Suchergebnisse

As a more industrialized developing country with poor natural resources, the case of Korea is offered to show evidence of diversity in environmentalism in developing countries. Data from a 1994 survey of 861 respondents in Taegu (a highly urbanized & industrializing city) indicate that environmentalism is characterized in diverse ways: (1) as a means for political activists to achieve democracy, (2) for health & safety, & (3) against "the very material effluents of affluence," as well as victim-based environmentalism. The effects on environmentalism of age, religion, & income of the population are also different from those in the US. It is concluded that environmentalism in developing countries is rooted in diverse sources & is qualitatively different from Western environmentalism. Future studies in such countries should take into account natural, economic, political, religious, sociocultural, & objective environmental conditions. 5 Tables, 48 References. Adapted from the source document.

This article provides a first-hand account of the World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD) & an analysis of how to advance environmentalist concerns in the post-Jo'burg era. It reviews some of the achievements & disappointments of the Summit & describes significant changes in global environmental affairs that the WSSD was unable fully to appreciate & which, therefore, must be addressed in the post-Jo'burg world. One change is a switch in emphasis in the North & South in terms of sustainable development. For too long we've been told that the North is concerned with the environment while the South is focused on development. At the WSSD it became clear, however, that this is no longer the case. Many in the North now claim a development focus although, to be sure, through the more fundamental goal of economic globalization. Concomitantly, many in the South voice a commitment to environmental sustainability as a way to reduce poverty. A second change has to do with the power of environmentalism. After enjoying much strength, concern for the environment is flagging throughout much of the world as key states find themselves distracted by geopolitical concerns in the aftermath of the September 11th (2001) attacks. Both changes indicate the need to rethink environmentalist strategies in a post-Jo'burg era. The article offers several suggestions including abandoning sustainable development as a policy objective (although keeping it as a conceptual framework) & resuscitating the older, more narrow & arguably less complicated goals of environmental protection. 2 References. Adapted from the source document.

Die Autoren gehen der Frage nach, ob Rassismus mit einem Anti-Diskriminierungsgesetz zu bekämpfen ist. Dabei wird zunächst das UNO-Übereinkommen über die Beseitigung jeder Form von Rassendiskriminierung kurz dargestellt. Sodann wird deutlich gemacht, daß die Anerkennung des multiethnischen Charakters der Gesellschaft und die staatsbürgerliche und rechtliche Gleichstellung der Einwanderer wesentliche Voraussetzung einer erfolgreichen Antidiskriminierungsgesetzgebung sind. Ein Antidiskriminierungsgesetz kann allerdings nicht dem Zustand abhelfen, daß Staatsangehörige eines Drittstaates in Deutschland rechtlich schlechter gestellt sind als Deutsche; im weiteren können Antidiskriminierungsgesetze lediglich die Bedingungen der gesellschaftlichen und politischen Auseinandersetzung mit rassistischen Strömungen verbessern, nicht aber Rassismus abschaffen. In rechtlicher Hinsicht wird dafür plädiert, daß die Betroffen die Möglichkeiten haben sollten, ihr Recht, nicht diskriminiert zu werden, mit Leistungs-, Abwehr- und Ausgleichsansprüchen gegenüber Privatpersonen gerichtlich durchzusetzen. Im weiteren werden wirksame Sanktionen in privatrechtlicher Hinsicht wie auch im Presserecht gefordert. Abschließend werden Überlegungen zu den Verfahrensvorschriften vorgelegt (Beweisregelung, Verbandsklage). (ICD)

Leo Strauss's textual interpretations are epistemologically naive. Previous critics have not shown the full breadth and depth of Strauss's problems. The early, pre-esoteric Strauss makes some unduly certain claims on very slender evidence. The mature, esoteric Strauss's methodological principles rest on false dichotomies and logical errors. Most problematic is Strauss's one-sided approach: too often, he takes a single hypothesis, looks for and finds evidence which fits it, and thinks that this constitutes proof; he states too many conclusions as if they are certain, without adequately considering alternative explanations. Since we can see the same technique in his pre-esoteric writings, this suggests that the problem is not esoteric interpretation itself, but Strauss's particular version of esoteric interpretation. In short, the problem is not Straussianism, but Strauss. © 2012 Southern Political Science Association.

Sowohl in Europa als auch im Mittleren Osten war der 11. September 2001 kein Bruch in der Entwicklung des Anti-Amerikanismus, wohl aber ein wichtiger und entscheidender Katalysator. Im europäischen Raum etwa wird die Schuld an den Anschlägen des 11. Septembers indirekt den Vereinigten Staaten selbst zugewiesen. Deren wiederholte Interventionen, imperiales Gebaren und geostrategische, vor allem ökonomische Interessen werden in den anti-amerikanischen intellektuellen Zirkeln Europas als der sinnstiftende Kontext des 11. September interpretiert. Dass Barack Obama weder den Irak-Krieg noch das Engagement in Afghanistan umgehend beendete, erklärt dann auch den anhaltenden, beziehungsweise rasch wieder einsetzenden Popularitätsverlust in Europa. Es ist diese vermeintliche Solidarisierung mit den Gesellschaften des Mittleren Ostens, die den europäischen Anti-Amerikanismus mit demjenigen dieser Region verbindet. Der Anti-Amerikanismus in seiner gegenwärtigen Form bezieht seine Kraft aus einer paradox anmutenden Verbindung beider Anti-Amerikanismen: aus politisch motivierter Zurückweisung der Moderne im Nahen und Mittleren Osten und einer Kritik an den Vereinigten Staaten in Europa, die den politischen Begriff der Moderne an sich schon als imperialistisch ablehnt. (ICB2)

Runit Dome is an eighteen-inch thick concrete dome covering the buried nuclear waste from twenty-three atomic tests conducted by the US military in the 1940s and '50s in Pikinni Atoll in the Marshall Islands. Known to locals as "The Tomb," it is leaking into the Pacific Ocean, in part because of the rising sea levels produced by global warming. Runit Dome brings climate change into direct relation with the legacies of nuclear imperialism in the Marshall Islands. This essay examines how Cold War securitization paradigms problematically inform the ecological management strategies developed by international policy-making entities such as the United Nations in the mid-twentieth century. While much literary and cultural scholarship on the rise of the nuclear age has focused on the concomitant rise of insecurities about body and environment under the duress of wartime, this essay crafts a different but intertwined history, showing how the transformation of the Pacific Ocean into a nuclear testing ground was parlayed into governmental projects for the remaking of life itself under the auspices of risk management. Military-backed and government-funded scientific experiments with nuclear and other weapons throughout the Pacific suggest a new phase in US imperial world-making, as the ecologies of waters, islands, sea creatures, and Pacific Islanders were turned into experimental materials for modeling shifts in social and ecological forms of governance. When environmental protections take for granted concepts such as enclosure, risk management, and Enlightenment formulations of property-owning and rights-bearing subjects, they manifest a settler environmentalism that too easily paves the way for capitalist regeneration under the aegis of eco-development projects rather than systemic change that understands human, nonhuman, and environment to be always already in relation. To break from perpetually extractive relations to land, sea, and life, Kathy Jetñil-Kijiner's video poem "Anointed" models how environmental futures must reckon with the causes of past and ongoing harm, and this essay concludes with a brief reflection on this poet-activist's work.

Identifies the major environmental groups which mobilized against two major water transfer schemes in Soviet Central Asia. Partial contents: Utilitarian environmentalism: the obstacles to conservation; Populist environmentalism: participation reconsidered; Nationalist environmentalism: back to the village.