Ethnic Conflict: Religion, Identity, and Politics
In: International politics, Band 41, Heft 3, S. 430-439
ISSN: 1384-5748
6155921 Ergebnisse
Sortierung:
In: International politics, Band 41, Heft 3, S. 430-439
ISSN: 1384-5748
In: Mobilization: the international quarterly review of social movement research, Band 16, Heft 1, S. 124-125
ISSN: 1086-671X
In: Nato's sixteen nations: independent review of economic, political and military power, Band 29, Heft 3, S. 22-26
ISSN: 0169-1821
World Affairs Online
In: Morality and the meaning of life 14
In: Parliamentary history, Band 12, Heft 3, S. 287-295
ISSN: 1750-0206
The Politics of Religion in Restoration England. Edited by Tim Harris, Paul Seaward and Mark Goldie From Persecution to Toleration. The Glorious Revolution and Religion in England. Edited by Ole Peter Grell, Jonathan I. Israel and Nicholas Tyacke. The Restoration Church of England, 1646–1689. By John Spurr
In: Religion in der pluralistischen Öffentlichkeit, S. 51-65
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 63, Heft 4, S. 1264-1267
ISSN: 0022-3816
In: Canadian journal of political science: CJPS = Revue canadienne de science politique : RCSP, Band 32, Heft 3, S. 551-568
ISSN: 0008-4239
In Australia, religion historically has been seen as a secondary but nonetheless significant sociopolitical cleavage, in part cutting across the class divide. In recent times, Australian scholars, like those elsewhere, have been inclined to argue that the political significance of religion is a legacy of the past & that religion no longer plays an important role in shaping mass political behavior. Although class is also said to have declined in political significance, it is still treated as being of some importance as a cornerstone of the party system. However, many scholars seem more willing to dismiss the relevance of religion altogether. Using sample survey data collected over more than 25 years, this article examines the role of religion in modern Australian electoral politics & assesses the adequacy of such arguments. 6 Tables, 4 Figures, 31 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politics and religion: official journal of the APSA Organized Section on Religion and Politics, Band 12, Heft 4, S. 577-605
ISSN: 1755-0491
AbstractWe conduct a multilevel examination of the relationship between religiosity and democratic citizenship norms and behaviors using International Social Survey Program data. We analyze how democratic engagement varies according to individual and national average religious involvement in 28 predominantly-Christian democracies. We find that (1) individual-level religious attendance is positively linked to both what people say (norms) and what they do (participation); (2) nations with higher aggregate national attendance participate less politically; and (3) the relationship between individual-level religious engagement and citizenship varies by national religious context. More specifically, individual religious attendance matters more where it is more distinctive (i.e., in more secular countries). Individual-level religious participation is generally conducive to citizenship, but its impact is context-dependent.
In: Terrorism and political violence, Band 17, Heft 3, S. 293-303
ISSN: 1556-1836
In: Nations and nationalism: journal of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism, Band 19, Heft 1, S. 1-20
ISSN: 1469-8129
Language and religion are arguably the two most socially and politically consequential domains of cultural difference in the modern world. Yet there have been very few efforts to compare the two in any sustained way. I begin by aligning language and religion, provisionally, with ethnicity and nationhood, and by sketching five ways in which language and religion are both similar to and similarly intertwined with ethnicity and nationhood. I then identify a series of key differences between language and religion and draw out their implications for the political accommodation of cultural heterogeneity. I show that religious pluralism tends to be more intergenerationally robust and more deeply institutionalised than linguistic pluralism in western liberal democracies, and I argue that religious pluralism entails deeper and more divisive forms of diversity. The upshot is that religion has tended to displace language as the cutting edge of contestation over the political accommodation of cultural difference -- a striking reversal of the longer-term historical process through which language had previously displaced religion as the primary focus of contention. Adapted from the source document.
In: Perspectives on politics: a political science public sphere, Band 10, Heft 1, S. 160-163
ISSN: 1537-5927
In: Patterns of prejudice: a publication of the Institute for Jewish Policy Research and the American Jewish Committee, Band 22, Heft 3, S. 54-56
ISSN: 1461-7331