The aim of this article is to seek an understanding of why there seems to be policy reluctance in acknowledging the potential of practice and academic theology in governance and policy development in South Africa. This study examines these issues from an interdisciplinary perspective. The provocative thesis in this paper is that religion and theology belong in the public sphere. The approach in this paper is to use an informed knowledge of public policy and issues, to engage the implications of what is at stake, and subject this to sharp analytical evaluation and theological critique. Drawing from institutionalism and policy studies, the article examines the change potential of religion and theology within a constitutional democracy, the point of departure being the acknowledgement of a critical distinction between public policy discourse and public discourse. The article takes a premise that although it may have been best left alone by many social and political scientists, religion remains – despite the popularity of the secularism theorists – resilient as part of people's value systems and social identity.
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;">El <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Fondo de los antiguos bancos de emisión</em> se localiza en la galería cuatro del Archivo General de la Nacional, en éste se conservan libros y expedientes de varias de las instituciones de emisión, que formaron parte del primer régimen bancario mexicano. Suman un total de 3 150 volúmenes correspondientes a diecisiete de la treintena de instituciones de crédito que tuvieron vigencia entre 1882 y 1932.</span>
Research in a few U.S. states has shown that candidates listed first on ballots gain extra votes as a result. This study explored name order effects for the first time in New Hampshire, where such effects might be weak or entirely absent because of high political engagement and the use of party column ballots. In general elections (in 2012 and 2016) for federal offices and the governorship and in primaries (in 2000, 2002, and 2004), evidence of primacy effects appeared in 86% of the 84 tests, including the 2016 presidential race, when Donald Trump gained 1.7 percentage points from first listing, and Hillary Clinton gained 1.5 percentage points. Consistent with theoretical predictions, primacy effects were larger in primaries and for major-party candidates in general elections than for non-major-party candidates in general elections, more pronounced in less publicized contests, and stronger in contests without an incumbent running. All of this constitutes evidence of the reliability and generalizability of evidence on candidate name order effects and their moderators.
Report of the Texas State Auditor's Office related to the Office of the Attorney General's (Office) design for two-day processing of child support payments as required by Welfare Reform legislation, and modifications needed for existing information systems that are critical meeting the two-day federal requirement.
Religion's role was prominent in the foreign relations of Byzantium and Iran. The religious element prevails throughout the entire struggle with Persia. The two empires were not just rivals on the battlefield. Along with the real war an ideological war was conducted between them, as both tried to convert people to their own religion. Zoroastrian Magi and Christian bishops became rivals in a war of propaganda where all means were used. When Constantine became Christian he created a golden opportunity to unite a wholeheartedly universalist religion and its abundance of scriptural authority and missionary impetus, with empire's forces of political, military and economic expansion in order to create a genuine world empire. Constantine the Great was the first to use religion as a weapon to assimilate people to the Roman Empire. The dream of global domination could become a reality through the spread of Christianity. During the Sasanian era Iran was Zoroastrianized in great extent. The doctrine of Zarthustra became the privileged religion and developed into a supporting pillar of Sasanian kingship. Persecutions of Christians in Iran followed Constantine's the Great proclamation of being the leader of all Christians in the oikoumeni. Church historians accused the Zoroastrian priests called Magi in the West as responsible for tortures and death penalties against the Christians of Iran, while Martyrologies illustrated them as having diabolical forces and immoral practices in their private lives. On the contrary secular Byzantine historians praised them as simple priests and holy men who lived in peace following their own customs. Roman propaganda, through history writing, presented the shahs Yazdegerd I, Xusrō I, and Xusrō II as having converted to Christianity or at least as Christian sympathizers. The impossibility of Persian subjects existing under the rule of any Roman prelate, had decreed the independence of the Persian Church. It was a common belief that Christian Orthodoxy was loyalty to the Roman Emperor, not to Christ, and heresy was not the display of a special variety of unchristian spirit, but an offence against the Roman State order. Christians of Persia were soon obliged to follow the customs of their own country. The King of Kings would always have the last voice, and frequently the first also in the choice of Catholicos. Byzantine historians often proceed to a religious mythmaking to justify the emperors' policy towards the Persian rulers. During the sixth and seventh centuries religion propaganda was used in extent by both countries. In Byzantium during Heraclius' reign we can trace a tendency to interpret events in terms of biblical prototypes.
Abstract: In light of the growing body of private law of the European Union, the article explores the significance of the Court of Justice for this area of the law. It explains the changing role of the referral procedure for private law and the fragmentary nature of private law legislation of the Union. The latter has caused a case law characterized by insecurity and inconsistencies, as illustrated by several examples relating to the Brussels Convention, the judicial review of unfair terms in consumer contracts, and the assessment of non-material damages. The need for general principles of European private law emerging from this development can, to a certain extent, be satisfied by the Principles of European Contract Law and the Common Frame of Reference: with regard to the examples given before they provide for more principled solutions which are recommended to the Court of Justice. The final part of the article raises the question whether the Court of Justice is an appropriate court for the adjudication of the private law in a Union of 500 million people. While the composition of the chambers of judges of different nationality should be continued, a decentralization is advocated at the level of the General Court, that is, the former Court of First Instance. Résumé : En raison des activités législatives croissantes de l'Union Européenne en matière de droit privé, l'article étudie le rôle de la Cour de Justice dans ce domaine. Il explique les mutations de la procédure de renvoi préjudiciel en droit privé et le caractère fragmentaire de la législation du droit privé de l'Union. Ceci a donné naissance à une jurisprudence caractérisée par l'insécurité et les contradictions, ce qui est illustré par des exemples concernant la Convention de Bruxelles, le contrôle judiciaire des clauses abusives dans les contrats avec des consommateurs et la compensation du dommage immatériel. Le besoin de principes généraux du droit privé européen qui résulte de ce développement peut être satisfait par les Principes généraux du droit européen des contrats ainsi que par le Cadre commun de référence : les deux prévoient, en ce qui concerne les exemples exposés auparavant, des solutions de principe qui sont recommandeés à la Cour de Justice. La dernière partie de l'article pose la question de savoir si la structure actuelle de la Cour de Justice est adéquate pour administrer la justice en droit privé dans une Union de 500 millions d'habitants. L'article recommande que les chambres, comme à l'heure actuelle, soient composées de juges provenant de divers États membres, mais propose en même temps une décentralisation au niveau du Tribunal.
Frontmatter -- Contents -- Introduction -- 1 All This for Two Stones? -- 2 Antiquity Imagined -- 3 The Origin of All Religions -- 4 On Napoleon's Expedition -- 5 One Drawing, Many Words -- 6 The Dawn of the Zodiac Controversies -- 7 Ancient Skies, Censored -- 8 Egypt Captured in Ink and Porcelain -- 9 Egyptian Stars under Paris Skies -- 10 The Zodiac Debates -- 11 Champollion's Cartouche -- 12 Epilogue -- Acknowledgments -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Figure Sources -- Subject Index -- Name Index
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Die Allgemeine Bevölkerungsumfrage der Sozialwissenschaften (ALLBUS) ist eine Trenderhebung, in der seit 1980 alle zwei Jahre eine Zufallsstichprobe der deutschen Bevölkerung befragt wird. Das primäre Ziel des Umfrageprogramms ist die Beobachtung von Einstellungen, Verhalten und sozialen Wandel in Deutschland. Jede ALLBUS-Querschnittserhebung besteht aus ein oder zwei Schwerpunktmodulen zu wechselnden Themen. Diese werden ergänzt durch weitere inhaltliche Fragen und ein Kernmodul mit detaillierten demografischen Informationen. Zudem werden Zusatzinformation zum Interview und den Interviewern bereitgestellt. Die Schwerpunktmodule folgen in der Regel einem 10-jährigen Replikationszyklus, viele Einzelindikatoren und Itembatterien werden aber auch in kürzeren Abständen repliziert.
Seit Mitte der 1980er Jahre werden zusammen mit ALLBUS auch regelmäßig ein oder zwei Module des ISSP (International Social Survey Programme) erhoben.
Das Schwerpunktmodul von ALLBUS 1982 heißt "Religion und Weltanschauungen" und beinhaltet Fragen zu Kosmologien (Stellungnahmen zur Existenz einer höheren Wirklichkeit), Ansichten über den Sinn des Lebens und Fragen zu Religiosität und Konfession. Weitere Themen sind, z.B., politische Einstellungen und Einstellungen zu Ehe, Familie und Partnerschaft.
