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AbstractThis article turns to postcolonial Mexico to analyze the importance of Indigenous political thought for the transformation of radical republicanism during the Age of Revolutions. I argue that Mexican insurgents deployed Indigenous genealogies to instantiate what I call "restorative revolution," a form of revolutionary thinking that prioritized memorialization over absolute foundation. Mexico's restorative project began with calls for the return of the Anáhuac Empire, an Indigenous genealogy that memorialized histories of popular self‐rule to legitimize postcolonial demands. I suggest that the Anáhuac movement transformed the principles of radical republican thought by mobilizing around religious, plebeian, and hemispheric identities. Each of these characteristics problematizes dominant interpretations of republicanism as a secular, elite, and national enterprise. This article uses popular objects and archival ephemera to illustrate the importance of engaging with the political contributions of marginalized groups from the spaces, practice, and languages they used to envision postcolonial emancipation in collective terms.

Since the 1970s there has been increased focus by institutions, government, and Indigenous nations on improving Aboriginal peoples participation and success in Canadian higher education; however disparity continues to be evident in national statistics of educational attainment, social determinants of health, and socio-economic status of Aboriginal compared
to non-Aboriginal Canadians. For instance, post-secondary attainment for Aboriginal peoples is still only 8% compared to 20% of the rest of Canada (Statistics Canada, 2008, 2013). A challenge within higher education has been creating the space within predominately Euro-Western defined and ascribed structures, academic disciplines, policies, and practices to create meaningful spaces for Indigenous peoples. Indigenization is a movement centering Indigenous knowledges and ways of being within the academy, in essence transforming institutional initiatives, such as policy, curricular and co-curricular programs, and practices to support Indigenous success and empowerment. Drawing on research
projects that span the last 10 years, this article celebrates the pockets of success within institutions and identifies areas of challenge to Indigenization that moves away from the tokenized checklist response, that merely tolerates Indigenous knowledge(s), to one where Indigenous knowledge(s) are embraced as part of the institutional fabric. (author's abstract)

This essay reviews the following works: Beyond Civil Society: Activism, Participation, and Protest in Latin America. Edited by Sonia E. Alvarez, Jeffrey W. Rubin, Millie Thayer, Gianpaolo Baiocchi, and Agustín Laó-Montes. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2017. Pp. xvi + 386 pages. paperback. ISBN: 9780822373353. Social Protests in Colombia: A History, 1958–1990: Social Movements in the Americas. By Mauricio Archila Neira. Translated by Camilo Ordoñez-Zambrano; foreword by A. Ricardo López-Pedreros. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2019. Pp. xx + 375. hardcover. ISBN: 9781498558877. Estado de malestar y tradiciones de lucha: Genealogía del movimiento piquetero de Tartagal-Mosconi, 1930–2001. By José Daniel Benclowitz. Buenos Aires: Biblos, 2013. ISBN: 9789876911146. Policing Protest in Argentina and Chile. By Michelle D. Bonner. Boulder, CO: First Forum Press, 2014. Pp. xiv + 249. hardcover. ISBN: 9781935049869. Where Are the Unions? Workers and Social Movements in Latin America, the Middle East and Europe. Edited by Sian Lazar. London: Zed Books, 2017. Pp. 296. paperback. ISBN: 9781783609895. Protest State: The Rise of Everyday Contention in Latin America. By Mason W. Moseley. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018. Pp. xvi + 241. hardcover. ISBN: 9780190694005. The Poor's Struggle for Political Incorporation: The Piquetero Movement in Argentina. By Federico M. Rossi. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017. Pp. 341. paperback. ISBN: 9781107525986. Indigenous Women's Movements in Latin America: Gender and Ethnicity in Peru, Mexico, and Bolivia. By Stéphanie Rousseau and Anahi Morales Hudon. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017. Pp. 225. ISBN: 9781349950621. Popular Movements in Autocracies: Religion, Repression, and Indigenous Collective Action in Mexico. By Guillermo Trejo. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014. Pp. 339. ISBN: 9780521197724.

This essay reviews the following works: Beyond Civil Society: Activism, Participation, and Protest in Latin America. Edited by Sonia E. Alvarez, Jeffrey W. Rubin, Millie Thayer, Gianpaolo Baiocchi, and Agustín Laó-Montes. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2017. Pp. xvi + 386 pages. $29.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780822373353. Social Protests in Colombia: A History, 1958–1990: Social Movements in the Americas. By Mauricio Archila Neira. Translated by Camilo Ordoñez-Zambrano; foreword by A. Ricardo López-Pedreros. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2019. Pp. xx + 375. $120.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9781498558877. Estado de malestar y tradiciones de lucha: Genealogía del movimiento piquetero de Tartagal-Mosconi, 1930–2001. By José Daniel Benclowitz. Buenos Aires: Biblos, 2013. ISBN: 9789876911146. Policing Protest in Argentina and Chile. By Michelle D. Bonner. Boulder, CO: First Forum Press, 2014. Pp. xiv + 249. $75.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9781935049869. Where Are the Unions? Workers and Social Movements in Latin America, the Middle East and Europe. Edited by Sian Lazar. London: Zed Books, 2017. Pp. 296. $25.00 paperback. ISBN: 9781783609895. Protest State: The Rise of Everyday Contention in Latin America. By Mason W. Moseley. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018. Pp. xvi + 241. $78.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9780190694005. The Poor's Struggle for Political Incorporation: The Piquetero Movement in Argentina. By Federico M. Rossi. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017. Pp. 341. $31.99 paperback. ISBN: 9781107525986. Indigenous Women's Movements in Latin America: Gender and Ethnicity in Peru, Mexico, and Bolivia. By Stéphanie Rousseau and Anahi Morales Hudon. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017. Pp. 225. ISBN: 9781349950621. Popular Movements in Autocracies: Religion, Repression, and Indigenous Collective Action in Mexico. By Guillermo Trejo. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014. Pp. 339. ISBN: 9780521197724.

Sobre el complejo y heterogéneo, pero al mismo tiempo poco conocido, contexto pluriétnico hondureño el artículo describe y analiza los elementos culturales fundamentales de los chortís, una minoría indígena de tradición maya emparentada con otros pueblos hermanos de Guatemala. Los movimientos de revitalización de la etnia a nivel cultural, político y religioso se enfrentan a fenómenos de resistencia y negociación tanto con los poderes locales y estatales como con los procesos imparables de la globalización. ; This article concerns the complex and heterogeneous, but at the same time little-known, plural ethnic context in Honduras. The article describes and analyses the fundamental cultural elements of the Chortís, an indigenous minority of the Mayan tradition, related to other family groups of Guatemala. Movements towards the ethnic, cultural, political, and religious revitalization face acts of resistance and denial from the state and local authorities as well from the irresistible processes of globalisation. ; Grupo de Investigación Antropología y Filosofía (SEJ-126). Universidad de Granada

In the post 9/11 world, Canada can no longer be perceived as a safe resource base for supporters of anti-state political terrorism. As a signatory to international conventions against terrorism and its financing, Canada has mandated its National Security agencies to target groups, such as the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), who, prior to 9/11, freely operated within Canada. Still, the LTTE, who have fought a civil war against the Sinhalese authorities of Sri Lanka, have historically enjoyed substantial financial support amongst the more than 200,000 Tamil expatriates living in Canada. This major paper examines the causes that compel many Tamil Canadians to continue to fund the LTTE despite enjoying relative economic and social stability in Canada. Central to this major paper is a survey administered to Tamil Canadians that examined the nature of the nationalistic sentiments felt towards the motherland and towards the general objectives of the LTTE. It will be argued that despite these sentiments, Tamil Canadians have a strong desire to find a peaceful solution to the conflict. This major paper will conclude by exploring how Tamil Canadians and Canada can work together to eliminate financial support to the LTTE and bring peace to Sri Lanka. As this major paper was being submitted for final approval, the LTTE leader and some of his commanders were killed by the Sri Lankan Army, who claimed a complete military victory over the LTTE. However, despite the government's euphoria over the apparent end of the conventional war, the fight against terrorism is far from over.

In the post 9/11 world, Canada can no longer be perceived as a safe resource base for supporters of anti-state political terrorism. As a signatory to international conventions against terrorism and its financing, Canada has mandated its National Security agencies to target groups, such as the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), who, prior to 9/11, freely operated within Canada. Still, the LTTE, who have fought a civil war against the Sinhalese authorities of Sri Lanka, have historically enjoyed substantial financial support amongst the more than 200,000 Tamil expatriates living in Canada. This major paper examines the causes that compel many Tamil Canadians to continue to fund the LTTE despite enjoying relative economic and social stability in Canada. Central to this major paper is a survey administered to Tamil Canadians that examined the nature of the nationalistic sentiments felt towards the motherland and towards the general objectives of the LTTE. It will be argued that despite these sentiments, Tamil Canadians have a strong desire to find a peaceful solution to the conflict. This major paper will conclude by exploring how Tamil Canadians and Canada can work together to eliminate financial support to the LTTE and bring peace to Sri Lanka. As this major paper was being submitted for final approval, the LTTE leader and some of his commanders were killed by the Sri Lankan Army, who claimed a complete military victory over the LTTE. However, despite the government's euphoria over the apparent end of the conventional war, the fight against terrorism is far from over.

Valerie Alia's book, The New Media Nation: Indigenous Peoples and Global Communication (New York: Berghahn Books, 2012, 270 pp.), points the way to major communication breakthroughs for traditional communities around the world, in turn fostering a more democratic media discourse. From Canada to Japan, and Australia to Mexico, this ambitious and wide-reaching work examines a broad international movement that at once protects ancient languages and customs but also communicates to audiences across countries, oceans, and political boundaries. The publication is divided roughly into five sections: The emergence of a global vision for Indigenous communities scattered around the world; government policy obstacles and opportunities; lessons from Canada, where Indigenous media efforts have been particularly dynamic; the global surge in television, radio and other technological media advances; and finally the longterm prospects and aspirations for Indigenous media. By laying out such a comprehensive groundwork for the rise of global Indigenous media over a variety of formats, particularly over the past century, Alia shows how recent social media breakthroughs such as the highly successful #IdleNoMore movement - a sustained online protest by Canada's First Nations peoples - have been in fact inevitable. The world's Indigenous communities have leveraged media technologies to overcome geographic isolation, to foster new linkages with Indigenous populations globally, and ultimately to mitigate structural power imbalances exacerbated by non-Indigenous media and other institutions. (author's abstract)

During the past three decades, a broad grassroots movement of native American organizations has coalesced in Ecuador around the struggle for land, civil rights, and cultural identity. The signs of their success can be seen in the titling of communal land claims, the proliferation of bilingual education and literacy programs, the reclamation of native musical and art expressions and, most significantly, in the determination of indigenous peoples to exercise their rights as citizens within Ecuadorian society

The main agenda of the indigenous movement is fighting for political and cultural rights of ethnic minority communities in accordance with unique historical and cultural practices that they have. As Kymlicka said, minority rights must also be fought because they are on a system that is governed by the majority who pretend to produce injustice. Sami Indigenous Movement in Norway is a form of a long struggle to obtain the right independently to manage natural resources. Currently Sami struggling to maintain the uniqueness of the cultural identity and living practices that have been owned for generations. This paper would like to see the establishment of indigenous peoples' movement Sami in Norway as well as the practice of social movements committed to demanding social change related to self-governance and autonomy of management of natural resources.Keywords: Indigenous Movement, Sami People, Identity, Otonomy,Natural Resource ManagementAbstrakAgenda utama dalam gerakan adat atau indigenous movement adalah memperjuangkan hak politik dan budaya komunitas etnis yang menjadi minoritas sesuai dengan keunikan historis serta praktik budaya yang mereka miliki. Seperti yang dikatakan oleh Kymlicka, bahwa hak-hak minoritas juga harus diperjuangkan karena mereka berada pada sistem yang diatur oleh mayoritas yang berpretensi menghasilkan ketidakadilan. Gerakan Masyarakat Adat Sami di Norwegia merupakan bentuk perjuangan panjang untuk memperoleh hak secara mandiri untuk mengelola sumber daya alam. Saat ini masyarakat Sami berjuang untuk mempertahankan keunikan identitas budaya dan praktik hidup yang telah dimiliki secara turun temurun. Tulisan ini ingin melihat pembentukan gerakan masyarakat adat Sami di Norwegia serta praktik gerakan sosial yang dilakukan untuk menuntut perubahan sosial terkait dengan self-governancedan otonomi pengelolaan sumber daya alam.Kata kunci: Gerakan Masyarakat Adat, Sami, Identitas, Otonomi, Pengelolaan Sumber DayaAlam

Over the last two decades, the concept of 'the commons' has been rediscovered as a powerful organizing principle in social movements, radical political thought, and critical theory. The concept of commoning has also been adopted within discussions of migration and critical mobilities research. This article will first trace some of these emerging ideas of commoning as a relational practice found in many political mobilizations around 'reclaiming the commons'. Then it will turn to approaches to commoning that seek to complicate Euro-American histories by centering Indigenous practices of radical commoning, Caribbean and African diaspora mobile commoning, and recent concepts such as undercommons, queer commons, and migrant mobile commoning. The article asks: How can such practices of radical mobile commoning help us envision ways to unmake the existing violent settlings and destructive im/mobilities of enclosure, coloniality, imperialism, and capitalist extraction?

Anticolonial struggles of the interwar epoch were haunted by the question of how to construct an educational practice for all future citizens of postcolonial states. In what ways, vanguard intellectuals asked, would citizens from diverse subaltern situations be equally enabled to participate in a nonimperial society and world? In circumstances of cultural and social crisis imposed by colonialism, these vanguards sought to refashion modern structures and technologies of public education by actively relating them to residual indigenous collective forms.In Indigenous Vanguards, Ben Conisbee Baer provides a theoretical and historical account of literary engagements with structures and representations of public teaching and learning by cultural vanguards in the colonial world from the 1920s to the 1940s. He shows how modernizing educative projects existed in complex tension with impulses to indigenize national liberation movements, and how this tension manifests as a central aspect of modernist literary practice. Offering new readings of figures such as Alain Locke, Léopold Senghor, Aimé Césaire, D. H. Lawrence, Rabindranath Tagore, Mahatma Gandhi, and Tarashankar Bandyopadhyay, Baer discloses the limits and openings of modernist representations as they attempt to reach below the fissures of class that produce them. Establishing unexpected connections between languages and regions, Indigenous Vanguards is the first study of modernism and colonialism that encompasses the decisive way public education transformed modernist aesthetics and vanguard politics

"Bolivia and the Challenges of a Plurinational Democracy" published on by Oxford University Press.