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Perceptions, applications, and consequences of stigma have been of interest to sociologists for centuries. Following criticisms of original labeling models, modified labeling theory (MLT) sought to reframe arguments about the consequences of negative labeling. MLT focuses on explaining how socialization teaches us the deleterious consequences of stigmatizing labels, and how anticipations of stigma are met with deliberate management to cope with expected stigma. MLT proposes three stigma management strategies: secrecy, withdrawal, and education. In the present paper, we use an autoethnographic, narrative sociology approach to share our personal experiences with stigma. The autoethnographic-storytelling approach effectively places our experiences within our cultural settings and demonstrates MLT's applicability. Using one narrative of a designated "criminal offender" and the other of a "sexual assault victim," we show how the politically charged labels of "offender" and "victim" while publicly framed as opposing, share similarities, thus emphasizing MLT's explanatory potential. The narratives indicate, however, that stigma management may be more complex than present literatures capture. We propose the notion of a stigma management toolkit to help explain the availability, selection, and employment of certain stigma management practices and conclude by encouraging further theorization on stigma-related processes.

This contribution to the theme of 'Scotland and the Two Irelands' considers some of the overlooked ironies of the common bonds between Scotland and Ireland. Ranging between literary and political figures over the last two centuries it concludes that our intertwined histories are stronger than the borders between us.

The extent to which political conflict over U.S. trade policy has led to clashes between broad-based class coalitions has varied significantly over time during the past two centuries. I argue that much of this variation can be explained by changes in economywide levels of interindustry factor mobility. Class distinctions between voters are more economically and politically salient when interindustry mobility is high; when mobility is low, industry distinctions become more critical and tend to split apart broader political coalitions. I report evidence indicating large changes in levels of labor and capital mobility over the last two centuries. These changes coincide with significant shifts in the character of American trade politics. Analysis of congressional voting on 30 major pieces of trade legislation between 1824 and 1994 provides evidence of large swings in coalition patterns.

Domestic political conflict has been a constant companion to international trade, but the nature of that conflict has varied greatly in Western democracies over the last two centuries. Political battles over trade policy appear to have sometimes divided societies along broad class lines and at other times split them into narrow industry-based coalitions. I argue that this diversity stems from historical and cross-national variation in inter-industry factor mobility. Class coalitions are more likely where factor mobility is high, whereas narrow, industry-based coalitions are more likely where mobility is low. Evidence from six Western economies for the last two centuries indicates that levels of factor mobility have varied historically and cross-nationally in accord with industrialization and regulation. This variation corresponds broadly with observable differences in the formation of trade policy coalitions.

A new and original history of the forces that shaped the twentieth and twenty-first centuries.We thought we knew the story of the twentieth century. For many in the West, after the two world conflicts and the long cold war, the verdict was clear: democratic values had prevailed over dictatorship. But if the twentieth century meant the triumph of liberalism, as many intellectuals proclaimed, why have the era's darker impulses—ethnic nationalism, racist violence, and populist authoritarianism—revived?The Project-State and Its Rivals offers a radical alternative interpretation that takes us from the transforming challenges of the world wars to our own time. Instead of the traditional narrative of domestic politics and international relations, Charles S. Maier looks to the political and economic impulses that propelled societies through a century when territorial states and transnational forces both claimed power, engaging sometimes as rivals and sometimes as allies. Maier focuses on recurring institutional constellations: project-states including both democracies and dictatorships that sought not just to retain power but to transform their societies; new forms of imperial domination; global networks of finance; and the international associations, foundations, and NGOs that tried to shape public life through allegedly apolitical appeals to science and ethics.In this account, which draws on the author's studies over half a century, Maier invites a rethinking of the long twentieth century. His history of state entanglements with capital, the decline of public projects, and the fragility of governance explains the fraying of our own civic culture—but also allows hope for its recovery

This article shows the close link between religious policy, especially that of the confessional option, and the politicization of space in the building processes of territorial states. The study focuses on the two Danube Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia, which implemented their state building owing to three decisive steps: i) the jurisdictional option in favour of the Ecumenical Patriarchate in Constantinople; ii) the territorial and social implementation of the Byzantine Orthodox faith by institutional infrastructure and monastic reform; iii) the Orthodox enculturation of the two Wallachian principalities.The main goal of this chapter is to show how cultural and historical phenomena transform the abstract geographical space into the political space of a state.

This article shows the close link between religious policy, especially that of the confessional option, and the politicization of space in the building processes of territorial states. The study focuses on the two Danube Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia, which implemented their state building owing to three decisive steps: i) the jurisdictional option in favour of the Ecumenical Patriarchate in Constantinople; ii) the territorial and social implementation of the Byzantine Orthodox faith by institutional infrastructure and monastic reform; iii) the Orthodox enculturation of the two Wallachian principalities.The main goal of this chapter is to show how cultural and historical phenomena transform the abstract geographical space into the political space of a state.

The article is focused on the philosophy and the practical actions of Booker T. Washington (1856-1915) — the most significant African-American leader of the late XIX — early XX centuries. Theauthor analyzes the formation of attitudes and life principles of this figure, his search of peacefulinteraction of white and black people, in conditions of the restriction of civil and political rights of theAfrican-Americans in the territory of the southern states after the end of the Reconstruction in 1879.The temporary renouncement by the black population of the struggle for political equality in returnfor socio-economic opportunities, that was the main idea of the Washington's "ideology of adaptation",became a compromise in the relationship between the two races. The author also focuses hisattention on the Washington's educational program, his economic development strategy of the blackpeople, and his attitude to the racial discrimination, as well as the reasons that led the "ideology ofadaptation" to the failure in attempt to stop the further offensive racist legislation. ; Статья посвящается философии и практической деятельности Букера Т. Вашингтона(1856—1915) — наиболее значительного афроамериканского лидера конца XIX — начала XX вв. Автор анализирует формирование взглядов и жизненных принципов данного деятеля, его поискмирного взаимодействия белого и чернокожего населения, в условиях ограничения гражданскихи политических прав афроамериканцев на территории южных штатов после окончания периодаРеконструкции в 1879 г. Временный отказ чернокожего населения от борьбы за политическоеравноправие взамен на социально-экономические возможности, являвшийся основной идеей«идеологии приспособления» Вашингтона, стала компромиссом во взаимоотношении двух рас.Особое внимание автор уделяет рассмотрению образовательной программы Вашингтона, егоэкономической и социальной стратегии развития чернокожего населения в условиях расовойдискриминации на Юге США, а также причинам, приведшим к неудаче «идеологии приспо-собления» в попытке сдержать дальнейшее наступление расистского законодательства.

Introduction. In the Early Middle Ages, Crimea was in the sphere of influence of the Eastern Roman Empire. In the material culture of the Early Medieval population of Crimea imprinted with archaeological monuments "Byzantine components" are quite clearly visible. The group of jewellery that clearly demonstrates the Byzantine influence includes bronze finger rings with the image of Archangel Michael originating from the GothoAlanian burial grounds of the South-Western Crimea and from the necropoleis of the Kerch Peninsula. The article substantiates the attribution and dating of the finger rings, reveals a circle of analogies, interprets the meaning of the images, and also considers the peculiarities of wearing this type of jewellery.

Methods. The author determines dating of the Crimean findings by the accompanying inventory in the graves. The paper reveals a circle of analogies for the attribution of the finger rings, analyzes findings from the territory of the Eastern Roman Empire and from areas with political and economic ties.

Analysis. In the late 6th – 7th centuries bronze finger rings with the image of Archangel Michael imported from Byzantium and produced in local workshops on imported samples were popular in Crimea. The signet ring of variant A of the late 6th – the first quarter of the 7th cc. with a profile portrait of the Archangel and the monogram of his name, undoubtedly, refers to Byzantine products brought from Asia Minor. The two finger rings of variant B engraved with the face and the almost full-length figure of the Archangel were made by Bosporan artisans in the 7th century on the Byzantine samples. The finger rings from Crimea depicting the Archangel belonged to young women who had a high social status. They were worn on hands, as a rule, on the right forefinger and in breast necklaces that connected fibulae. Christian symbols and plots placed on signet rings, in the view of the ancient Christians, should have given the jewellery the properties of an amulet which protected the person wearing it from all sorts of troubles.

Results. The presented finger rings depicting Archangel Michael are an important source for studying the early stage of the history of Christianity in the South-Western Crimea and the Bosporus. Findings of this kind testify to the unity of culture in the Christian world and are a good example of close economic and cultural ties between the region and the Byzantine Empire in the Early Middle Ages. Key words: South-Western Crimea, Bosporus, Crimean Goths, Byzantine jewellery, finger rings, amulets, Archangel Michael.

Between 1780 and 1787 Samuel and Jeremy Bentham were asked to manage a large Russian estate owned by Prince Grigorii Potemkin, one of the closest advisors of Catherine II. They had to face two related but distinct problems: Russian peasants were unskilled, while British skilled workers and supervisors were hard to control. It was the problem of controlling skilled English workers in Russia (and not the Russian serfs) that led the Bentham brothers to reflect on the relation between free and forced labor, and then between labor and society. Before and after Foucault, the Panopticon has been seen as a response to social deviance, and in relation to prisons and the emergence of a global surveillance system in modern societies. According to Foucault, the Panopticon is not just a model for institutions, but something whose principles are those of power in society at large. I want to challenge this view by arguing that the Panopticon project actually was a system for controlling wage labor, which drew inspiration from a particular image of Russian serfdom and from the Bentham brothers' experiences in that country. Those experiences have been the subject of several papers and books. The first aim of this paper is not to recall these, but rather to integrate them into a broader intellectual debate. In particular, I will evoke the origins of the Benthams' experiences in Russian, British, and European debates of the period about the legal status of labor. The way that "western" thought conceived of labor in general and positioned itself vis-à-vis Russia necessitates a reexamination of the thesis that the principal schools of western thought were misunderstood in Russia. I will argue, instead, that Russian authors and reformers relied on ambiguities in western thinking about labor when they advanced their own images of serfdom and proposals for reform.

Policing in Colonial Empires is a collection of essays reflecting current, ongoing research and exploring the multifaceted dynamics of policing in colonial societies over the past two centuries. Spanning several colonial contexts, the book examines the limits and legitimacies of colonial policing

"Winner of the 1983 Pulitzer Prize and the Bancroft Prize in American History, this is a landmark history of how the entire American health care system of doctors, hospitals, health plans, and government programs has evolved over the last two centuries."--

Assessing War spans two centuries of US military history to examine the challenge of measuring progress in wartime. Expert contributors examine wartime assessment in both theory and practice, and through alternative dimensions of assessment such as justice and proportionality, the war of ideas, and economics.

Description for press or other media: The dialogue between the sciences and theology becomes ever more urgent. Hans Schwarz chronicles the dialogue of the last two centuries, introduces the main protagonists of today's dialogue and explains the current areas of conflict.

"Joseph J. Corn maps two centuries of consumer frustration and struggle with personal technologies. ... Having extensively researched owner's manuals, computer user-group newsletters, and how-to literature, Corn brings a fresh, consumer-oriented approach to the history of technology."--Dust jacket