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Exiles have long been transformative actors in their homelands: they foment revolution, sustain dissent, and work to create political identities back home. Rather than focus on what exiles mean for the countries they enter, this book recognises their political and moral agency, and explores their relationship to the communities they have left.

The study examined whether adolescents' tendency to employ informational, or normative identity-processing style predicts their perceived effectiveness of different political activities. Data were taken from the broader longitudinal study conducted in the Czech Republic, and included reports from 179 participants (Time 1 = age 17; Time 2 = age 19). Path analyses suggested that adolescents who sought information tended to perceive non-traditional political activity (e.g., in civic organizations) as effective, while participants' normative conformism predicted disbelief in direct activity (e.g., petitions). Perceived effectiveness of traditional activity (e.g., voting) reflected adolescents' actual political trust rather than their identity-processing styles. These results complement previous findings on the correlates of identity-processing styles and adolescents' political thinking.

AbstractThis article examines candidates' perceptions of political party services provided in state legislative campaigns using survey data from seven states in 1994. I find that candidates generally do not feel that party assistance is very helpful, although multivariate analyses show that this varies systematically with state context and district-level competition. The influence of campaign financing on candidate perceptions is particularly important. In districts where candidates spend similar amounts on their campaigns, candidates believe parties provide greater assistance. My findings suggest that parties target campaign services to candidates in the same way that they target financial contributions, focusing on districts where these resources are most likely to affect the election outcome.

'Expect Us' focuses on four online communities - Anonymous (4chan.org), The Pirate Bay, World of Warcraft, and the IGN.com posting boards. In all of these members engaged deeply with political issues in a range of ways. However, only two of the communities mobilised politically. If political behaviour occurred on all four communities, why did only two of these sites foster political mobilisation among their participants? Using ethnographic methods, Beyer argues that key structural features about the birthplaces of the four communities shaped the type of political behaviour that emerged from each.

Die vorliegende Arbeit beruht auf der Beobachtung, dass in der Geflüchtetenarbeit (GA) vor allem Frauen aktiv sind und stellt die Frage, welche Rolle Geschlecht in der GA spielt und wie die weiblichen Ehrenamtlichen ihre Arbeit mit den Geflüchteten erfahren. Besonderes Augenmerk liegt auf der Wahrnehmung von Unterschiedlichkeit und Gemeinsamkeit. Ein dritter Schwerpunkt liegt auf den Strategien, die weibliche Ehrenamtliche einsetzen, um Differenz in der Arbeit mit Geflüchteten zu überwinden. Das erste Paper analysiert zwei quantitative Studien mit deutschen Ehrenamtlichen in der Geflüchtetenhilfe. Es zeigt, dass GA als eine Form von "Care Work" verstanden werden kann, die von Care-Ethik beeinflusst ist. An zweiter Stelle ergab die Analyse, dass vor allem weibliche Freiwillige ihr Engagement auch als gesellschaftspolitischen Einsatz gegen Fremdenfeindlichkeit und Rassismus sahen. Somit argumentiert das Paper, dass GA entgegen traditionellen Annahmen in der Forschungsliteratur eine Form von politischer Partizipation von Frauen darstellt. Das zweite Paper konzentriert sich auf die direkte Beziehung mit Geflüchteten und basiert auf 22 qualitativen Interviews mit weiblichen Ehrenamtlichen. Sozialpsychologischen Annahmen folgend, dass eine gemeinsame Identität zur Verringerung von Vorurteilen beiträgt, zeigt es auf, wie die Studienteilnehmerinnen Verbundenheit mit Geflüchteten herstellten. Demgegenüber betonen poststrukturalistische, postkoloniale und feministische Theorieansätze die Bedeutung von Differenz, die Konstruktionen von Gemeinsamkeit immer wieder durchschneidet. Schließlich führt das dritte Paper den politischen Care-Ansatz und die Herausforderung durch Differenz zusammen und legt dar, wie weibliche Ehrenamtliche in der GA Differenz mithilfe care-ethischer Grundsätze zu Integration aushandeln. Das Paper bezieht sich auf Care-Ethik, die auf Beziehungen und Verantwortung als zentralen ethischen Maximen beruht und entwickelt die Idee einer 'caring integration'. ; In German refugee support work (RSW), women comprise the majority of the volunteers. Therefore, this PhD project focuses on the experiences, motivations and attitudes of female volunteers in RSW from three angles. Apart from investigating the role of gender in RSW, it studies constructions of sameness and difference and how the female volunteers resolve the latter in their daily work. The first paper analyses two quantitative studies on German volunteers in RSW. It first establishes that RSW can be conceptualised as a form of care work influenced by care ethics, which potentially forms one motive for women to be drawn to volunteering. Secondly, female volunteers also interpret their voluntary care work politically and employ it as a tool to speak out against racism and right-wing mobilisation. The paper thus demonstrates that contrary to traditional assumptions in the literature, RSW constitutes a form of political participation for women and argues that care and politics are not mutually exclusive. The second paper takes a closer look at the actual experience of female volunteers in RSW based on 22 qualitative interviews. Following social-psychological ideas of a common identity facilitating prejudice reduction, the paper first illustrates how the volunteers form bonds with refugees. However, in a second step it employs poststructural, feminist and postcolonial theory to demonstrate how difference continually intersects and disrupts these constructions of sameness. Finally, the third paper argues that female volunteers in RSW negotiate difference by following a care-ethical approach to integration. Based on the feminist ethics of care which centres on relationships and responsibility, the paper develops the theme of a 'caring integration'. In addition, it investigates to what extent this notion can be found in the actual practice of female volunteers in refugee support work relying both on the quantitative and qualitative data.

This fresh look at Canadian women's political engagement during the Cold War reveals that whether they were on the "left" or "right" end of the political spectrum, women were motivated by similar concerns and the desire to forge a new vision for their nation.

These essays examine women's political representation in Eastern Europe, particularly since the fall of the Berlin Wall. In addition to shedding light on the democratization of Eastern Europe, the volume explores a range of theories of democratic representation.

Critics contend that corporations subvert democracy by using their economic resources to lobby for corporate-friendly policies and to elect accommodating politicians.' Those who take a more sanguine view-notably, a majority of the Supreme Court-reject the claim that corporate dollars corrupt the political process. Yet, there is general agreement that corporate political activity includes financial contributions, lobbying efforts, participation in trade groups, and political advertising, all of which give corporations a "voice" in public decisionmaking. This Essay contends that the accepted definition of corporate political activity is too narrow and overlooks the importance of "exit." When faced with objectionable laws or regulations, corporations can take their business elsewhere. Consequently, in order to preserve jobs and tax revenue, elected officials often cater to corporate interests. Put differently, exit gives corporations, individually and collectively, the leverage to influence public choices. The ongoing fight for LGBT civil rights provides a striking example of the power of corporate exit.' By making clear that they are unwilling to do business in places that deny equal treatment to LGBT people, corporations have been instrumental in defeating proposed state laws that would restrict transgender bathroom access or permit business owners to refuse services to gay, lesbian, or transgender people. For example, after corporations signaled their intention to remove business from the state, Georgia's governor vetoed a bill that would have legalized discrimination against same-sex couples. Although a question of democratic legitimacy arises when corporations stand between public officials and the will of the majority, we argue that corporate exit should be understood as a part of the democratic process. When conventional political channels are inaccessible, citizens can harness corporate economic power instead. Corporations are not democratic institutions, but they answer to consumers, employees, investors, ...

The article is devoted to the highlighting of different discourse peculiarities on football-related subcultures. Football fanatism and football hooliganism actualize in Ukrainian official discourse only according to International and National football tournaments or certain football matches. European tendencies and National characteristics of discourses on football-related subcultures are defined in media context. Social and political activity of football-related subcultures is typical for Central and Eastern Europe. It affects social perception of football-related subcultures. The conclusion is that opinionated social attitude towards football-related subcultures changed to a general positive attitude toward domestic «ulrtas» and the overwhelming majority of their actions receive a positive assessment in the Ukrainian media space. ; Определены особенности различных дискурсов, связанных с околофутбольными субкультурами. В украинском официальном дискурсе футбольный фанатизм и футбольный хулиганизм актуализируются только в контексте международных и общенациональных футбольных турниров или отдельных футбольных матчей. В контексте посвящённого околофутбольным субкультурам медийного дискурса определены общеевропейские тенденции и отечественные особенности. На восприятие околофутбольных субкультур влияей их общественно-политическая активность, которая характерна для стран Центральной и Восточной Европы. Сделан вывод о том, что пренебрежительное отношение к околофутбольным субкультурам в общественном сознании изменилось на обще положительное отношение к отечественным «ультрас», а подавляющее большинство их действий в медийном пространстве Украины получает положительную оценку. ; Визначено особливості різних дискурсів щодо навколофутбольних субкультур. В українському офіційному дискурсі футбольний фанатизм та футбольний хуліганізм актуалізуються лише в контексті міжнародних та загальнонаціональних футбольних турнірів чи окремих футбольних матчів. В контексті медійного дискурсу щодо навколофутбольних субкультур визначено загальноєвропейські тенденції та вітчизняні особливості. На сприйняття навколофутбольних субкультур впливає іхня суспільно-політична активність, яка характерна для країн Центральної та Східної Європи. Зроблено висновок про те, що зверхнє ставлення до навколофутбольних субкультур в суспільній свідомості змінилося на узагальнене позитивне ставлення до вітчизняних «ультрас», а переважна більшість їхніх дій в медійному просторі України отримує позитивну оцінку.

For many Americans, participation in community organizations lays the groundwork for future political engagement. But how does this traditional model of civic life relate to the experiences of today's immigrants? Do community organizations help immigrants gain political influence in their neighborhoods and cities? In Civic Hopes and Political Realities, experts from a wide range of disciplines explore the way civic groups across the country and around the world are shaping immigrants' quest for political effectiveness. Civic Hopes and Political Realities shows that while immigrant organizations play an important role in the lives of members, their impact is often compromised by political marginalization and a severe lack of resources. S. Karthick Ramakrishnan and Irene Bloemraad examine community organizations in six cities in California and find that even in areas with high rates of immigrant organizing, policymakers remain unaware of local ethnic organizations. Looking at new immigrant destinations, Kristi Andersen finds that community organizations often serve as the primary vehicle for political incorporation -- a role once played by the major political parties. Floris Vermeulen and Maria Berger show how policies in two European cities lead to very different outcomes for ethnic organizations. Amsterdam's more welcoming multicultural policies help immigrant community groups attain a level of political clout that similar organizations in Berlin lack. Janelle Wong, Kathy Rim, and Haven Perez report on a study of Latino and Asian American evangelical churches. While the church shapes members' political views on issues such as abortion and same-sex marriage, church members may also question the evangelical movement's position on such issues as civil rights and immigration. Els de Graauw finds that many non-profit organizations without explicitly political agendas nonetheless play a crucial role in advancing the political interests of their immigrant members. Recent cuts in funding for such organizations, she argues, block not only the provision of key social services, but also an important avenue for political voice. Looking at community organizing in a suburban community, Sofya Aptekar finds that even when immigrant organizations have considerable resources and highly educated members, they tend to be excluded from town politics. Some observers worry that America's increasing diversity is detrimental to civic life and political engagement. Civic Hopes and Political Realities boldly advances an alternative understanding of the ways in which immigrants are enriching America's civic and political realms -- even in the face of often challenging circumstances. S. KARTHICK RAMAKRISHNAN is associate professor of political science at the University of California, Riverside. IRENE BLOEMRAAD is assistant professor of sociology at the University of California, Berkeley. CONTRIBUTORS: Kristi Andersen, Sofya Aptekar, Maria Berger, Irene Bloemraad, Caroline B. Brettell, Els de Graauw, Shannon Gleeson, Rebecca Hamlin, Rahsaan Maxwell, Haven Perez, S. Karthick Ramakrishnan, Deborah Reed-Danahay, Kathy Rim, Laurencio Sanguino, Floris Vermeulen, Celia Viramontes, and Janelle Wong.