modern left-wing theorists increasingly associate the solution to the problem of global warming with the struggle for the material interests of the "exploited and oppressed" (representatives of the working class, precarious workers, poor residents of developing countries, minorities, etc.). It is assumed that the richest, not the poor, should pay for the energy transition; many jobs will be needed for such a transition; serious material climate damage will be prevented; residents of the poorest countries will benefit from the fight against global warming, because they are most vulnerable to droughts, floods and other potential catastrophic events. Today, it is also increasingly noted that "green" energy has already become competitive, and the main problem is in the selfish interests of capitalists. Nevertheless, as the author shows, despite the attempts of the "greens" to get closer to the "reds", objective realities indicate a fundamental difference between the interests of environmentalists and those who today need basic material goods at present. "Green" energy has not become cheaper than fossil fuels, and attempts to radically accelerate the energy transition can lead to an economic, not a climatic, catastrophe. Moreover, it is impossible to solve all the problems at once: a choice is inevitable between urgent investments in the energy transition and the achievement of other socially significant goals: affordable education, free and high-quality medicine, housing construction for all those in need, and much more.
International audience ; Scholarly contributions on the responsibility of the churches for the extermination of the Jews during the Second World War contrast Nazi "anti-Semitism" (the aversion toward the Jews as a racial group) with Christian "anti-Judaism" (the Christian aversion toward the Jewish religion), as one would oppose the new to the old, the modern to the traditional, the political to the religious, science to theology. The author shows, using four examples (Léon Poliakov, Hannah Arendt, Colette Guillaumin, Thomas Nipperdey & Reinhard Rürup), that this distinction induces one to ignore the churches' actions in the process that led from the invention of the word anti-Semite in 1879 to the destruction of the Jews by the Nazis.
International audience ; Scholarly contributions on the responsibility of the churches for the extermination of the Jews during the Second World War contrast Nazi "anti-Semitism" (the aversion toward the Jews as a racial group) with Christian "anti-Judaism" (the Christian aversion toward the Jewish religion), as one would oppose the new to the old, the modern to the traditional, the political to the religious, science to theology. The author shows, using four examples (Léon Poliakov, Hannah Arendt, Colette Guillaumin, Thomas Nipperdey & Reinhard Rürup), that this distinction induces one to ignore the churches' actions in the process that led from the invention of the word anti-Semite in 1879 to the destruction of the Jews by the Nazis.
In the discourse surrounding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, extreme criticisms of Israel (e.g., Israel is an apartheidstate,theIsraelDefenseForcesdeliberatelytargetPalestiniancivilians),coupled with extreme policy proposals (e.g., boycott of Israeli academics and institutions, divest from companies doing business with Israel), have sparked counterclaims that such criticisms are anti-Semitic (for only Israel is singled out). The research in this article shines a different, statistical light on this question: based on a survey of 500 citizens in each of 10 European countries, the authors ask whether those individuals with extreme anti-Israel views are more likely to be anti-Semitic. Even after controlling for numerous potentially confounding factors, they find that anti-Israel sentiment consistently predicts the probability that an individual is anti-Semitic, with the likelihood of measured anti-Semitism increasing with the extent of anti-Israel sentiment observed.
Comparative in approach, The New Environmentalism? provides new insights into the emergence of strong civic movements at local and trans-local levels, in resistance to citizens' sense of increasing alienation from political participation and decision making. As such, it will be of interest to anthropologists, sociologists and political scientists concerned with questions of legitimacy, corruption and activism.
On November 10 the United Nations General Assembly adopted a resolution defining Zionism as "a form of racism and racial discrimination." The vote was 72-35 with 32 abstentions. A week earlier Abba Eban had written in the New York Times that "there is…no difference whatever between anti-Semitism and the denial of Israel's statehood. Classical anti-Semitism denies the equal rights of Jews as citizens within society. Anti-Zionism denies the equal rights of the Jewish people to its lawful sovereignty within the community of nations. The common principle in the two cases is discrimination." Mr. Eban's words, coming as they did, not in the midst of a pro-Israel rally, but in a reflective column from a widely respected figure in the international community, a man who has not hesitated to criticize publicly aspects of his own government's policies toward the Arabs, must be accorded a special seriousness.
"Based on mixed-methods research and ethnographic fieldwork at various sites in Italy, this book examines the relationship between expertise and activism in grassroots environmentalism. Presenting interviews with citizens, activists and experts, it considers activism surrounding infrastructure in urban areas, in connection with water management, transport, tourism and waste disposal. Through comparisons between different political environments, the author analyses the ways in which citizens, political activists and technical experts participate in using expertise, shedding light on the effects of this on the structure and composition of social movements, as well as the implications for the mechanisms of participation and the formation of alliances. Bridging the sociology of expertise and contentious politics, this study of the relationship between contentious expertise and democratic accountability shows how conflict transforms, rather than inhibits, expertise production into a 'contentious politics by other means'. As such, it will appeal to social scientists with interests in social movements, environmental sociology, science and technology studies, and the sociology of knowledge"--
"In Climate Obstruction: How Denial, Delay and Inaction are Heating the Planet, Kristoffer Ekberg, Bernhard Forchtner, Martin Hultman and Kirsti Jylhä bring together crucial insights from environmental history, sociology, media and communication studies and psychology to help us understand why we are failing to take the necessary measures to avert the unfolding climate crisis. They do so by examining the variety of ways in which meaningful climate action has been obstructed. This ranges from denial of the scientific evidence for human-induced climate change and its policy consequences, to (seemingly sincere) acknowledgement of the scientific evidence while nevertheless delaying meaningful climate action. The authors also consider all those actions by which often well-meaning individuals and collectives (unintendedly) hamper climate action. In doing so, this volume maps out arguments and strategies that have been used to counter environmental protection and regulation since the 1960s by, first and foremost, corporations supported by conservative actors, but also far-right ones as well as ordinary citizens. This timely and accessible book provides tools and lessons to understand, identify and call out such arguments and strategies, and points to actions and systemic and cultural changes needed to avert or at least mitigate the climate crisis"--
'The Power of Narrative' provides fresh insight into the rhetorical and semantic properties on both sides of the climate change debate that preclude dialogue around climate science, and proposes a means for moving beyond ideological entrenchment through language mediation, further ethnographic study, and research-informed teaching.
This article traces the complexity of anti- and post-colonial answers to Fascism and Nazism by looking at debates about fascism in India. By avoiding the often employed Euro-centrist approach of a generic concept of fascism, it tries to decentralize European experience. After reconstructing those post-colonial historiographical arguments which use the term 'fascism', we examine the historical reception of Fascism and Nazism in the anti-colonial movement. In doing so, the article first outlines the debates about Hindutva as a Fascist ideology and subsequently analyses Indian discussions about Italy, Germany and European Fascism in the 1930ies.
