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This paper examines social development as a process and as a historically produced discourse before and during the crisis in Southeast Asia. Using the case of Thai social science in different historical periods — from distanced social science to socially engaged social science — to illustrate its relevance to social development, this paper argues that new modes of knowing is necessary to challenge, rethink, and reconstruct the role of social science based on situated knowledge and contextualised views expressed.

Marconomics is about human economics. This text introduces marconomics, examining how the use of the social sciences, consumer behavior in particular, is used to explain and develop economic activity. Blawatt argues the philosophy and principles of the classical school of economic thought are problematic and should be replaced with a new model. He develops a paradigm in the form of two correlated variables that provide the rationale for three economic domains: entrepreneurial, managed, and mass market economies that tell us how business, money, and people work. An economy is a dynamic, behavior-driven structure that is influenced by human variables and exogenous factors that need be included in the creation of models and policies. Marconomics sets an initial framework on which further social scientific research may advance an improved understanding of the discipline.

Nominally, the social sciences maintain the ideological aspiration of a unified, global endeavor for a better understanding of human societies, their economies, cultures, and polities. Over 150 years after their founding period, there is significant fragmentation and unevenness in this quest to understand the human condition. Distinct hierarchies and exclusionary structures emerged between the "West" and regions like Latin America, Africa, the Middle East, China and India and many parts of Asia. Some countries, even entire regions, are terra incognita from a Western vantage point and relegated to "area studies." At the same time, distinct social science traditions have formed in countries and regions outside the West, with a new interest in developing approaches that rely less on Western foundations and conventional academic practices.
The questions become: Are the social sciences drifting further apart, or is there a possibility of greater dialogue, even cohesiveness, to advance our knowledge and understanding globally rather than only in some regions or countries? And if so, why, how, and for what? What are the main foci in research and teaching? What is the degree of institutionalization, and how could the global, regional, and national potentials of the social sciences be better realized?
To approach these questions, Global Perspectives launches systematic assessments of the state and the potential of the social sciences in different parts of the world. They address five key issue clusters: Western hegemony and fragmentation; basic conceptual and epistemological considerations; ideologies and normative foundations; academic freedom; and professionalization and commercialization. Given the significant scale and complex scope of the social sciences with their many specific subfields, methodologies, and curricula as well as varying degrees of professional institutionalization and different political backgrounds, the special collections present reflective essays on the state and the potential of the social sciences rather than comprehensive empirical stock-taking.

Extrait : ""Dans ces pages, Adam et Ève incarnent l'instinct et le sentiment humains : tout ce qui fleurit en nous de libre et de naturel. Brid'oison, c'est la For-orme sociale ; le dogmatisme des mœurs, de l'opinion, des lois : construction artificielle dont la sagesse moyenne comporte encore beaucoup d'erreur, d'injustice et de mensonge.""À PROPOS DES ÉDITIONS LIGARANLes éditions LIGARAN proposent des versions numériques de qualité de grands livres de la littérature classique mais également des livres rares en partenariat avec la BNF. Beaucoup de soins sont apportés à ces versions ebook pou

Decades of research establish that political elites hold more ideologically consistent and structured policy preferences than ordinary citizens. Since the late 1970s, American politics, at the elite level, has become increasingly polarized and changes in the news media have made it easier for citizens to find news catering to their ideological tastes. We capitalize on these developments to examine whether ideologically engaged citizens–those who hold strong ideological identities, who are politically informed, and who participate actively in public affairs–match elites in ideological consistency and structure during the age of polarization. We test this hypothesis by applying correlation and measurement modeling techniques to data from multiple National Election Study and Convention Delegate Study surveys. We find that (a) ideologically engaged masses hold more tightly organized opinions than the less engaged every year, but lagged elites by a wide margin in 1980; (b) convention delegates manifest impressive levels of consistency every year; (c) by 1992 engaged citizens had caught up to political elites; and (d) ideological consistency increased substantially over time in the mass public, but only among the most ideologically engaged.

One promising approach for reducing affective polarization is priming a shared American identity and one promising event to prime that identity is the 4th of July. Prior work showed that proximity to the 4th of July reduced affective polarization. We conceptually replicated this study using a 9-wave longitudinal design in 2019. We found no short-term or long-term effects of the 4th of July on social distance from partisan and ideological ingroups or outgroups. Notably, our within-subjects design was able to identify the existence of individual differences in social distance trajectories across time, but there were not individual differences in short-terms changes in social distance in close proximity to the 4th of July. Additional analyses, did not find consistent predictors of these individual differences, suggesting a clear gap for future studies. Although priming a shared American identity may be effective, these findings suggest that the salutary effects of the 4th of July holiday do not emerge in 2019.

Focusing on Turkey, this article analyzes the role of polarization on news users' perception of misinformation and mistrust in the news on social media. Turkey is one of the countries where citizens complain most about misinformation on the internet. The citizens' trust in news institutions is also in continuous decline. Furthermore, both Turkish society and its media landscape are politically highly polarized. Focusing on Turkey's highly polarized environment, the article aims to analyze how political polarization influences the users' trust in the news and their perceptions about misinformation on social media. The study is based on multi-method research, including focus groups, media diaries, and interviews with people of different ages and socioeconomic backgrounds. The article firstly demonstrates different strategies that the users develop to validate information, including searching for any suspicious information on search engines, looking at the comments below the post, and looking at other news media, especially television. Secondly, we will discuss how more affective mechanisms of news assessment come into prominence while evaluating political news. Although our participants are self-aware and critical about their partisan attitudes in news consumption and evaluation, they also reveal media sources to which they feel politically closer. We propose the concept of "skeptical inertia" to refer to this self-critical yet passive position of the users in the face of the polarized news environment in Turkey.