Legal certainty and legitimacy of forest area can be gained through the gazettment process of forest area that starts from the designation, boundary demarcation, mapping, and ends up with the establishment. In Riau Province, these processes are stagnant, and, therefore, the legal certainty and legitimacy is difficult to achieve. What is really happenned is something that needs to be answered in this study. By using the analysis of strategy typology and descriptive qualitative analysis, this study has found that the gazettment issues of forest area consisted of three aspects, namely: designation, boundary demarcation and establishment. Social conflict has been accumulated along the gazettment process, so that the legal certainty did not lead to legitimacy. This problem happened due to: claims avoidance (PTB) to avoid failure in boundaries determination; policy narrative of the boundaries are not informed to community; inconsistency between the objective of boundary demarcation with the implementation; domination of all informed knowledge and information (BPKH); stages of gazettment were done just to fulfill administrative procedure; BPKH tasks issues; and state forest area regarded as the common pool resources (CPRs). This result proves that the improvement of government, policy in gazettment of forest area is seriously required. ; Kepastian hukum dan pengakuan para pihak atas kawasan hutan dihasilkan melalui proses pengukuhan kawasan hutan yang dimulai dari penunjukan, penataan batas, pemetaan dan diakhiri dengan penetapan. Di Provinsi Riau, proses itu stagnan, sehingga kepastian hukum dan pengakuan para pihak sulit dicapai. Apa saja yang mengakibatkan hal itu terjadi adalah sesuatu yang perlu dijawab dalam penelitian ini. Dengan menggunakan analisis strategi tipologi dan analisis kualitatif deskriptif, penelitian ini berhasil mengungkap bahwa persoalan pengukuhan kawasan hutan terletak pada tiga aspek, yaitu: penunjukan, penataan batas dan penetapan. Konflik sosial yang muncul di balik penetapan dan pengakuan ...
Poverty reduction and access to better conditions of wellbeing, including recognition of rights, are persisting challenges in developing countries and their populations. In recent years, the terms of regionalism in South America have been redefined to embrace new objectives and practices beyond economic integration. Since the inception of the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR), health became a 'locus for integration', creating a new framework for formal integration in this policy area. The significance of regional health governance has, therefore, to be seen in the process of region-building but also as new practices projected externally through 'regional health diplomacy'. From this perspective, the region can be considered both as a 'space for policy practice' and as an 'actor'. This paper explores UNASUR's health diplomacy policies and politics within the region and vis-à-vis external actors in relation to access to medicine and rights to health. It is argued that new policies and the negotiation of regional health policies are redefining what region is and is for, and the synergies between regionalism and social development. ; La lucha contra la pobreza y el acceso a mejores condiciones de vida, incluido el reconocimiento de derechos, son desafíos persistentes que afectan de manera desproporcionada a los países en desarrollo y sus poblaciones más vulnerables. Al mismo tiempo, la integración regional en América Latina hoy representa un conglomerado de proyectos que no solo aborda temas comerciales, sino también políticos y sociales, articulados alrededor de nuevos objetivos y prácticas, basados en solidaridad y autonomía. Esto se ha manifestado particularmente en el área de salud, donde –bajo la coordinación de UNASUR–, una innovadora estructura institucional lidera programas, recursos y políticas para mejorar el acceso a la salud en la región y, mediante una nueva "diplomacia regional", la posición frente a actores internacionales en materia de acceso a medicamentos y derecho a la salud. Este artículo ...
The article deals with the problem of West European and Nordic countries small economies as well as ultra-small autonomous territories of Alands and Faeroes island's development. The latter are considered as the «competitive sub-peripheries» areas due to the special industrial organization development, stimulated by the national and the EU economic policy. A special status of these territories causes their conversion into the transport-logistics, informational, financial bridges between different European regions and countries. The primary goal of the article is the identification of ultra-small territories, revealing features of economic development and the modern business status in economic history context of small economies classification. The object of investigation is focused on West European and Nordic countries small economies as well as ultra-small autonomous territories of Aland and Faeroe islands affiliated to Finland and Denmark respectively. The hypothesis of the article is that ultra-small autonomous territories under consideration are developing as the «competitive sub-peripheries» areas due to the special industrial organization development, stimulated by the national and, partially, the EU economic policy supporting economic growth of both autonomous. Ultra-small territories of small states under consideration are developing as the «competitive peripheries» areas due to the special Scandinavian capitalist model development characterized by high level of social capital. The methods of the article deal with analysis-synthesis, historical and logical methods of investigation, and methods of international comparisons. The main summing up conclusion is that Aland and Faeroe islands are converting nowadays into the transport-logistics, informational, financial bridges between different European regions and countries. The autonomous territories are the experimental laboratory of the European and world economy due to the specific model of their social-oriented economic growth.
In times of economic crisis, the distribution and impact of its effects vary greatly among social groups, due to the different level of exposure and availability of resources. This article conducts a policy analysis of the most important public policies and programmes fighting elderly poverty in Portugal, in the last two decades.It critically analyses the actual social and political situation, from three main perspectives: poverty approach; gender mainstream and public-private partnerships. The latest restriction measures have been jeopardizing the fight against poverty conducted in the last 15 years. Although poverty among the elderly is presently considered a political priority, no comprehensive policies are being developed. The policy interventions are directed towards extreme situations of poverty and dependency. Preventive measures are excluded from policies planning. The state is increasingly delegating to the social sector the social care responsibilities. Gender mainstream is still a rhetoric concept. ; En tiempos de crisis económica, la distribución y el impacto de sus efectos varían mucho entre sectores sociales, debido a sus diferentes niveles de exposición y disponibilidad de recursos. Este artículo propone un análisis de las principales políticas públicas y programas de lucha contra la pobreza entre las personas mayores en Portugal, en las últimas dos décadas. Se analiza críticamente la situación social y política actual a partir de tres perspectivas: pobreza, género y patrocinio público-privado. Las recientes medidas de restricción han comprometido la lucha contra la pobreza de personas mayores en los últimos 15 años. Aunque este tipo de pobreza es considerada actualmente una prioridad política, no se están desarrollando políticas adecuadas. Las intervenciones están dirigidas a situaciones extremas de pobreza y de dependencia. Las medidas preventivas son excluidas de los planes. El Estado delega cada vez más las responsabilidades de asistencia social en el sector privado no lucrativo. La perspectiva de género es todavía un concepto retórico.
The aim of this thesis is to critically investigate and problematize the Swedish Teacher Unions' use of the concept of professionalism within the political negotiation of how to ascribe meaning and contetnt to the idea of teacher professionalism within contemporary Swedish education debates. Departing from two recent educational reforms – the certification of teachers and the reformation of teacher education – and using theories from the sociology of professions coupled with an institutional approach to the study of organizations this study analyzes how the Teacher Unions construct professional projects in relation to each other as well as in relation to the reforms of the current Ministry of Education. Viewing professionalism as an institutional logic, it investigates the different strategies employed by the two Unions and considers their effects on the overall professional ambitions of Sweden's Teacher Unions. By doing so it highlights the complexities facing occupational organizations – such as unions – as they engage in political struggles over how the meaning ascribed to concepts like professionalism is negotiated. In this sense, the Unions are to be considered institutional actors using the idea of professionalism in order to promote their own ideas of how the future development of the teaching profession may best serve the interests of their members. The study is based on analyses of public Union documents, as they are considered the best way to access the "public voice" of the two organizations. The primary material consists of referrals in which the Unions respond to the suggestions of governmentally appointed public commissions suggesting how certain political initiatives are to be realized. In addition to these formal statements, debate articles by (primarily) the Union chairs are also included in the analyses in order to provide a sense of how the Unions place their policies in relation to the overall education policy debates of Sweden. The textual analyses draw on the ideas of "policy sociology" as ...
El efecto de una política antinarcóticos que ignora las consecuencias de la erradicación de cultivos de coca es radicalizar y aislar aún más la población en aquellas zonas donde prosperan la anarquía y el terrorismo. Además, fortalece los lazos entre los descontentos sociales y los grupos guerrilleros en esas mismas áreas. Washington no puede seguir ciega al hecho de que las tres políticas actuales de Estados Unidos —antiterrorismo, antinarcóticos y democratización en el Perú y otras regiones en América Latina— no están funcionando armónicamente. Resulta paradójico que la erradicación de cultivos de coca -eje de la política antinarcóticos peruana respaldada por Estados Unidos- ensanche las bolsas de miseria y aliente la ira contra el gobierno, además de perpetuar los proverbiales miasmas de marginación en las que se engendra el terrorismo. En vez de fortalecer al Estado, la erradicación de cultivos de coca, tal y como se está llevando a cabo en los países andinos, incrementa las posibilidades de su fracaso. ; An anti-narcotics policy that ignores the social consequences of drug crops eradication only manages to further radicalize and isolate the population in areas in which lawlessness and potential terrorist activity thrive. It also strengthens the bond between disaffected social groups and guerrilla organizations in these areas. Washington cannot continue to be blind to the fact that the three current US policies on counterterrorism, anti-narcotics, and democratization in Peru and elsewhere in Latin America, are not working in harmony. Paradoxically, the eradication of drug crops —the core of Peru's US-sponsored anti-narcotics policy— enlarges pockets of poverty and fuels anger against the government. It also perpetuates the proverbial quagmire of alienation in which terrorism breeds. Instead of strengthening the State, drug eradication, particularly in the way it is currently carried out in the Andean countries, increases the risk of State failure.
National audience ; During the twenty last years, agricultural policy in France underwent important modifications under the effect of the world context, with the liberalization and the globalisation of the markets, and with the injunction, to take into account the new reference frame of sustainable development. At the European level, the budgetary tensions related on the financing of the CAP and at the national level, the dispute of the productivist model of agriculture, led the governments to introduce environmental dimension into the economic and social compromise of the agricultural development. The present paper proposes to study how the modifications of the agricultural policy were produced which relate to sustainable development. The institutionnalist theory will be used, which regards the political decisions as results of negotiations and compromise between the stakeholders and who takes into account the conflicts of interests, ideas and power, within more or less visible arenas, the result of the compromises being the development of new elements of policies in a process where the State remains a determining actor. ; Au cours des vingt dernières années, la politique agricole en France a subi d'importantes modifications sous l'effet du contexte mondial, avec la libéralisation et la globalisation des marchés, et avec l'injonction de prendre en compte le nouveau référentiel de développement durable. Au niveau européen, les tensions budgétaires liées au financement de la PAC et au niveau national, la contestation du modèle d'agriculture productiviste, ont conduit les gouvernements à introduire la dimension environnementale dans le compromis économique et social du développement agricole en vigueur jusqu'alors. La présente communication se propose d'étudier comment ont été produites les modifications de la politique agricole qui concernent le développement durable. On utilisera l'approche institutionnaliste, qui considère les décisions politiques comme résultats de négociations et de compromis entre les ...
This monograph addresses a question that is as old as civilized society. Who among the people of a nation should be its "guardians"? Who should have the right or responsibility for shouldering the burdens of national defense? The concept of "representation" is first introduced, with reference to its application within the American military. Basic issues are then examined for three general areas of national policy: social equity, political legitimacy, and military effectiveness. Several competing themes are found, and the author suggests that a "reasonable balance" may be the only way to reconcile differences between opposing policy objectives. The discussion of issues and conflicts sets the stage for the main subject of the monograph, participation by blacks in the all-volunteer military. Modern trends in racial representation are reviewed, including the recent surge in enlistments by blacks. The possible cuases and contributing factors for these trends are also evaluated. The discussion then turns to racial representation questions for the 1980s-- focusing on race and equity, race and effectiveness (using individual quality and performance indicators), and aspects of unit performance. Various "running currents of thought" are identified in an essay tracing the participation by blacks in the military from colonial times to present. The author finds that many "currents" have persistently followed the military through its entire past, and most will continue to run for some time to come. In a concluding note, the author offers a positive, yet cautionary outlook for the future. (The monograph presents fourteen statistical tables and numerous bibliographic references in footnote form.) ; This report was supported in part by the Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense (Force Management and Personnel) in cooperation with the Navy Personnel Research and Development Center and the Naval Postgraduate School. ; http://archive.org/details/representationra00eite ; Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.
Acknowledgments Research reported in this publication was supported by the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, the University of Melbourne, Public Health England, the Norwegian Institute of Public Health, the National Institute on Aging of the National Institutes of Health (award P30AG047845), and the National Institute of Mental Health of the National Institutes of Health (award R01MH110163). Aruna M Kamath is funded by the National Institutes of Health (T32GM086270). The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation or the National Institutes of Health. Lucas Guimarães Abreu acknowledges Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - Brasil (CAPES) - Código de Financiamento 001, Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) (404710/2018-2 and 310797/2019-5), Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa de Minas Gerais (FAPEMIG), and Pró-Reitoria de Pesquisa (PRPq) of Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais. Olatunji O Adetokunboh was supported by the National Research Foundation, and Department of Science and Innovation, South Africa. Syed Mohamed Aljunid would like to acknowledge the Department of Health Policy and Management, Faculty of Public Health, Kuwait University, Kuwait and International Centre for Casemix and Clinical Coding, Faculty of Medicine, National University of Malaysia, Malaysia for the approval and support to participate in this research project. Marcel Ausloos, Adrian Pana, and Claudiu Herteliu are partially supported by a grant of the Romanian National Authority for Scientific Research and Innovation, CNDS-UEFISCDI, project number PN-III-P4-ID-PCCF-2016-0084. Claudiu Herteliu and Adrian Pana are partially supported by a grant of the Romanian National Authority for Scientific Research and Innovation, CNDS-UEFISCDI, project number PN-III-P2-2.1-SOL-2020-2-0351. Derrick A Bennett receives support from the Oxford National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) Biomedical Research Centre. The views expressed are those of the author(s) and not necessarily those of the National Health Service (NHS), the NIHR, or the Department of Health and Social Care. Felix Carvalho and Eduarda Fernandes acknowledge UID/MULTI/04378/2019 and UID/QUI/50006/2019 support with funding from FCT/MCTES through national funds. Joao Conde acknowledges the European Research Council, ERC starting grant agreement No 848325. Vera Marisa Costa acknowledges her grant (SFRH/BHD/110001/2015), received by Portuguese national funds through Fundação para a Ciência e Tecnologia (FCT), IP, under the Norma Transitória DL57/2016/CP1334/CT0006. Sagnik Dey acknowledges the support of the Centre of Excellence for Research on Clean Air (CERCA) and IIT Delhi for the institute chair position. Santosh Gaihre acknowledges the GCRF SAFEWATER Project, Ulster University, Northern Ireland. Sheikh Mohammed Shariful Islam acknowledges support from fellowships and funding from NHMRC and National Heart Foundation of Australia. Oommen John is recipient of an UIPA scholarship through University of New South Wales (UNSW), Sydney, Australia. Md Nuruzzaman Khan acknowledges the support of Jatiya Kabi Kazi Nazrul Islam University, Mymensingh, Bangladesh. Yun Jin Kim was supported by the Research Management Centre, Xiamen University Malaysia, Malaysia (XMUMRF/2020-C6/ITCM/0004). Sindhura Lakshmi Koulmane Laxminarayana acknowledges support provided by Manipal Academy of Higher Education, Manipal, India. Kewal Krishan is supported by the UGC Centre of Advanced Study (CAS II), awarded to the Department of Anthropology, Panjab University, Chandigarh, India. Manasi Kumar would like to acknowledge NIH/FIC k43 tw010716-04. Ben Lacey acknowledges support from UK Biobank, the NIHR Oxford Biomedical Research Centre, and the BHF Oxford Centre of Research Excellence. Iván Landires is a member of the Sistema Nacional de Investigación (SNI), which is supported by the Panama's Secretaría Nacional de Ciencia, Tecnología e Innovación (SENACYT). John J McGrath has been supported by the Danish National Research Foundation (Niels Bohr Professorship), and is employed by The Queensland Centre for Mental Health Research which receives core funding from the Queensland Health. Stefania Mondello acknowledges support from the Italian Ministry of Health (grant number GR-2013-02354960). Jonathan F Mosser acknowledges funding from BMGF (OPP1182474). Bruno Ramos Nascimento was supported in part by CNPq (Bolsa de produtividade em pesquisa, 312382/2019-7), by the Edwards Lifesciences Foundation (Every Heartbeat Matters programme 2020), and by FAPEMIG (grant APQ-000627-20). Shuhei Nomura acknowledges support from the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan (MEXT). Oluwakemi Ololade Odukoya was supported by the Fogarty International Center of the National Institutes of Health under award number K43TW010704. The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of the National Institutes of Health. Alberto Ortiz was supported by FIS/Fondos FEDER (PI18/01366, PI19/00588, PI19/00815, DTS18/00032, ERA-PerMed-JTC2018 (KIDNEY ATTACK AC18/00064 and PERSTIGAN AC18/00071, ISCIII-RETIC REDinREN RD016/0009), Sociedad Española de Nefrología, FRIAT, Comunidad de Madrid en Biomedicina B2017/BMD-3686 CIFRA2-CM. Jagadish Rao Padubidri acknowledges the Manipal Academy of Higher Education Mangalore, Mangalore, India for their constant support. George C Patton is supported by an NHMRC senior principal research fellowship. Alberto Raggi is supported by a grant from the Italian Ministry of Health (Ricerca Corrente, Fondazione Istituto Neurologico C. Besta, Linea 4 Outcome Research: dagli Indicatori alle Raccomandazioni Cliniche). Bhageerathy Reshmi acknowledges support from Manipal College of Health Professions, Manipal, India. Daniela Ribeiro acknowledges the financial support from the European Union [FEDER funds through COMPETE, POCI-01-0145-FEDER-029253). Abdallah M Samy acknowledges the support from the Egyptian Fulbright Mission Program, and being a member of the Egyptian Young Academy of Sciences and Technology. Davide Sattin and Silvia Schiavolin acknowledge support by a grant from the Italian Ministry of Health (Ricerca Corrente, Fondazione Istituto Neurologico C Besta, Linea 4 Outcome Research: dagli Indicatori alle Raccomandazioni Cliniche). Francesca Giulia Magnani acknowledges support by a grant from the Italian Ministry of Health GR2016-02365049. Feng Sha and Bingyu Li acknowledge support by the Shenzhen Social Science Fund (Grant No SZ2020C015) and the Shenzhen Science and Technology Program (Grant KQTD20190929172835662). Aziz Sheikh acknowledges the support of the Health Data Research UK BREATHE Hub. João Pedro Silva acknowledges support from grant number UIDB/04378/2020 from the Applied Molecular Biosciences Unit (UCIBIO), supported through Portuguese national funds via FCT/MCTES. David A Sleet acknowledges support from the James F and Sarah T Fries Foundation, The Bizzell Group. Mohammad Reza Sobhiyeh acknowledges support from the Clinical Research Development center of Imam Reza Hospital Kermanshah University of Medical Sciences, Iran. Joan B Soriano acknowledges support from the Centro de Investigación en Red de Enfermedades Respiratorias (CIBERES), Instituto de Salud Carlos III (ISCIII), Madrid, Spain. Gizachew Assefa Tessema is a recipient of the Australian National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) investigator grant (APP1195716). Riaz Uddin is supported by an Alfred Deakin Postdoctoral Research Fellowship. Bhaskaran Unnikrishnan acknowledges Katurba Medical College, Mangalore, India. Charles Shey Wiysonge is supported by the South African Medical Research Council. Sojib Bin Zaman received a scholarship from the Australian Government Research Training Program (RTP) in support of his academic career. Yunquan Zhang acknowledges the Science and Technology Research Project of Hubei Provincial Department of Education (grant number Q20201104) and Middle Aged Technology Innovation Team Project of Hubei Provincial Department of Education (grant number T2020003). ; Peer reviewed ; Publisher PDF
How do the former Soviet republics that now constitute the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) interact with each other and with other regional and world powers? What are the conceptual foundations, mechanisms, and main directions of each member state's foreign policy? What role do economic and political factors play? Answering these questions and more in this systematic, comprehensive survey, a team of in-country experts sheds important light on the complex regional and international interactions of the CIS states in the twenty-first century. A companion website offers a wealth of translated official documents and further, up-to-date information.
In times of highly volatile commodity markets, governments often try to protect their populations from rapidly-rising food prices, which can be particularly harsh for the poor. A potential solution for food-deficit countries is to hold strategic reserves, which can be called on when international prices spike. But how large should strategic stockpiles be? This paper develops a dynamic storage model for wheat in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, where imported wheat dominates the average diet. The paper uses the model to analyze a strategy that sets aside wheat stockpiles, which can be used when needed to keep domestic prices below a targeted price. This paper shows that if the target is set high and reserves are adequate, the strategy can be effective and robust. Contrary to most interventions, strategic storage policies are counter-cyclical and, when the importing region is sufficiently large, a regional policy can smooth global prices. This paper shows that this is the case for the MENA region. Nevertheless, the policy is more costly than the pro-cyclical policy of a targeted intervention that directly offsets high prices with a subsidy similar to food stamps. ; Lorsque les prix des matières premières sont très volatiles, les gouvernements essayent généralement de protéger leur population d'une augmentation rapide des prix agricoles. Une solution potentielle pour des pays importateurs nets de produits agricoles est de maintenir des stocks de réserve, qui peuvent être utilisés lorsque les prix mondiaux augmentent fortement. Mais quelle doit être la taille de telles réserves? Cet article développe un modèle dynamique de stockage pour le marché du blé dans la région Moyen Orient et Afrique du Nord, où le blé importé représente une part prépondérante de l'alimentation. Ce modèle est utilisé pour analyser une stratégie dans laquelle des stocks servent à maintenir les prix domestiques en dessous d'une cible. Nous montrons que si la cible est choisie suffisamment haute et les réserves sont adéquates, la ...
