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ABSTRACTInternship placements located away from capital cities and metropolitan areas may lack opportunities for involvement in high-profile issues but they can uphold standards of "high-impact educational practice" (Kuh 2008). This study of 59 political science interns at the Mississippi University for Women demonstrates that high-impact outcomes may be generated in small-city placements that include administrative tasks if students are encouraged to reflect on their experiences and recommend improvements. Students not only extract information from their experiences for academic assignments, they also appraise the effectiveness of the work unit in attaining its goals and they formulate means by which it may improve procedures and outcomes. The scale of operations in small-city environments broadens the options for this type of analysis: exposure to a wide scope of decision processes and results is preferred to a focus on a specialized task.

Political scientists recently have taken great strides in addressing sexual harassment and assault in the discipline. Little has been said, however, about sexual violence that political scientists may confront during field research. Field research involves any data-collection activity that occurs away from a researcher's home institution, including visiting a prominent archive, interviewing political elites, and conducting direct observation of political phenomenon, and fieldwork is widely considered essential to data collection and career development across political science subfields. Field researchers may experience numerous power disparities that put them at acute risk for sexual or gender-based violence in the field, and evidence suggests that such experiences are pervasive and professionally devastating. In an effort to reduce gender-based violence and discrimination across academic worksites, several disciplines and institutions have developed specific guidelines and protocols to prevent and address sexual harassment and assault during fieldwork (Berkeley PATH to Care Center 2020; University of California, Riverside 2018; University of Toronto, Department of Anthropology 2019; Woodgate et al. 2018). Political scientists, however, have largely failed to conceptualize field placements as work settings or to address gender-based violence during fieldwork in our curriculum, training, and policies. Instead, they rely on deeply held methodological fallacies that insist on a field researcher's absolute privilege, trivialize experiences of sexual violence, and weaponize rape myths to portray survivors as professionally incompetent (Hunt 2022).

International audience ; Si les changements environnementaux liés à l'humanité ne font aucun doute, leur ampleur et leurs conséquences ne sont pas si faciles à évaluer. Pour le savant, il s'agit d'établir les liens de causalité et les impacts avec le plus de précision possible, puis de poser un diagnostic. Le présent dictionnaire s'appuie sur le concept récent d'«anthropocène», qui a le mérite, qu'on l'approuve ou non, de relancer la réflexion sur les rapports entre nature et société, entre constat scientifique et action politique, à travers une approche spatiale et territoriale. Procédant de façon critique, et fruit d'une démarche collective, cette vaste entreprise éditoriale se fonde sur une pratique de terrain, attentive aux détails et méfiante à l'égard des discours pré-établis. Parmi les 330 notices, plusieurs thèmes sont au cœur des débats contemporains (biodiversité, changement climatique…), d'autres se réfèrent à des courants de pensée (écoféminisme, transhumanisme…). Les concepts mobilisés abordent des questions politiques (capitalocène, justice environnementale…), philosophiques (catastrophes, Gaïa…), ou épistémologiques (finitude, population…). Des notions classiques sont réinterrogées (nature, ressource…), tandis que des concepts sont précisés (biosphère, écosystème…). D'autres notices discutent de mécanismes environnementaux (érosion, tsunami…), de pratiques récentes (agroécologie, ville durable…), de phénomènes territorialisés (déforestation, désertification…) ou d'artefacts (aéroport, autoroute…). Certaines examinent des lieux emblématiques (Amazonie, Fukushima…). D'autres, enfin, offrent un regard original sur l'anthropocène, sa faune (chien, ours…), ses mutations socio-économiques, institutionnelles ou politiques (biopiraterie, ZAD…). Un dictionnaire de référence sur un concept devenu incontournable. (4e de couverture)

Research on social processes in the production of scientific output suggests that the collective research agenda of a discipline is influenced by its structural features, such as "invisible colleges" or "groups of collaborators" as well as academic "stars" that are embedded in, or connect, these research groups. Based on an encompassing dataset that takes into account multiple publication types including journals and chapters in edited volumes, we analyze the complete co-authorship network of all 1,339 researchers in German political science. Through the use of consensus graph clustering techniques and descriptive centrality measures, we identify the ten largest research clusters, their research topics, and the most central researchers who act as bridges and connect these clusters. We also aggregate the findings at the level of research organizations and consider the inter-university co-authorship network. The findings indicate that German political science is structured by multiple overlapping research clusters with a dominance of the subfields of international relations, comparative politics and political sociology. A small set of well-connected universities takes leading roles in these informal research groups.

Research on social processes in the production of scientific output suggests that the collective research agenda of a discipline is influenced by its structural features, such as "invisible colleges" or "groups of collaborators" as well as academic "stars" that are embedded in, or connect, these research groups. Based on an encompassing dataset that takes into account multiple publication types including journals and chapters in edited volumes, we analyze the complete co-authorship network of all 1,339 researchers in German political science. Through the use of consensus graph clustering techniques and descriptive centrality measures, we identify the ten largest research clusters, their research topics, and the most central researchers who act as bridges and connect these clusters. We also aggregate the findings at the level of research organizations and consider the inter-university co-authorship network. The findings indicate that German political science is structured by multiple overlapping research clusters with a dominance of the subfields of international relations, comparative politics and political sociology. A small set of well-connected universities takes leading roles in these informal research groups.

В настоящий момент наблюдаются серьезные изменения в социокультурном пространстве. В первую очередь, речь идет о процессе проникновения в него особых семиотических конструктов. Их можно описать как политические мифы. И значительная их часть тесно связана с концепцией славы (прежде всего, государственной) как в прошлом, так и в настоящем и будущем времени. Эта слава может рассматриваться как утерянная (развал СССР) или же возрожденная (вхождение Крыма в состав Российской Федерации в 2014). Концепции славы и победы (прежде всего, победы в Великой Отечественной войне) настолько тесно связаны в российском политическом дискурсе, что все заметнее становится процесс своего рода их присвоения истеблишментом. Понятие политического мифа давно вышло за рамки нарратива, и теперь особое значение приобретает его семиотическая структура. Миф представляет собой знак, трансформированный идеологией, и, с другой стороны, является актором, который создает (или, по меньшей мере, трансформирует) социокультурную реальность вокруг себя. В качестве инструмента здесь выступает мем, который укоренен в сфере медиа. При этом организации пространства мифа, как правило, соотносится с понятием хронотопа, предложенным М. Бахтиным. В современном российском политическом дискурсе содержится три доминирующих политических мифа, активно апеллирующих к концепту славы. Во-первых, это миф о Византийской империи и утраченной славе, которой противопоставляется так называемая «Пятая империя». Во-вторых, речь идет о мифе о «вежливых людях», при создании которого был задействован соответствующий мем. Наконец, особое место занимает миф о двадцати восьми героях-панфиловцах.Today we cannot but notice the sequence of the considerable changes in the present-day social and cultural order through the obvious process of its invasion by certain semiotic constructs, possibly described as political myths, and nearly all of them closely connected with the issue of past/present/future glory. This glory could be lost (e.g., the collapse of the USSR), or gained anew (e.g., the joining of Crimea in 2014). The concepts of glory and victory in Russian political discourse are bound up with each other so closely that it is difficult to divide them. Besides, glory and victory are being gradually possessed by the establishment. At the same time, political myths are the means and the aim of this process. Myth comes forward as a universal code, and moreover, as a universal social-cultural matrix which contains patterns of ethics that are to be installed into the society. Besides, myth is a structure based upon the category of shaping the reality in which people may believe, not the category of belief. In the sphere of the media, myth broadcasts itself mainly through memes, using them both as instruments and as a certain communication channel. The structure of a meme is semiotic, while there is still a communicative difference between a meme and a myth. The idea of political glory is closely connected with the sphere of myth and with the concepts of time and space. This kind of integration makes up what Bakhtin called a "chronotope." Three main myths of historical glory in present-day political discourse can be distinguished: the myth of Byzantium and the so-called "The Fifth Empire," the myth of the "Polite People," and the myth of "Panfilov's Twenty-Eight."

The Mongols′ attack to the territory of Islamic civilization in the 13th century is examined from two perspectives: militarily aspect and civilization aspect; from the military aspect, the militant and violent Mongols occupied the lands of Islamic civilization and as a result the Abbasid Caliphate fell after 5 centuries. But from civilization aspect, the Mongols were overcome by the transcendent values and norms of Islamic-Iranian culture and, by converting to Islam, they tried to strengthen and promote this transcendent culture. The process of Mongols′ socialization in Islamic civilization depends on various conditions and factors. However, transcendent thinking and political expertise have played a significant role in their socialization, indicating that these two elements can turn violent and militant human beings and societies into civilized and peaceful human beings and societies. The commitment of the intellectual elites and Iranian advisers of the Mongols to the promotion of moral virtues in the public sphere and to the advancement of moral policy in the management and advancement of political affairs has been one of the most important factors in the socialization of the Mongols in Islamic civilization.

This work is devoted to a critical analytical examination of the history, character, and conduct of contemporary academic political theory and to a reconsideration of significant elements of this field of inquiry from the perspective of the philosophy of Ludwig Wittgenstein.

Political memoirs form an accessible primary source for the political scientist, but there is considerable disagreement about their usefulness and reliability. Memoirs can be classified firstly according to whether their chief focus is the ethos, the doctrines, or the policy making of political parties, and secondly according to the principal means employed in their compilation - such as diaries, private and official papers, or personal reminiscences. Examples of these different types of memoir written by members of the Thatcher Government are analysed to demonstrate their uses and limitations.